When the Church of England came to America, it sought to embrace all of the people, without respect to race. Despite the difficulties and unfavorable conditions the very early records of parish churches disclose the fact that babes of African descent were brought to Holy Baptism and incorporated into the Church of Christ. The children of the slaves or servant class, were diligently instructed in the Church Catechism, and, at the proper time, brought to the Bishop for Confirmation. That is, after the Church in this country had received the Episcopate. But it must be remembered that the Episcopate was not obtained until the year 1787. The English Society for the propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts manifested a special interest in providing for the religious instruction of the slave population in the American colonies. The white population in these colonies were not all of the same class or quality. Nor were the more numerous elements especially friendly to the Church of England and her method of presentation of the Gospel. Under such circumstances it was not at all strange that there was widespread indifference with respect to the religious training of the slave population. And, then, at the first, there was a general feeling that Baptism operated in converting the slave into a free man. Until the consciences of many were satisfied that Baptism did not destroy the relation of master and slave, but little progress was made in the conversion of the slaves to Christianity. All along there were those whose tender consciences suffered no change in this matter, and gradually, many manumissions ensued. By degrees, owing largely to this conviction, there came into being an ever increasing class of “free Negroes.” A number of very sincere white Christians in their last will and testament set free forever their slaves. Then, in the North, following the Revolutionary War, there was a general, or gradual, emancipation of slaves. It is from this period that formal organizations among the colored people date. From then on to the Civil War, the record of organized Church life among the people of African descent is confined almost exclusively to the Northern States, where the largest number of “free Negroes” resided. In the South the religious instruction of the colored people was carried on under varying forms. Usually the black people of a particular plantation who attended any religious instruction gave in their adhesion to the same religious faith of their masters. In a number of the white churches there was always “the Negro gallery” for the slaves. In some places where the slaves were exceedingly numerous special chapels were erected for them in which they were diligently gathered and instructed. Uniformly white ministers were placed over these chapels. But, simultaneously with these special chapels, and “the Negro gallery” in white churches, there came into being an “invisible” institution among the slaves, which, to them, was the real thing, despite their formal attendance upon the ministrations of white ministers. This institution was the native Negro Church, the great conservator of religious fervor and zeal among the black people of the South. This institution produced the famous “ante-bellum” Negro preacher, the celebrated spiritual songs of the slaves, as well as those beautiful characters known in the old Southern dialect as “the uncles” and “the mammies.” However, altogether, “the Great House” possibly, was the chief civilizer and Christianizer of the black man. But in this connection it must be borne in mind that the blacks reached by “the Great House” were but a fractional part of the great masses. As a rule, the occupants of the mansion house were people of much refinement, education and tenderness. The “great house,” with its elegantly furnished rooms and equipment was constantly the scene of the display of the highest intellectual and social life of the country. Attached to this institution were any number of servants, such as cooks, porters, valets, maids and other attendants. These lived constantly in the midst of the life of “the great house,” and, reflecting the same, were transformed into its likeness. Many of them were the constant attendants of those they served, at balls, theatres, hunting parties, lectures, and, in fact, wherever the people of the great house were, by their sides and at their command were, their black men and women. Their shared in the worship of family prayers and listened to the reading of the Scriptures, and the comments made thereon. They were attentive listeners as they waited in the spacious dining room upon distinguished judges, statesmen and others. And, in many ways, their contact with the great house was to them a university training.

On the other hand the great masses of the black race on plantations, in hard out-door life, were constantly in contact with and lived in the life of the “overseer class,” and “the poor whites,” and reflecting that low coarse and vulgar life, were likewise transformed into its image. After the Civil War the religious life of the colored people of the South assumed a new setting. Rather, the “invisible” Negro Church which had existed all along, became “visible” and began to adjust itself to the changed situation of affairs.

The foregoing observations with respect to the religious life, in general, of the colored people are most helpful, as throwing light upon the situation when we come to narrate the specific effort of the Church in Church extension among the race.

Possibly we can more fully appreciate many of the difficulties in this particuular field if we ever keep in mind that ours is the only one of the great representative religious bodies of this country, which, from first to last, has sought to maintain a comprehensive unity, embracing all sections of the country as well as all races.

