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        <title><emph>Negro Plot. An Account of the Late Intended Insurrection among a Portion of the Blacks of the City of Charleston, South Carolina:</emph>
Electronic Edition.</title>
        <author>Hamilton, James, 1786-1857</author>
        <funder>Funding from the Library of Congress/Ameritech National Digital Library Competition supported the electronic publication of this title.</funder>
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            <title type="title page">Negro Plot. An Account of the Late Intended Insurrection among a Portion of the Blacks of the City of Charleston, South Carolina</title>
            <author>J. Hamilton, Jun. Intendant</author>
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            <publisher>Printed and Published by Joseph W. Ingraham</publisher>
            <date>1822</date>
            <authority>Published by the Authority of the Corporation of Charleston.</authority>
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    <front>
      <div1 type="title page image">
        <p>
          <figure id="title" entity="hamiltp">
            <p>[Title Page Image]</p>
          </figure>
        </p>
      </div1>
      <titlePage>
        <docEdition>SECOND EDITION.</docEdition>
        <docTitle>
          <titlePart type="main">Negro Plot.</titlePart>
          <titlePart type="subtitle">AN ACCOUNT
<lb/>
OF THE LATE
<lb/>
INTENDED INSURRECTION
<lb/>
AMONG
<lb/>
A PORTION OF THE BLACKS
<lb/>
OF THE
<lb/>
City of Charleston, South Carolina.</titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <docEdition>Published by the Authority of the Corporation of Charleston.</docEdition>
        <docImprint><pubPlace>BOSTON:</pubPlace>
<publisher>PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY JOSEPH W. INGRAHAM,</publisher>
<docDate>1822.</docDate></docImprint>
      </titlePage>
      <div1 type="introduction">
        <pb id="p2" n="2"/>
        <div2 type="letter">
          <head>CITY COUNCIL,</head>
          <opener>
            <dateline>AUGUST 13,1822.</dateline>
          </opener>
          <p>“RESOLVED, That the intendant be requested to prepare for
publication, an account of the late intended insurrection in this
city, with a statement of the trials and such other facts in connexion
with the same as may be deemed of publick interest.”</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="letter">
          <head>TO THE PUBLICK.</head>
          <p>IN complying with the objects of the above resolution, I have
not been insensible to the difficulties and embarrassments necessarily
incident to the subject, as to what it might be politick either to
publish or suppress. With the advice, however, of the corporation,
I have deemed a full publication of the prominent circumstances
of the late commotion, as the most judicious course, as suppression
might assume the appearance of timidity or injustice. Whilst such
a statement is due to the character of our community, and justification
of our laws, there can be no harm in the salutary inculcation
of one lesson, among a <hi rend="italics">certain</hi> portion of our population, that
there is nothing they are bad enough to do, that we are not powerful
enough to punish.</p>
          <closer><signed>J. HAMILTON, JUN. Intendant.</signed>
<dateline>Charleston, August 16, 1822.</dateline></closer>
        </div2>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <div1 type="text">
        <pb id="p3" n="3"/>
        <head>AN ACCOUNT, &amp;c.</head>
        <p>ON Thursday, the 30th of May last, about three
o'clock in the afternoon, the intendant of Charleston
was informed by a gentleman of great respectability,
(who, that morning, had returned from the country,)
that a favourite and confidential slave of his had
communicated to him, on his arrival in town, a conversation
which had taken place at the market on
the Saturday preceding, between himself and a
black man; which afforded strong reasons for believing
that a revolt and insurrection were in contemplation
among a proportion at least of our black population.
The corporation was forthwith summoned
to meet at 5 o'clock, for the purpose of hearing the
narrative of the slave who had given this information
to his master, to which meeting the attendance of his
excellency was solicited; with which invitation he
promptly complied. Between, however, the hours
of 3 and 5 o'clock, the gentleman who had conveyed
the information to the intendant, having again
examined his slave, was induced to believe, that the
negro fellow who had communicated the intelligence
of the intended revolt to the slave in question, belonged
to Messrs. J &amp; D. Paul, Broad street, and resided
in their premises. Accordingly, with a promptitude
worthy of all praise, without waiting for the
interposition of the civil authority, he applied to the Messrs.
Pauls, and had the whole of their male servants
committed to the guardhouse, until the individual
who had accosted the slave of this gentleman,
on the occasion previously mentioned, could be identified
from among them.</p>
        <pb id="p4" n="4"/>
        <p>On the assembly of the corporation at five, the
slave of this gentleman was brought before them,
having previously identified Mr. Paul's William as
the man who had accosted him in the market, he
then related the following circumstances.</p>
        <p>“On Saturday afternoon last (my master being
out of town) I went to market; after finishing my
business, I strolled down the wharf below the fish-market,
from which I observed a small vessel in the
stream with a singular flag; whilst looking at this
object, a black man (Mr. Paul's William) came up to
me and remarking the subject which engaged my
attention, said, I have often seen a flag with the
number 76 on it, but never with 96, before. After
some trifling conversation on this point, he remarked
with considerable earnestness to me, Do you know
something serious is about to take place? To which
I replied, No. Well, said he, there is, and many of
us are determined to right ourselves! I asked him
to explain himself; when he remarked, why, we
are determined to shake off our bondage, and for
this purpose we stand on a good foundation, many
have joined, and if you will go with me, I will show
you the man, who has the list of names, who will
take yours down. I was so much astonished and
horrour-struck at this information, that it was a moment
or two before I could collect myself sufficiently
to tell him I would have nothing to do with this
business, that I was satisfied with my condition, that
I was grateful to my master for his kindness, and
wished no change. I left him instantly, lest, if this
fellow afterwards got into trouble, and I had been
seen conversing with him, in so publick a place, I
might be suspected and thrown into difficulty. I
did not, however, remain easy under the burden of
such a secret, and consequently determined to consult
a free man of colour, named — and to ask
his advice.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref1" rend="sc" target="note1">*</ref>
<note id="note1" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref1"><p>* See the Postscript on page 50.</p></note>
On conferring with this friend, he urged
me with great earnestness to communicate what
<pb id="p5" n="5"/>
had passed between Mr. Paul's man and myself to
my master, and not to lose a moment in so doing.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref2" rend="sc" target="note2">*</ref>
<note id="note2" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref2"><p>* It would be a libel on the liberality and gratitude of this
community to suppose that this man can be <hi rend="italics">overlooked</hi> among
those who are to be rewarded for their fidelity and principle.</p></note>
I took his advice, and not waiting, even for the return
of my master to town, I mentioned it to my
mistress and young master. On the arrival of my
master, he examined me as to what had passed,
and I stated to him what I have mentioned to yourselves.”</p>
        <p>On this witness being dismissed from the presence
of council, the prisoner (William) was examined.
The mode resorted to in his examination
was to afford him no intimation of the subject of
the information which had been lodged against him,
as it was extremely desirable in the first place, to
have the testimony of the other witness corroborated
as to time and place, that, from the confessions
of the prisoner himself, it might appear that he was
at the fish-market at the period stated, and that a
singular flag, flying on board of a schooner, had formed
the subject of his observation. After a vast
deal of equivocation, he admitted all these facts,
but when the rest of his conversation was put home
to him, he flatly denied it, but with so many obvious
indications of guilt, that it was deemed unwise
to discharge him. He was remanded, for the night,
to the guardhouse, it having been decided to subject
him to solitary confinement in the black-hole
of the workhouse, where, on the succeeding morning,
he was to be conveyed.</p>
        <p>On the morning of the 31st, he was again examined
by the attending warden at the guardhouse,
(having, during the night, made some disclosures to
capt. Dove,) on which occasion he admitted all the
conversation which he had held at the fish-market,
with the witness before mentioned, and stated that
he had received his information from Mingo Harth,
<pb id="p6" n="6"/>
who was in possession of the muster-roll of the insurgents.</p>
        <p>With the hope of still further disclosures, William
was conveyed to the workhouse and placed in solitary
confinement. The individuals (Mingo Harth
and Peter Poyas) against whom he gave information,
as those who had communicated to him the
intelligence of the plot for raising an insurrection,
were forthwith taken up by the wardens and their
trunks examined. These fellows behaved with so
much composure and coolness, and treated the
charge, alleged against them, with so much levity—(no writings being found in their chests, containing
the smallest suspicion, excepting an enigmatical
letter,<ref targOrder="U" id="ref3" rend="sc" target="note3">*</ref>
<note id="note3" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref3"><p>* The purport of this letter will be seen by reference to the
trial of Abraham Poyas.</p></note>
which was then too obscure for explanation,
and to which subsequent events only afforded
a clue)—that the wardens (Messrs. Wesner and
Condy) were completely deceived, and had these
men discharged. One of these (Peter Poyas) proved
afterwards, as will appear in the sequel, to be
one of the principal ringleaders in the conspiracy,
on whose courage and sagacity great reliance was
placed.</p>
        <p>Council being still under the conviction that William
Paul was in possession of more information than
he had thought proper to disclose, a committee
was appointed to examine him from time to time,
with the hope of obtaining further intelligence.