Dr. Carter G. Woodson, in his admirable book, “The History of the Negro Church,” (1922), gives an account of a very early effort in South Carolina, which we reproduce as there given:

It is interesting to note that scarcely had the American Church been organized, following the close of the Revolutionary War, when it began immediately to interpret the Catholicity of the Church by creating Negro congregations, and ordaining black men to its Priesthood; when by the ordination of a Negro priest, and creation of a Negro parish, it declared racial organizations to be consistent with the Catholicity of the Church. Within nine years from the consecration of our first Presiding Bishop, Bishop White, in Lambeth Chapel, England, in 1787, our first colored Episcopal parish, in the city of Philadelphia was in successful operation with a membership of over four hundred persons, and a man of the black race had been ordained by Bishop White as the pastor of this congregation.

In that early day through exceptional and remarkable characters of African descent, the shadows of a series of brilliant events were given forth to the world. Necessarily, such characters were few; but, then, it must be remembered that with all of the advantages of the white race there was not a multitude of such exceptional characters among them. With the serious disadvantages and handicaps of the mass of the black race in America, it is, indeed, remarkable that there should arise such conspicuous and able characters among them.

Following the incident in St. George's Church, Philadelphia, the group of people of African descent who had practically been ejected therefrom, got together and on the 12th day of April, 1787, organized the “Free African Society.” Finally this society resolved itself into an “African Church” and later the African Church became St. Thomas Episcopal Church. The story of “The Free African Society” is exceedingly interesting for it furnishes us with the records and doings of the first organized body of people of African descent in this country.

How did this first group of emancipated black people set about to use their freedom? Did they set to work to conserve and improve the morals of their people and cultivate their religious life, or, were they carried away with an extravagant sense of their own importance? Because of the mistreatment they had received from one group of white persons did they rashly run to the conclusion that all white persons were their enemies, or, did they wisely discriminate and carefully seek to ally themselves with the best white people of the community? The records of this venerable and ancient society of black people make unmistakably clear their profound solicitude and deep concern for the moral advance and spiritual interests of the race with whom they were identified.

Naturally, we ask the question, how was it possible, at that early day for any group of Negroes to become possessed of sufficient general knowledge and education requisite for launching even so modest an institution? How was it possible for them to become the pioneers along a line hitherto unexplored by any of their kind? It will be well for us to remember that from the very earliest times, in America, as few as they may have been, there was a class of truly Christian and sympathetic white persons who were unwearied in their devotion to the welfare of the black people. They kindly touched their lives and freely imparted to them every help they could whereby both their mental and moral condition would be affected for good. When, therefore, the first emancipations took place in Pennsylvania, the group of black people thus set free, were ambitious to conserve and improve the good things they had already received. The very name “Free African Society” indicated a separation from the other Africans who were not free. This separation was necessary and it was for the highest good of those yet detained in slavery, as well as for those who had gained their freedom. They would thus become worthy exemplars to the black race yet in bonds. It would beget hope on their part. It would strengthen the hands and hearts of the benevolently disposed whites to do all that was in their power to hasten the time when the fetters would be lifted from all black slaves, and all would be free men.

The people called Quakers and Episcopalians were especially interested in helping to make “the Free African Society” all that it ought to be. Under such circumstances the society started out upon an untried venture and they were much encouraged and helped by the reflection that they could turn at any moment for guidance and help, not simply to white friends, but to the very best and holiest of the white race within their midst. And, even at this late day, the worthy example of our honored forbears in this particular commends itself to our most serious consideration.

The initial effort was in the direction of a benevolent and moral reform association. Through appropriate committees they concerned themselves with every phase of the life of the black people. And, soon, they were in correspondence with similar groups of African people in Boston, Newport, R. I.; New York, and elsewhere, and the epistles which passed between these several African societies reveal the most beautiful moral and religious aspiration. Anything like a spirit of retaliation or a disposition to irritate the whites, was foreign to such communications. In the calm deliberations of this little society of “free Africans,” there was a constantly growing sentiment removing them further and further from the wild and noisy excitement of the Methodists of those times. The Quaker and Episcopal influences which had environed them in their early struggles were daily captivating them. It is, indeed, most inspiring to note that African people just emerging from “the house of bondage” in the very first organization constituted by them should enact:

Early in the life of the Society there appears a case which indicated its firmness in the matter of discipline.