Although Peter and Mingo had been discharged,
yet it was deemed advisable to have them watched,
and consequently spies were employed of their own
colour for this purpose, in such a manner as to give
advices of all their movements.</p>
        <p>Things remained in this state for six or seven days,
until about the 8th of June, when William, who had
been a week in solitary confinement, and beginning
<pb id="p7" n="7"/>
to fear that he would soon be led forth to the scaffold,
for summary execution, in an interview with
Mr. Napier, (one of the committee appointed to
examine him,) confessed, that he had for sometime
known of the plot, that it was very extensive, embracing
an indiscriminate massacre of the whites,
and that the blacks were to be headed by an individual,
who carried about him a charm, which rendered
him invulnerable. He stated, that the period
fixed for the rising, was on the second Sunday in
June. This information was without delay conveyed
to his excellency the governour, and council
forthwith convened. Whatever faith we might
have been disposed to place in the unsupported and
equivocal testimony of William, it was not conceived
to be a case in which our doubts should influence
our efforts for preparation and defence. Measures
were consequently promptly taken, to place
the city guard in a state of the utmost efficiency.
Sixteen hundred rounds of ball cartridges were provided,
and the centinels and patrols ordered on duty
with loaded arms. Such had been our fancied security,
that the guard had previously gone on duty
without muskets, with sheathed bayonets and
bludgeons.</p>
        <p>Three or four days now elapsed, and notwithstanding
all our efforts, we could obtain no confirmation
of the disclosure of William, on the contrary,
they seemed to have sustained some invalidation,
from the circumstance of one of the individuals,
(Ned Bennett,) whom he named as a person who
had information in relation to the insurrection,
coming voluntarily to the intendant, and soliciting
an examination, if he was an object of suspicion. In
this stage of the business, it was not deemed advisable
prematurely to press these examinations, as
it might have a tendency to arrest any further developments.</p>
        <p>On the night, however, of Friday the 14th, the
<pb id="p8" n="8"/>
information of William was amply confirmed, and
details infinitely more abundant and interesting afforded.
At 8 o'clock on this evening, the intendant
received a visit from a gentleman who is advantageously
known in this community for his worth and
respectability.</p>
        <p>This gentleman, with an anxiety, which the occasion
was well calculated to beget, stated to the
intendant, that, having the most unbounded confidence
in a faithful slave belonging to his family,
who was distinguished alike for his uncommon intelligence
and integrity, he was induced to inform
him, that rumours were abroad of an intended insurrection
of the blacks, and that it was said, that
this movement had been traced to some of the coloured
members of Dr. Palmer's church, in which
he was known to be a class leader. On being
strongly enjoined to conceal nothing, he, the next
day, Friday the 14th, came to his master, and informed
him, that the fact was really so, that a publick
disturbance was contemplated by the blacks,
and not a moment should be lost in informing the
constituted authorities, as the succeeding Sunday,
the 16th, at 12 o'clock, at night, was the period
fixed for the rising, which, if not prevented, would
inevitably occur at that hour. This slave, it appears,
was in no degree connected with the plot,
but he had an intimate friend, A— (one of his
class) who had been trusted by the conspirators
with the secret, and had been solicited by them to
join their association; to this A— first appeared
to consent, but, on no period, absolutely sent in his
adhesion. According to the statement which he
afterwards made himself to the court, it would
seem that it was a subject of great regret and contrition
with him, that he had ever appeared to lend
his approbation to a scheme so wicked and atrocious,
and that he sought occasion to make atonement,
by divulging the plot, which on the 14th he
<pb id="p9" n="9"/>
did, to the slave of the gentleman in question, his
class leader.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref4" rend="sc" target="note4">*</ref></p>
        <note id="note4" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref4">
          <p>* Most of the black religious communities in this place are
divided into classes, over which a leader is placed, having the
confidence of the pastor of the church.</p>
        </note>
        <p>This gentleman, therefore, mentioned, that his
servant had informed him, that A— <ref targOrder="U" id="ref5" rend="sc" target="note5">†</ref>
<note id="note5" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref5"><p>† This witness gave the information under a pledge, that his
name should not be divulged.</p></note>
had stated,
that about three months ago, Rolla, belonging to
governour Bennett, had communicated to him the
intelligence of the intended insurrection, and had
asked him to join—“That he remarked, in the
event of their rising, they would not be without
help, as the people from San Domingo and Africa
would assist them in obtaining their liberty, if they
only made the motion first themselves. That if
A— wished to know more, he had better attend
their meetings, where all would be disclosed.”
After this, at another interview, Rolla informed
A—, that “the plan was matured, and that on
Sunday night, the 16th June, a force would cross
from James's Island and land on South Bay, march
up and seize the arsenal and guardhouse, that
another body at the same time would seize the
arsenal on the neck, and a third would rendezvous
in the vicinity of his master's mills. They would
then sweep the town with fire and sword, not permitting
a single white soul to escape.”</p>
        <p>As this account was remarkably coincident with
the one given by William, (Mr. Paul's slave,) as the
witnesses could have had no possible communication,
or the story have been the result of preconcert
and combination, the sum of this intelligence was laid
before the governour by 9 o'clock, and by 10 o'clock
the commanding officers of the regiments of the
city militia convened by his excellency's order, at
the residence of the intendant. On this and the
<pb id="p10" n="10"/>
succeeding afternoon, at another meeting of the
same individuals, such measures were determined
on by his excellency, as were deemed best adapted
to the approaching exigency of Sunday night.</p>
        <p>On Sunday, the 16th, at 10 o'clock at night, the
following corps were ordered to rendezvous for
guard.</p>
        <p>Capt. Cattel's corps of <hi rend="italics">hussars</hi>, Capt. Miller's
<hi rend="italics">light infantry</hi>, Capt. Martindale's <hi rend="italics">neck rangers</hi>,
<hi rend="italics">Charleston riflemen</hi>, <hi rend="italics">city guard</hi>.</p>
        <p>The whole were organized as a detachment, and
placed under the command of col. R. Y. Hayne.
Although there was necessarily great excitement,
and among the female part of our community much
alarm, yet the night passed off without any thing
like commotion or disturbance, and it is peculiarly
honourable to the corps on service, that in a populous
town, the streets filled until a late hour with
persons, uncertain whether it was safe to go to <hi rend="italics">rest</hi>
or <hi rend="italics">not</hi>, not a single case of false alarm was excited.