It reads thus: Whereas, Samuel S., one of the members of the Free African Society, held in Philadelphia, for the benefit of the sick, has so shamefully deviated from our known rules, hath often, unnecessarily, left his tender wife and child, and kept company with a common woman, sometimes quarrelling, fighting and swearing, for which he hath been long and tenderly treated with, but he has not forsaken his shameful practices, we therefore, disown the said Samuel S.. from being a member of our society till he condemns the same in life and conversation, which is our desire for him.”

Indicative of the society's desire to welcome the aid of sympathetic white friends in the conduct of its affairs, in the original articles of its constitution is the following:

“We unanimously agree to choose Joseph Clarke to be our Clerk and Treasurer: and whenever another shall succeed him, it is always understood that one of the people called Quakers, belonging to one of the three monthly meetings in Philadelphia, is to be chosen to act as Clerk and Treasurer of this useful institution.”

In one of the epistles from this society to the Boston society is this wise and judicious advice:

Towards the latter part of the year 1792, the Society resolved itself into a Church organization, the style of the corporation being, “The Elders and Deacons of the African Church.” From that time on the body was chiefly concerned in arranging for the erection of a church building. The edifice was occupied for the first time and solemnly dedicated on July 17th, 1794. The clergy of nearly every denomination in the city of Philadelphia, as well as many of the most representative citizens were present at the opening of “The African Church.” Carved on white marble in a conspicuous part of the front of the building were these words: “The people that walked in darkness hath seen a great light”—Isaiah ix:2.

The preacher upon the occasion took the same words for his text. Near the close of this most excellent discourse by the Rev. Dr. Magaw, occur these words:

Thus far, “the African Church” was unconnected with any of the various religious bodies. However, very soon thereafter, the people of the “African Church” determined to unite themselves and their church building with the Episcopal Church, and, the official document declaring such purpose is dated August 12, 1794. But, before doing so, they specified three conditions, which were agreed to by the authorities of the Episcopal Church, viz: They should be received as a body, already organized; they should have guaranteed to them local independence and self-control of their affairs, forever; and, lastly, that one of their number should be licensed as their “Lay Reader,” and, if found fit, ordained as their minister.

The preamble of the historic document declaring their purpose reads as follows:

Definite action was taken upon the part of the authorities of the Episcopal Church as evidenced from the following, from the official record:

On Sunday, October 12, 1794, the Rev. Dr. Blackwell appeared in the pulpit of St. Thomas Church and formally and fully announced the reception of this congregation into the communion of the Episcopal Church.

Shortly thereafter the congregation, through the Trustees, sent in a petition, and request for the ordination of Absalom Jones as their minister. A portion of this petition reads as follows:

The above petition was duly considered by the Bishop and Standing Committee, and action taken as indicated from the following:

The convention which assembled in Christ Church, Philadelphia. June, 2, 1795, acted favorably in these premises, as the following witnesseth:

While St. Thomas Church, Philadelphia, is the first and oldest of colored Episcopal Churches in this country, yet, it must be remembered that the people of St. Thomas were brought up as “Methodists,” and, in maturer life, in a body, conformed to the Church. Absalom Jones, the first pastor of this same congregation, was 49 years of age when ordained to the diaconate. On the other hand the people who first constituted St. Philips Church, New York, had been most carefully trained, and brought up in the worship and ways of the Church. The Rev. Peter Williams, the chief founder, and first pastor, was confirmed in the Church when a youth eighteen years of age, and for quite a while was assistant to the Catechist, having in charge the early training of the people.

Almost from the very beginning Trinity Parish, New York, maintained work among the colored people, and as this work grew in volume steps were taken to gradually prepare the colored group for the active work of a parish, and Church, under the guidance, as well as material assistance, of Trinity Church.