A steadiness, altogether praiseworthy, in troops unaccustomed
to guard duty, at least on an occasion
involving such deep interest and distressing anxiety.</p>
        <p>The conspirators finding the whole town encompassed
at 10 o'clock, by the most vigilant patrols,
did not dare to show themselves, whatever might
have been their plans. In the progress of the subsequent
investigation, it was distinctly in proof, that
but for these military demonstrations, the effort would
unquestionably have been made; that a meeting took
place on Sunday afternoon, the 16th, at 4 o'clock, of
several of the ringleaders, at Denmark Vesey's, for
the purpose of making their preliminary arrangements,
and that early in the morning of Sunday,
Denmark despatched a courier, to order down some
country negroes from Goose Creek, which courier
had endeavoured in vain to get out of town.</p>
        <p>No development of the plot having been made
on Sunday night, and the period having passed,
<pb id="p11" n="11"/>
which was fixed on for its explosion, it now became
the duty of the civil authority to take immediate
steps for the apprehension, commitment, and trial
of those against whom they were in possession of
information. Council was accordingly convened,
and as a preliminary measure, it was deemed expedient,
that a court of the highest respectability, for
the talents and integrity of its members, should be
assembled, and that, whilst the requisitions of the
act of assembly, of 1740, should be strictly complied
with, in devolving the warrant of summons on
the magistrates; the corporation saw no impropriety
in affording these officers a list of such names
of freeholders, as they knew would meet in a preeminent
degree the publick approbation; and to
these persons private letters were written by the
authority of council, strongly soliciting the their acceptance
of a trust, involving indeed the most irksome
labour, as well as the deepest responsibility. In
conformity with these arrangements, the following
court was organized on the evening of the
17th.</p>
        <list type="simple">
          <head>
            <hi rend="italics">Magistrates,</hi>
          </head>
          <item>LIONEL H. KENNEDY, Esqr.,
and
</item>
          <item>THOMAS PARKER, Esqr.,</item>
        </list>
        <list type="simple">
          <head>
            <hi rend="italics">Freeholders,</hi>
          </head>
          <item>Colonel WILLIAM DRAYTON
</item>
          <item>NATH'L. HEYWARD, Esqr.,
</item>
          <item>J. R. PRINGLE, Esqr.,
</item>
          <item>JAMES LEGARE, Esqr.,
</item>
          <item>R. J. TURNBULL, Esqr.,</item>
        </list>
        <p>Contemporaneously with the organization of this
court, a committee of vigilance and safety was appointed
from among the members of council, to aid
the intendant in the execution of the laws; to cooperate
with him during the recess of council, in all
those measures necessary for exploring the causes
and character of the existing disturbance, and bringing
to light and punishment the suspected and guilty.
How ably these functions were discharged by
this committee, it is not befitting the occasion, or
the circumstances under which this publication appears,
<pb id="p12" n="12"/>
to dwell. Their generous devotion and unremitting
assiduity to the publick interests and safety,
are left to more appropriate appreciation of
a community that witnessed their labours. This
committee consisted of Messrs. Wesner, Napier,
Condy, Burger, and Simmons, and were zealously
aided by the rest of the wardens; and for its service,
four of the most active, intelligent, and confidential
non-commissioned officers of the city guard,
were detached as police officers, to search suspected
places, and to apprehend those for whom warrants
might be issued. This committee commenced
its labours on the night of the 17th, and during the
ensuing twenty-four hours, the following slaves
were committed: <hi rend="italics">Rolla, Batteau, Matthias,</hi> and
<hi rend="italics">Ned,</hi> the property of the governour Bennett; <hi rend="italics">Mungo</hi>
and <hi rend="italics">Peter,</hi> the property of James Poyas; <hi rend="italics">Amhurst,</hi>
the property of Mrs. Lining; <hi rend="italics">Stephen,</hi> the
property of T. R. Smith; <hi rend="italics">Richard</hi> and <hi rend="italics">John,</hi> the
property of Jonathan Lucas.</p>
        <p>On the morning of the 19th of June, the court of
magistrates and freeholders assembled at the court-house,
were sworn in, and proceeded to the arraignment
of the above prisoners for trial; who
were charged “<hi rend="italics">with attempting to raise an insurrection
among the blacks against the whites.</hi>” In order
that the publick may understand the offence as defined
in the act of 1740, the clause, at length, will be
found in the appendix, marked (A.)</p>
        <p>Before we proceed to a brief (and it necessarily
must be very brief) abstract of the testimony offered
in the cases brought before the court, it may
not be unimportant to observe, that, previous to
their proceeding to the painful investigation with
which they were charged, they laid down a variety
of rules for their government, all of them subservient
to justice as well as humanity. In the first
place, it was decided that the testimony should be
regulated by those established rules of evidence,
<pb id="p13" n="13"/>
which are elsewhere found so important in the exposition
of truth; that no slave should be tried
but in the presence of his master or his attorney;
that the testimony of one witness, unsupported by
circumstances, should lead to no conviction involving
capital punishment; and that the statement of
the party himself should be heard in explanation
of such particulars as seemed most inculpatory.</p>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>THE COURT,</head>
          <p>Being thus organized, they proceeded to the trial
of ROLLA, the slave of governour Bennett.</p>
          <p>JACOB AXON, Esq. attending as attorney of his master.</p>
          <p>It was proved, that <hi rend="italics">Rolla</hi> had confessed to two
persons, both of whom were examined by the court,
that he belonged to the conspiracy, and with one
of these witnesses (his friend) he used every effort
to induce him to join in the insurrection, which Rolla
stated was to take place on the night of the 16th of
June. Finding that this friend (the witness in question)
would not join the association, he urged him to
go out of town on Sunday night, lest some harm
should come to him. Rolla represented himself as
the commander of the force which was to rendezvous
in the vicinity of his master's mills, &amp; explained
to the witness fully the order of attack; the division
of the forces; and said, “that his troops, in their
way into town, would fix his old buck (his master)
and the intendant.” On being asked whether it
was intended to kill the women and children, he remarked
when we have done with the men we know
what to do with the women. On this testimony
Rolla was found <hi rend="italics">guilty</hi>, and sentenced to be executed
on the 2d of July.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref6" rend="sc" target="note6">*</ref></p>
          <note id="note6" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref6">
            <p>* The following note appears on the journals of the court, in
relation to the trial of Rolla: “Five witnesses were introduced
and examined in behalf of Rolla, but, so far from impeaching the
credibility of the witnesses against him, they rather supported it.”</p>
          </note>
          <pb id="p14" n="14"/>
          <p>BATTEAU was next tried.</p>
          <p>It was proved that <hi rend="italics">Batteau</hi> confessed to two persons,
(both of whom were introduced as witnesses,)
that he belonged to the conspiracy, and made efforts
to induce them to join in the rising, by representing
the extent of their preparations, and the
probability of their success. He stated he was
to head a party near Canon's bridge, and that
he expected aid from the country. More than one
interview took place between Batteau and the witnesses
on the subject; the last, on the Sunday fixed
for the insurrection, on which he renewed his solicitations
that the witnesses should join him. Batteau
was found <hi rend="italics">guilty</hi>, and sentenced to be executed
on the 2d of July.</p>
          <p>STEPHEN, belonging to Thos. R. Smith, Esq.,</p>
          <p>Was next brought before the court, but the testimony
being deemed insufficient, and indeed the
court being satisfied of his innocence, directed his
<hi rend="italics">discharge.</hi></p>
          <p>PETER, the slave of Mr. James Poyas, was next
tried.</p>
          <p>It was distinctly in proof, against <hi rend="italics">Peter</hi>, that he
had made great efforts to induce others to join in
the insurrection; and the testimony represented
him quite in the character of a chieftain or leader,
for which his boldness and sagacity unquestionably
qualified him. He appeared, from the testimony,
to have employed uncommon pains to remove all
the objections arising in the minds of those whom
he attempted to enlist, as to the probability of the
success of the effort. And spoke with great confidence
of the succours which were expected from
San Domingo. It was strongly to be inferred, from
all the witnesses stated, that the difficult and dangerous
sally of endeavouring to carry the main guardhouse
<pb id="p15" n="15"/>
was to have been confided to him, for he
particularly acquainted one of the witnesses with
the combination of stratagem and force with which
he proposed to accomplish this object.</p>
          <p>Peter was found <hi rend="italics">guilty</hi> on this testimony, and
sentenced for execution on the 2d of July.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref7" rend="sc" target="note7">*</ref></p>
          <note id="note7" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref7">
            <p>* After the execution of Peter, his guilt, in the most flagrant degree,
became most abundantly established; affording, in every
particular, the strongest corroboration of the testimony by which
he had been convicted. It was apparent that he was the most
efficient of all the ringleaders, and one who possessed the largest
share of the confidence of Denmark Vesey, who was, in every
sense of the term, the father of the plot. Peter was a slave of
great value, and, for his colour, a first rate ship-carpenter. He
had the confidence of his master in a remarkable degree, and
had been treated with indulgence, liberality and kindness.</p>
          </note>
          <p>AMHERST, belonging to Mrs. Lining, was next
examined, found <hi rend="italics">not guilty</hi>, and <hi rend="italics">discharged.</hi></p>
          <p>The court then proceeded to the trial of NED, the
property of governour Bennett.</p>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Ned's</hi> guilt was proved fully by the same witnesses
that appeared against Peter Poyas, with whom
it was established he was in the habit of frequent
consultation on the efforts that were to be made.
Subsequent disclosures have justified very strongly
the finding of the court against him, and placed it
beyond a doubt, that he was a ringleader, and was
to have headed a force in the vicinity of the lines.</p>
          <p>He was found <hi rend="italics">guilty</hi>, and sentenced for execution
on the 2d of July</p>
          <p>On the 24th of June, the court discharged, as <hi rend="italics">not
guilty</hi>, <hi rend="italics">Samuel Guifford</hi> and <hi rend="italics">Robert Hadden</hi>, two
free persons of colour, as also <hi rend="italics">Matthias</hi>, the slave
of governour Bennett; <hi rend="italics">Mungo</hi>, the slave of Mr.
Poyas; <hi rend="italics">Robert</hi>, the slave of Mr. Harth, and <hi rend="italics">Richard</hi>
and <hi rend="italics">John</hi>, the slaves of Mr. Lucas.</p>
          <pb id="p16" n="16"/>
          <p>On the 25th of June, the court examined the cases
of <hi rend="italics">Jim</hi>, belonging to Mr. Ancrum; <hi rend="italics">Sandy</hi>, belonging
to Mr. Holmes, and <hi rend="italics">Friday</hi>, the property
of Mr. Rout, all of whom were found <hi rend="italics">not guilty</hi> and
<hi rend="italics">discharged.</hi></p>
          <p>On Wednesday, the 26th of June, the court proceeded
to the trial of ABRAHAM, the slave of
Dr. Poyas.</p>
          <p>The only proof adduced against <hi rend="italics">Abraham</hi>, was
the following letter, found in the trunk of Peter
Poyas, and acknowledged by Abraham to have been
written by himself.</p>
          <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
            <text>
              <body>
                <div1 type="letter">
                  <p>“DEAR SIR,—With pleasure I give you an answer. I will
endeavour to do it. Hoping that God will be in the midst to
help his own. Be particular and make a sure remark. Fear
not, the Lord God that delivered Daniel is able to deliver us.
All that I inform agreed. I am gone up to Beach Hill.”</p>
                  <closer>
                    <signed>(Signed)
<lb/>
ABRAHAM POYAS.”</signed>
                  </closer>
                </div1>
              </body>
            </text>
          </q>
          <p>Although this letter was extremely suspicious,
yet, there being no other testimony against Abraham,
he was found <hi rend="italics">not guilty</hi> of the charge “of attempting
to raise an insurrection among the blacks
against the whites.”</p>
          <p>On Thursday, the 27th, DENMARK VESEY, a
free black man, was brought before the court
for trial,</p>
          <p>Assisted by his counsel, G. W. CROSS, Esq.</p>
          <p>It is perhaps somewhat remarkable, that at this
stage of the investigation, although several witnesses
had been examined, the <hi rend="italics">atrocious</hi> guilt of <hi rend="italics">Denmark
Vesey</hi> had not been as yet fully unfolded.
From the testimony of most of the witnesses, however,
the court found enough, and amply enough, to
warrant the sentence of death, which, on the 28th,
they passed on him. But every subsequent step in
the progress of the trials of others, lent new confirmation
to his overwhelming guilt, and placed him
<pb id="p17" n="17"/>
beyond a doubt, on the criminal eminence of having
been the individual, in whose bosom the nefarious
scheme was first engendered. There is ample reason
for believing, that this project was not, with
him, of recent origin, for it was said, he had spoken
of it for upwards of four years.</p>
          <p>These facts of his guilt the journals of the court
will disclose—that no man can be proved to have
spoken of or urged the insurrection prior to himself.
All the channels of communication and intelligence
are traced back to him. His house was
the place appointed for the secret meetings of the
conspirators, at which he was invariably a leading
and influential member; animating and encouraging
the timid, by the hopes and prospects of success;
removing the scruples of the religious, by the grossest
prostitution and perversion of the sacred oracles,
and inflaming and confirming the resolute, by
all the savage fascinations of blood and booty.</p>
          <p>The peculiar circumstances of guilt, which confer
a distinction on his case, will be found narrated in
the confession of Rolla, Monday Gell, Frank, and
Jesse, in the appendix. He was sentenced for execution
on the 2d July.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref8" rend="sc" target="note8">*</ref></p>
          <note id="note8" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref8">
            <p>* As Denmark Vesey has occupied so large a place in the conspiracy,
a brief notice of him will, perhaps, be not devoid of interest.
The following anecdote will show how near he was to
the chance of being distinguished in the bloody events of San
Domingo. During the revolutionary war, captain Vesey, now
an old resident of this city, commanded a ship that traded between
St. Thomas' and Cape François (San Domingo.) He was
engaged in supplying the French of that island with slaves. In
the year 1781, he took on board, at St. Thomas's, 390 slaves and
sailed for the Cape; on the passage, he and his officers were
struck with the beauty, alertness, and intelligence, of a boy
about 14 years of age, whom they made a pet of, by taking him
into the cabin, changing his apparel, and calling him, by way of
distinction, <hi rend="italics">Telemaque</hi>, (which appellation has since, by gradual
corruption, among the negroes, been changed to <hi rend="italics">Denmark</hi>, or
sometimes <hi rend="italics">Telmak.</hi>) On the arrival, however, of the ship at the
Cape, captain Vesey, having no use for the boy, sold him among
his other slaves, and returned to St. Thomas's. On his next voyage
to the Cape, he was surprised to learn from his consignee that
Telemaque would be returned on his hands, as the planter, who
had purchased him, represented him unsound, and subject to epileptick
fits. According to the custom of trade in that place, the
boy was placed in the hands of the king's physician, who decided
that he was unsound, and captain Vesey was compelled to
take him back, of which he had no occasion to repent, as Denmark
proved, for 20 years, a most faithful slave. In 1800,
Denmark drew a prize of $1500 in the East Bay street lottery,
with which he purchased his freedom from his master, at six hundred
dollars, much less than his real value. From that period to
the day of his apprehension, he has been working as a carpenter
in this city, distinguished for great strength and activity. Among
his colour he was always looked up to with awe and respect.
His temper was impetuous and domineering in the extreme,
qualifying him for the despotick rule, of which he was ambitious.
All his passions were ungovernable and savage; and to his numerous
wives and children, he displayed the haughty and capricious
cruelty of an eastern bashaw. He had nearly effected his escape,
after information had been lodged against him. For three
days the town was searched for him without success. As early
as Monday, the 17th, he had concealed himself. It was not until
the night of the 22d of June, during a perfect tempest, that he
was found secreted in the house of one of his wives. It is to the
uncommon efforts and vigilance of Mr. Wesner, and capt. Dove,
of the city guard, (the latter of whom seized him) that publick
justice received its necessary tribute, in the execution of this man.
If the party had been one moment later, he would, in all probability,
have effected his escape the next day in some outward
bound vessel.</p>
          </note>
          <pb id="p18" n="18"/>
          <p>the court tried JESSE, the slave of Mr. Thomas
Blackwood.</p>
          <p>The testimony against <hi rend="italics">Jesse</hi> was very ample.
His activity and zeal, in promoting the views of
Denmark Vesey, in relation to the plot, were fully
proved. He had engaged with Vesey to go out of
town on Sunday the 16th, to bring down some negroes
from the country, to aid in the rising on that
night; and remarked, to the witnesses, on his way
to Hibbens' ferry, “if my father does not assist I
will cut off his head.” All the particulars in proof
against him, he confirmed after receiving his sentence,
by his own full and satisfactory confession,
which will be found in the appendix, marked (H.)</p>
          <pb id="p19" n="19"/>
          <p>This man excited no small sympathy, not only
from the apparent sincerity of his contrition, but
from the mild and the most unostentatious composure with
which he met his fate.</p>
          <p>Sentence of death was passed on these six men,
on the 28th of June, and they were executed on the
2d of July. With the exception of Jesse and Rolla,
they made no disclosures; all of them, with
those exceptions, either explicitly or implicitly affirming
their innocence. It is much to be lamented
that the situation of the workhouse, at this period,
precluded, after their sentence, their being separately
confined; at least, that Vesey could not
have been subjected to the gloom and silence of a
solitary cell. He might have been softened, and
afforded the most precious confessions, as his knowledge
and agency in the nefarious scheme very far
exceeded the information of others, who, however
guilty, seemed but the agents of his will. But these
men mutually supported each other, and died obedient
to the stern and emphatick injunction of their
comrade, (Peter Poyas,) “<hi rend="italics">Do not open your lips!