At the time of the founding of St. Philips, 1818, the total population of New York City was about 160,000—12,000 of whom were descendants of the African race. Only sixty colored persons were tax-payers, and only 16 were qualified to vote. Slavery, at that time, had not been entirely abolished, complete emancipation being effective in 1827. As the work of instruction in connection with Trinity Parish invited increasing numbers, for more efficient care a room over a carpenter's shop on Cliff street, now Peck's slip, was secured, and fitted up with only such furniture as was absolutely needed. Sometimes services were held in the evenings, and when such was the case illumination was secured by candles fixed on square blocks and placed at intervals around the room.

A Mr. George Lorrillard, a wealthy New Yorker, being interested in the work, made a lease of a parcel of ground on Collect street, afterwards Center street, to the parish of St. Philips for 60 years, at an annual rental of $250, and at the expiration of this time the land should become the property of the Church. Thus a site for the church building was secured, an effort was now put forth towards the erection of an edifice. In this the congregation was assisted by Trinity Parish, and also by $2400 left through the will of Mr. Jacob Sherred, to aid the congregation in its work. The first building was a frame structure, 60-50. Bishop Hobart spoke in high praise of the new church and mentioned the important fact that the greater part of the work on the building was done by Negro mechanics, which, incidentally, tell of the industrial position of the race, even in that early day. The edifice had galleries on both sides and in front, and contained altogether 144 pews. Its cost was a little over $8,000. The building was solemnly consecrated on the 3rd of July, 1819. The first Baptism in the Church occurred on the 19th of the same month, the name of the child Christened being Samuel Saltus. On the 20th of October of the same year, 1819, the ordination of the Parish's faithful Lay Reader, Mr. Peter Williams, occurred. The Commercial Advertiser, the day following, with respect to the event, said: “Yesterday morning Mr. Peter Williams, Jr., was admitted to the Holy Order of Deacons in St. Philips Church, by the Rt. Rev. Bishop Hobart. The new deacon is a person of color, who, being possessed of good natural parts, has much improved his intellectual faculties by intense study and application, and has written several little tracts, which abundantly show that with God there is no respect of persons. Mr. Williams of unexceptional morals, and his zeal in the cause of our blessed Redeemer is well known, and, it is devoutly to be hoped that he be a useful minister in the Christian Church, and of great service in propagating the Gospel among his African brethren.”

The great joy which the people of St. Philips experienced was destined for a time to be overshadowed by a heavy affliction; for, on the evening of December 8, 1821, a fire broke out and the church was destroyed. Happily it was insured for its full value, and very soon another even more attractive was in course of erection. The second edifice was duly consecrated by Bishop Hobart, December 31, 1822. With this great triumph over difficulties, increased spiritual activity was manifested, which showed itself for several years in large classes presented for Confirmation. On May 7th, 1826, in St. Philips Church, Bishop Hobart Confirmed 115 persons, and in the year 1829, 48 were confirmed and in 1832, 70 received the laying on of hands. On July 10th, 1826, in St. Philips Church, the Rev. Peter Williams was advanced to the Priesthood.

Towards the beginning of the year 1840, the health of the Rev. Mr. Williams began to fail. On the evening of October 18, of the same year, he retired to his rest as usual at his residence, 68 Crosby street, but before the light of another day his spirit had fled. Bishop Onderdonk, who officiated at the funeral in St. Philips Church, remarked, before morning he awoke “not to the light of this world, but to the glorious splendor of Paradise.” A newspaper of that time, said: “The Rev. Peter Williams, Jr., son of Peter Williams, tobacconist, 53 Liberty street, was born in New York City.” It was generally understood that Mr. Williams was more or less a protege of Bishop Hobart. In 1808 he delivered an oration on the African Slave Trade in which he strongly depicted its horrors. By some his claim to the authorship of this oration was doubted, deeming it above his capacity; but Bishop Moore, who understood all the facts in the case, publicly testified to the contrary, and his affidavit accompanied by others, was printed with the oration.

Rev. William Douglass, at that time rector of St. Thomas Church, Philadelphia, in a sermon the next month following his death to his