Die silent, as you shall see me do!</hi>” It was, perhaps,
alone, in Denmark Vesey's power, to have given us
the true character, extent and importance of the
correspondence, it was afterwards proved was carried
on with certain persons in San Domingo.</p>
          <p>On the 1st of July, the court proceeded to the
trial of MONDAY GELL, who, together with
CHARLES DRAYTON, had been apprehended;
the first, on the 27th of June, and the latter, on the
2d of July.</p>
          <p>By referring to the appendix (D.) and (E.) the
nature of the testimony against these individuals
will be seen. In reference to the case of <hi rend="italics">Monday
Gell</hi> it was established that he had been a very
important ringleader, and that his shop, in Meeting
<pb id="p20" n="20"/>
street, was a place at which many meetings were
held; at all of which he was present, lending the
most zealous aid, and affording the strongest countenance;
and if any confirmation of his guilt should
be sought for, it may be found in his own confession
in the appendix (K.) After Monday Gell and
Charles Drayton were convicted, there appeared to
be a pause in our further discoveries, and some
prospect of the investigation closing with their execution
and that of John Horry, Harry Haig, and
Gullah Jack. For the guilt of the latter, see appendix
(D.) (E.) and (F.)</p>
          <p>On the 9th of July, however, these five men
were called before the court to receive sentence,
and after it had been pronounced, with the most
impressive solemnity, they were withdrawn to a
common ward in the workhouse, for half an hour,
until separate cells could be provided for them. It
was at this moment that <hi rend="italics">Charles Drayton</hi>, overwhelmed
with terrour and guilt, went up to <hi rend="italics">Monday</hi>
and reproached him with having induced him to join
in a scheme which had placed him in such a miserable
and perilous situation. To his appeal, Monday not
only confessed his guilt, but observed to Charles—that their present fate was justly and precisely what
they had a right to expect, after their detected and
defeated project. On which there immediately
ensued between them a conversation on the extent
of the guilt of others, in which Monday gave
Charles the names of many accomplices whom he
had not previously known in the plot;—the arrival
of the blacksmith to iron the convicts, and the turn-key
to convey them to separate cells, interrupted
the conversation.</p>
          <p>Charles, during the night of the 9th, sent for Mr.
Gordon, who has charge of the workhouse, and
informed him that he was extremely anxious to see
the intendant, as he had some important disclosures
<pb id="p21" n="21"/>
to make. By day-light, on the morning of the 10th,
this message was conveyed to the person for whom
it was intended, and Charles was visited at sunrise.
He was found, in a state of the most lamentable
depression and panick, and he seemed prepared to
make the most ample declarations from the fear of
death, and the consequences of an <hi rend="italics">hereafter</hi>, if he
went out of the world without revealing all that he
knew, in relation to the conspiracy, in which he had
been so active an agent. Before his narrative was
received, he was most specially put on his guard,
that no promises could be made to him of a reversal
of his fate, but that he might rest satisfied, his
condition could not be worse by his coming out
with a full disclosure of all that he knew. He
then stated many particulars, that had come to his
own knowledge, proving a much wider diffusion of
the plot than, at that period, was imagined; and, after
giving up the names of several of his comrades,
he mentioned the conversation which had been
commenced and broken off, in the common ward of
the workhouse, between Monday Gell and himself.
As Monday, at this period, did not seem disposed
to make any confessions to others, whatever
he might be inclined to do to his friend Charles, it
was considered important, that the conversation
between them should be renewed, and they were
brought together in the same cell, and left for
twenty-four hours alone; but some little stratagem
was employed, to divert the suspicions of Monday,
that Charles was confined with him, merely for the
purpose of getting information out of him.</p>
          <p>On the morning of the 10th, the court were convened,
and apprized, generally, of these new disclosures,
which Charles had made, but as he was still
<hi rend="italics">closeted</hi> with Monday, he could not be examined on
that day, the court adjourned to meet on the 13th;
on which day Monday Gell's own confession was
heard by them. Between the 10th and 13th, <hi rend="italics">Charles</hi>
<pb id="p22" n="22"/>
and <hi rend="italics">Monday</hi> were separated (having been respited
by his excellency, the governour, at the request of
the court) and Charles, on his re-examination afforded
much important information, which he had
derived from Monday. On Monday's having all this
brought to his view, he confessed his own guilt, as
well as the truth of the statements which he made
to Charles.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref9" rend="sc" target="note9">*</ref></p>
          <note id="note9" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref9">
            <p>* <hi rend="italics">Monday Gell</hi> is very well known in this city. He is a most
excellent harness-maker, and kept his shop in Meeting street. It
would be difficult to name any individual more actively engaged
in the plot than himself, or more able to aid Denmark Vesey,
from his uncommon sagacity and knowledge. He reads and
writes with great and equal facility, and obviously seems to have
been the individual who held the pen at all the meetings; at which
he wrote more than <hi rend="italics">one</hi> letter to San Domingo, for succours.
His own situation afforded no excuse for the effort in which he
was engaged as he enjoyed all the substantial comforts of a freeman;
much indulged and trusted by his master, his time and a
large proportion of the profits of his labour were at his own disposal.
He even kept his master's <hi rend="italics">arms</hi> and sometimes his money.
Monday is an <hi rend="italics">Ebo</hi>, and is now in the prime of life, having been in
the country 15 or 20 years.</p>
          </note>
          <p>Contemporaneously with these communications,
PERAULT, belonging to Mr. Strohecker, was
taken up, on the 10th, and on his being closely and
judiciously examined by his master, he gave a large
mass of intelligence, confirming what had been related
by Monday and Charles, and supplying several
<sic corr="deficiencies">deficiences</sic> in their testimony, more especially that
part of it which related to the transmission of <hi rend="italics">certain</hi>
letters to San Domingo. These disclosures,
with some further details which were obtained
from Harry Haig, (whose confession and subsequent
testimony went to implicate a corps of Gullah <sic corr="or">or
or</sic> Angola negroes, that had been organized under
the command of their chief, Gullah Jack,) gave ample
employment for three or four days to the committee
of vigilance, during which, upwards of sixty
slaves were apprehended.</p>
          <p>It would very much transcend the limits necessarily
<pb id="p23" n="23"/>
prescribed to this brief memoir, to go over all
the trials that subsequently ensued, on these fresh
discoveries. As the most important part of the testimony,
adduced on these trials, is to be found in the
appendix, it is deemed altogether superfluous, to
make a special application of it to each of the cases,
as this would result in a repetition fatiguing and
uninteresting to the reader. It will be sufficient to
single out a few of the cases most pregnant in interest,
and to remark, that the court, on its re-organization
on the 13th, justly estimating the extent of
the labour before them, laid down certain rules of
discrimination in the guilt of the parties to which
they give the most definite precision and perspicuity,
by adopting two classes of offence; the first involving
a primary, and the second a minor degree
of guilt. Under the first class, they brought all
those who were ringleaders, who had made a declaration
of their belonging to the association, and
who had been present, aiding and abetting in the
contribution of money, arms, or ammunition, at
Denmark Vesey's, or who were in the constant
habit of visiting Monday Gell's shop and Bulkley's
farm, for the purpose of obtaining and communicating
intelligence of the progress of the conspiracy.
Those found guilty in this class, were to be punished
with death. Under the second class were arranged
those who had merely sent in their adhesion to the
ringleaders without ever having attended a meeting
at Vesey's, or having been recognised by him as
confidential men, or contributed to the purchase
of arms or ammunition, or endeavoured to enlist
others. The punishment which awaited those found
guilty in this class, was transportation beyond the
limits of the United States.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref10" rend="sc" target="note10">*</ref></p>
          <note id="note10" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref10">
            <p>*At the meeting of the court on the morning of the 13th, Mr.
James Legare, from feeble health and great exhaustion, during
its previous sittings, asked, and obtained leave, to withdraw,
whereupon Mr. Henry Deas was summoned by the magistrates,
who took his seat and served until the adjournment of the court.</p>
          </note>
          <pb id="p24" n="24"/>
          <p>By reference to the calendar marked (S.) in the
appendix, the names of the prisoners committed will
be found, and under a proper column, the mode in
which they were disposed of, whether by death,
transportation, or discharge, from the insufficiency
of testimony. The extent of the evidence adduced,
therefore, against each individual, may be inferred
with accuracy, by observing the punishment awarded
him; as the court adhered with great and rigid
fidelity to these rules, which were in unison both
with justice and humanity.</p>
          <p>Among the vast number of cases disposed of by
the first court, in a session of nearly six weeks, involving
the most intense and unremitting labour, it
would be impossible to overlook the case of Jack
Pritchard otherwise called GULLAH JACK. The
testimony in the appendix, of more than one of
the witnesses, will establish fully his guilt, and
prove the justice of the sentence, by which he was
ushered into another world; but no description can
accurately convey to others the impression which
his trial, defence, and appearance made on those
who witnessed the workings of his cunning and rude
address. Born a conjurer and a physician, in his
own country, (for in Angola they are matters of inheritance,)
he practised <hi rend="italics">these arts</hi> in this country
for fifteen years, without its being generally known
among the whites. Vesey, who left no engines of
power unessayed, seems, in an early stage of his design,
to have turned his eye on this necromancer,
aware of his influence with his own countrymen,
who are distinguished both for their credulous superstition
and clannish sympathies. It does not appear
that Jack required much persuasion to induce
him to join in a project, which afforded him the
most ample opportunities of displaying his peculiar
art, whilst it is very obvious that his willingness,
to do all that Vesey might require, was in no little degree
stimulated, by his bitterness and his gall against
<pb id="p25" n="25"/>
the whites. Although he had been fifteen or twenty
years in this country, yet he appeared to be untouched
by the influences of civilized life. If the
part which he was to play in this drama, bespoke
that the treacherous and vindictive artifices of war
in his own country, existed in unimpaired vigour in
his memory, his wildness and vehemence of gesture
and the malignant glance with which he eyed the
witnesses who appeared against him, all indicated
the savage, who indeed had been <hi rend="italics">caught</hi>, but not
<hi rend="italics">tamed.</hi> It would be both tedious and disgusting to
relate the many artifices employed by this miscreant
to deceive and cajole his deluded countrymen. Such
was their belief in his invulnerability, that his
charms and amulets were in request, and he was
regarded as a man, who could <hi rend="italics">only</hi> be harmed
but by the <hi rend="italics">treachery</hi> of his fellows. Even those negroes
who were born in this country seem to have
spoken of his charmed invincibility with a confidence
which looked much like belief. When Jack was
dragged forth to the scaffold, he seemed conscious
that his arts would stand him in little stead, and
gave up his spirit without firmness or composure.</p>
          <p>The case of TOM RUSSEL, another of the Gullah
band, deserves a brief notice. He was tried some
days after Jack, and was executed among the twenty-two
criminals hung on the lines, on the 26th July.
Tom was Jack's <hi rend="italics">armourer</hi>, and kept his blacksmith's
shop on East Bay. His part in the conspiracy was
confined to making of pikes and spears, which it appears
he did on a very improved model. After
these weapons were finished, they were held subject
to the order of Jack, and by him sent up to
Mr. Bulkley's farm,<ref targOrder="U" id="ref11" rend="sc" target="note11">*</ref>
<note id="note11" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref11"><p>* This farm was under the charge of a slave named <hi rend="italics">Billy</hi>, who
became a witness for the state, and gave some important details
of the meetings of the <hi rend="italics">Gullahs</hi>; several of whom were executed
on the 26th.</p></note>
 near the cross roads, where
<pb id="p26" n="26"/>
handles were provided for them by Polydore Faber
a Gullah, who met his fate on the same scaffold with
Tom Russel. This farm was one of the principal
rendezvous of the Gullah band, of which Jack was
the captain.</p>
          <p>The trial of LOT FORRESTER was not
without interest, as he was the <hi rend="italics">courier</hi> of the conspiracy,
and was proved to have gone out of town,
for the purpose of inducing the country negroes to
join in the insurrection; his journeys were both
south and north of Charleston. His zeal and perseverance
in the cause were strongly proved, and
there is every reason for believing that the conflagration
of the city was confided, by Vesey, to him.
Match-rope was found in a situation where he had
probably secreted it. He was hung on the lines
on the 26th of July.</p>
          <p>BACCHUS HAMMETT, who was hung, also,
on the 26th, did render, and was to have rendered
on the night of the 16th, the most essential aid.
Before the latter period he had stolen from his
master's store a keg of powder, which was conveyed,
first to Vesey's, afterwards to Monday Gell's,
and lastly to Gullah Jack, to be prepared into cartridges.
On the night of the 16th, he was to have
slept where the arms of the <hi rend="italics">neck-rangers</hi> were deposited,
and facilitated their seizure and distribution
among Gullah Jack's corps, who were to have carried
this post, as well as Mr. Duquercron's store, in
which there were 500 stands of arms, deposited
for sale.</p>
          <p>The cases of JACK GLEN, BILLY PALMER,
and JACK PURCELL, are distinguished, not by
any peculiar atrocity, but for the hypocrisy they
blended with their crime. Their assent to the
plot was distinctly shown, and it was in proof, that
Vesey had recognised them all as his men. Jack
<pb id="p27" n="27"/>
Glen was a preacher. Billy Palmer, exceedingly
pious, and a communicant at the church of his master;
and Jack Purcell no less devout. The case of
the latter was not without its pathos, from the
deep contrition he expressed before his execution;
the distressing interest which his mistress is said to
have taken in his fate, and the lamentable delusion
under which he laboured, which is more particularly
unfolded in his confession, in the appendix
marked (L.)<ref targOrder="U" id="ref12" rend="sc" target="note12">*</ref>
<note id="note12" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref12"><p>* This confession of Purcell's will show, that the evil foretold,
from the discussion of the <hi rend="italics">Missouri question,</hi> has been in some
degree, realized.</p></note>
Jack Glen and Purcell were hung
on the lines. Billy Palmer has been respited, by
his excellency the governour, until October next,
for a commutation of his punishment to banishment
beyond the limits of the United States.</p>
          <p>The court having used the testimony of <hi rend="italics">Monday
Gell, Charles Drayton</hi>, and <hi rend="italics">Harry Haig</hi>, very efficaciously,
to the ends of publick justice, reconsidered
the sentences, which had been passed on them, and
instead of death, sentenced them to transportation
beyond the limits of the United States.</p>
          <p>As a matter of form, <hi rend="italics">Perault, John Enslow</hi>, and
<hi rend="italics">Billy Bulkley,</hi> (who had become witnesses for the
state,) were then tried on their own confessions,
and sentenced to be transported beyond the limits
of the United States. These individuals were important
witnesses in all the apprehensions and
trials subsequent to the 13th of July.</p>
          <p>Perault gave his testimony with great fearlessness
and candour, and Enslow with much composure
and connexion; the evidence of both, as well
indeed as that of most of the witnesses, was
much appreciated by the court, after a severe scrutiny.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref13" rend="sc" target="note13">†</ref></p>
          <note id="note13" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref13">
            <p>† See Enslow's confession, appendix (M.)</p>
          </note>
          <pb id="p28" n="28"/>
          <p>This court, having disposed of all the cases before
them, adjourned on the 26th of July.</p>
          <p>At this stage of our investigation we were satisfied
that of all the ringleaders in the conspiracy,
<hi rend="italics">William Garner</hi>, (who had effected his escape from
the city about the 1st of July,) only, remained to be
punished. As information had been received of
his having travelled towards Columbia, a proclamation
was issued by his excellency the governour, for
his apprehension, in promotion of the success of
which some subsidiary steps were taken by private
means. On the 2d of August, our wishes, relating
to Garner, were gratified, by his arrival in town.
He had previously been arrested at Columbia,
through the publick spirited efforts of the intendant
of that place and lieut. Maxcy, who overtook and
apprehended him at Granby.</p>
          <p>On Garner's arrival, a new court was organized
for his trial, and such other cases as might be
brought before them, by precisely the same means
as those which had been employed on the appointment
of the first; and the services of the following
gentlemen secured, who were known to possess,
deservedly, a large share of the publick confidence.</p>
          <list type="simple">
            <head>
              <hi rend="italics">Magistrates.</hi>
            </head>
            <item>JACOB AXON, Esqr.,
and
</item>
            <item>C. M. FURMAN, Esqr.,</item>
          </list>
          <list type="simple">
            <head>
              <hi rend="italics">Freeholders.</hi>
            </head>
            <item>Hon. JOEL R. POINSETT,
</item>
            <item>THOS. R. SMITH, Esqr.,
</item>
            <item>R. Y. HAYNE, Esqr.,
</item>
            <item>Col. THOMAS ROPER,
</item>
            <item>Col. JOHN GORDON.</item>
          </list>
          <p>This court adopted the same rules for their government
which had been so humanely and dispassionately
adopted by the preceding court, but, as
enough had been done for publick example, they determined
to visit capital punishment on none but
ringleaders. The first case they tried was that of
WILLIAM GARNER.</p>
          <p>Garner's guilt had all the characteristicks, which
the court had assigned to the first class of turpitude;
<pb id="p29" n="29"/>
it was not only proved that he was actively
engaged in recruiting others, but that he was to
have led a troop of horse, at the rising, composed
of all such of the conspirators as might have appeared
in the streets on horseback. And further,
that he had made an offer of a command to
others in his corps. Four witnesses having
sworn positively to his guilt, detailing a variety of
particulars, mutually corroborating and supporting
each other, he was found guilty and sentenced for
execution on the 9th of August, at which period the
sentence was carried into effect. This court having,
after a short adjournment of three or four days,
recommenced their session, disposed of twelve
cases more, involving a minor degree of guilt, and
adjourned finally on the 8th of August.</p>
          <p>These trials, together with some private <sic corr="arrangements">arrangments</sic>,
made with their owners, in reference to the
banishment of several slaves, in cases where their
guilt was clear, but not of the first degree, have at
length closed the anxious and irksome labours of
the corporation, after an examination of little less
than two months.</p>
          <p>It will be seen, by referring to the calendar
marked (S.) that one hundred and thirty-one were
committed; thirty-five have suffered death, and
thirty-seven have been sentenced to banishment.
The most important object to be obtained in uprooting
a conspiracy, we have fully accomplished,
by bringing to punishment the whole of the ringleaders.
Monday Gell, whose knowledge of the
plot was, probably, exceeded only by Vesey's, has
emphatically stated, that the ringleaders were the
first six, who were executed on the 2d of July, to
wit: Denmark Vesey, Peter Poyas, Ned Bennett,
Rolla, Batteau, and Jesse; to which he has since
added himself and William Garner, who was executed
on the 9th of August.</p>
          <pb id="p30" n="30"/>
          <p>We moreover believe that all, who were active
agents (though not ringleaders) in the conspiracy,
have expiated their crimes, or are about to do so,
by an eternal exile from our shores. It may be
mentioned, in confirmation of this belief, that Monday
Gell, from memory, made out a list of forty-two
names, of those who were in the habit of visiting
his shop, for the purpose of combining and confederating
in the intended insurrection, whom he
called his company; every one of whom have been
apprehended, and disposed of. We cannot venture
to say, to how many the knowledge of the intended
effort was communicated, who, without signifying
their assent, or attending any of the meetings, were
yet prepared to profit by events. That there are
many who would not have permitted the enterprise
to have failed at a <hi rend="italics">critical moment</hi>, for the
want of their co-operation, we have the best reasons
for believing.</p>
          <p>Before we conclude, some notice of the probable
causes of this conspiracy may be expected. As
this is a matter of speculation, we shall not speak
without reserve. Of the motives of Vesey, we
cannot set in judgment; they have been scanned
by a power who can do higher justice than ourselves.
But, as they are explained by his character
and conduct during the combinations of the plot,
they are only to be referred to a malignant hatred
of the whites, and inordinate lust of power and
booty. Indeed, the belief is altogether justifiable,
that his end would have been answered, if, after
laying our city in ashes, and moistening its cinders
with blood, he could have embarked with a part of
the pillage of our banks for San Domingo; leaving
a large proportion of his deluded followers to the
exterminating desolation of that justice, which
would have awaited, in the end, a transient success.
His followers were slaves, and for them it would
not be so difficult to assign a motive, if it had not
<pb id="p31" n="31"/>
been distinctly proved, that, without scarcely an
exception, they had no individual hardship to complain
of, and were among the most humanely treated
negroes in our city. The facilities for combining
and confederating in such a scheme, were amply afforded,
by the extreme indulgence and kindness,
which characterizes the domestick treatment of our
slaves. Many slave owners among us, not satisfied
with ministering to the wants of their domesticks,
by all the comforts of abundant food, and excellent
clothing, with a misguided benevolence, have not
only permitted their instruction, but lent to such
efforts their approbation and applause.</p>
          <p rend="italics">Religious fanaticism has not been without its effect
on this project, and as auxiliary to these sentiments,
the secession of a large body of blacks from
the white methodist church, with feelings of irritation
and disappointment, formed a hot bed, in which
the germ might well be expected to spring into
life and vigour. Among the conspirators, <hi rend="italics">a majority</hi>
of them belonged to the <hi rend="italics">African church</hi>,<ref targOrder="U" id="ref14" rend="sc" target="note14">*</ref>
<note id="note14" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref14"><p>* An appellation the seceders assumed after their leaving the
white methodist church.</p></note>
and among
those executed were several who had been class
leaders. It is, however, due to the late head of
their church (for since the late events the association
has been voluntarily dissolved) and their deacons,
to say, that, after the most diligent search and
scrutiny, no evidence entitled to belief, has been
discovered against them. A hearsay rumour, in relation
to <hi rend="italics">Morris Brown</hi>, was traced far enough to
end in its complete falsification.</p>
          <p>That the course which certain discussions assumed
in congress were likewise efficacious in producing
both discontent and delusion, is sufficiently
apparent. Jack Purcell's confession in the appendix,
will show to what a purpose Vesey applied
those beautiful propositions of civil and natural freedom,
<pb id="p32" n="32"/>
which were sported with a wanton recklessness
of their consequences, as applied to the condition
of a certain portion of our common country.</p>
          <p>It is consoling to every individual, who is proud
of the character of his country, in the late unhappy
events, to be able to say, that, within the limits of
the city of Charleston, in a period of great and unprecedented
excitement, the laws, without even one
violation, have ruled with uninterrupted sway;
that no cruel, vindictive, or barbarous modes of
punishment have been resorted to; that justice has
been blended with an enlightened humanity, in according,
to those who had meted out for us murder,
rapine, and conflagration, in their most savage forms,
trials which, for the wisdom, impartiality, and
moderation that governed them, are even superiour
to those which the ordinary modes of judicature
would have afforded ourselves.</p>
          <p>With little to fear, and nothing to reproach ourselves,
we may, without shrinking, submit our conduct
to the award of posterity, and ourselves to the
protection of the supreme Ruler of events.</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
    </body>
    <back>
      <div1 type="appendices">
        <pb id="p33" n="33"/>
        <head>APPENDIX.</head>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>(A.)</head>
          <p>“Every slave who shall raise, or attempt to raise an insurrection,
in this province, or shall endeavour to delude or entice any
slave to run away and leave the province, every such slave and
slaves, and his and their accomplices, aiders and abetters, shall,
on conviction thereof, as aforesaid, suffer death. <hi rend="italics">Provided always,</hi>
that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the justices who
shall pronounce sentence against such slaves, by and with the advice
and consent of the freeholders as aforesaid, if several slaves
shall receive sentence at one time, to mitigate and alter the sentence
of any slave, other than such as shall be convicted of homicide
of a white person, who they shall think may deserve mercy,
and may inflict such corporal punishment (other than death)
on any such slave, as they in discretion shall think fit, anything
herein contained to the contrary thereof, in any wise notwithstanding.
<hi rend="italics">Provided,</hi> that one or more of the said slaves who
shall be convicted of the crimes or offence aforesaid, where several
are concerned, shall be executed for example, to deter others
from offending in the like kind. A. A. 1740. P. L. 167.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>(B.)</head>
          <p>A negro man testified as follows:<ref targOrder="U" id="ref15" rend="sc" target="note15">*</ref>
<note id="note15" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref15"><p>* Against this witness, the court had not a little of testimony; he consented
without hesitation to become a witness, and to give all the information
he possessed; a pledge having been previously given him by the court,
that he should not be prosecuted, nor his name revealed.</p></note>
I know Peter, he belongs
to Mr. James Poyas; in May last, Peter and myself met in Legare
street, at the corner of Lambol street, where the following
conversation took place—he asked me the news—I replied,
none that I know of—he said, by George! we can't live so.
I replied, how will we do? He said, we can do very well, if
you can find any one to assist us—will you join? I asked him,
how do you mean? He said, why! to break the yoke. I replied,
I don't know. He asked me, suppose you were to hear, that
the whites were going to kill you, would you defend yourself?
I replied, I'd try to escape. He asked, have you lately seen <hi rend="italics">Denmark
Vesey</hi>, and has he spoken to you particularly. I said no.
Well then, said he, that's all now; but call at the shop to-morrow
after knocking off work, and I will tell you more! We then
parted. I met him the next day, according to appointment,
<pb id="p34" n="34"/>
when he said to me, we intend to see, if we can't do something
for ourselves, we can't live so. I asked him, where he would get
men? He said, we'll find them fast enough, we have got enough,
we expect men from country and town. But how, said I, will
you manage it. Why, we will give them notice, said he, and
they will march down and camp round the city. But what, said
I, will they do for arms. He answered, they will find arms
enough, they all bring down their hoes, axes, &amp;c.  I said, that
won't do to fight with here. He said, stop! let us get candidates
from town with arms, and we will then take the guardhouse and
arsenal in town, the arsenal on the neck and the upper guardhouse,
and supply the country people with arms. How, said I,
will you approach those arsenals, &amp;c. for they are guarded?
Yes, said he, I know that, but what are these guards, one man
here, and one man there, we let a man pass before us. Well,
said I, but how will the black people from the country, and those
from the islands, know when you are to begin, or how will you
get the town people together. Why, said he, we will have prayer
meetings at night, and there notify them when to start, and
when the clock strikes twelve, <hi rend="italics">all must move</hi>. But, said I, the
whites in the back country, Virginia, &amp;c.  when they hear the
news, will turn to, and kill you all, and besides, you may be betrayed.
Well, said he, what of that, if one gets hanged, we will
rise at that minute. We then left his shop, and walked towards
Broad street, when he said, I want you to take notice of all the
shops and stores in town with arms in them, take down <hi rend="italics">their numbers,
and give them to me.</hi> I said, I will see to it, and then we
parted.</p>
          <p>About the first of June, I saw in the publick papers a statement
that the white people were going to build missionary houses for
the blacks, which I carried and showed to Peter, and said, see
the good they are going to do for us; when he said, what of
that? Have you not heard, that on the 4th of July, the whites
are going to create a false alarm of fire, and every <hi rend="italics">black</hi> that
comes out will be <hi rend="italics">killed</hi>, in order <hi rend="italics">to thin them?</hi> Do you think
they would be so barbarous? (said I.) Yes! (said he) I do!—I
fear <hi rend="italics">they have a knowledge of an army from San Domingo,</hi> and they
would be <hi rend="italics">right to do it; to prevent us joining that army, if it
should march towards this land!</hi> I was then very much alarmed.
We then parted, and I saw no more of him till the guards were
very strict, (about a fortnight ago.) At that time I saw Peter
and Ned Bennett standing and talking together, at the corner of
Lambol and Legare streets. They crossed over and met me by
Mrs. Myles's, and Ned Bennett said to me, did you hear what
those boys were taken up for the other day? I replied, no! but
some say it was for stealing. Ned asked me if I was sure I had
never said any thing to the whites about what Peter Poyas had
spoken to me about? I replied, no! Says Peter, You never
did? No! I answered. Says Ned, to me, how do you stand?
<pb id="p35" n="35"/>
At which I struck the tree box with my knuckles and said, as firm
as this box—I'll never say one word against you. Ned then
smiled and nodded his head, and said, that will do! when we
all separated. Last Tuesday or Wednesday week, Peter said to
me, you see, my lad, how the white people have got to windward
of us? You won't, said I, be able to do any thing. O,
yes! (he said) we will! By George, we are obliged to! He said,
all down this way ought to meet and have a collection to purchase
powder. What, said I, is the use of powder—the whites can fire
three times to our once. He said, but <hi rend="italics">'twill be such a dead time
of the night, they won't know what is the matter, and our horse companies
will go about the streets and prevent the whites from assembling.</hi>
I asked him—where will you get horses? Why, said
he, there are many butcher boys with horses; and there are the
livery stables, where we have several candidates; and the waiting
men, belonging to the white people of the horse companies,
will be told to take away their master's horses. He asked me if
my master was not a horseman? I said, yes! Has he not got
arms in his house? I answered, yes! Can't they be got at?
I said, yes! Then, (said he) it is good to have them. I asked
what was the plan? Why, said he, after we have taken the arsenals
and guardhouses, then we will set the town on fire in
different places, and as the whites come out we will slay them.
If we were to set fire to the town first the man in the steeple
would give the alarm too soon. I am the captain, said he, to
take the lower guardhouse and arsenal. But, I replied, when
you are coming up, the centinel will give the alarm. He said,
he would advance a little distance ahead, and if he could only
get a <hi rend="italics">grip at his throat he was a gone man,</hi> for his sword was very
sharp; he had sharpened it, and had made it so sharp, it had cut
his finger, which he showed me. As to the arsenal on the neck,
he said, that it was gone as sure as fate, <hi rend="italics">Ned Bennett would
manage that with the people from the country, and the people between
Hibbens' ferry and Santee would land and take the upper
guardhouse.</hi> I then said, then this thing seems true. My man,
said he, God has a hand in it, <hi rend="italics">we have been meeting for four years,
and are not yet betrayed.</hi> I told him, I was afraid, after all, of the
white people from the back country, and Virginia, &amp;c.  He said
that the blacks would collect so numerous from the country, we
need not fear the whites from the other parts, for when we have
once got the city we can keep them all out. He asked, if I had
told my boys. I said no. Then said he, you should do it, for
Ned Bennett has his people pretty well ranged. But, said he,
take care and don't mention it to those waiting men who receive
<hi rend="italics">presents of old coats, &amp;c.  from their masters, or they'll betray us.</hi>
I will speak to them. We then parted, and I have not since
conversed with him. He said the rising was to take place last
Sunday night, (16th June)<corr>.</corr> That <hi rend="italics">any of the coloured people who
said a word about this matter would be killed by the others. The little
<pb id="p36" n="36"/>
man, who can't be killed, shot, or taken,</hi> is named Jack, a Gullah
negro. Peter said there was a French company in town of
three hundred men fully armed —that he was to see Monday
Gell, about expediting the rising. I know that Mingo went often
to Mr. Paul's to see Edwin, but don't know if he spoke with
William. Peter said he had a sword, and I ought to get one. He
said he had got a letter from the country; I think from St.
Thomas's, from a negro man who belonged to the captain of a militia
company, who said he could easily get the key of the house
where the company's arms were put after muster, and take them
all out, and help in that way. This business originates altogether
with the <hi rend="italics">African congregation</hi>, in which Peter is a leader.
When Bennett's Ned asked about those taken up, he alluded particularly
to Mr. Paul's William, and asked me if I said any thing
to him about it.</p>
          <div3 type="confession">
            <head><hi rend="italics">The voluntary confession of</hi> ROLLA, <hi rend="italics">to the Court, made after his
trial, but before sentence was passed on him.</hi></head>
            <p>I know Denmark Vesey, on one occasion he asked me, what
news? I told him; none. He replied, we are free, but the white
people here won't let us be so; and the only way is, to raise up
and fight the whites. I went to his house one night, to learn
where the meetings were held. I never conversed on this subject
with Batteau or Ned. Vesey told me, he was the leader in
this plot. I never conversed either with Peter or Mingo. Vesey
induced me to join. When I went to Vesey's house, there was
a meeting there, the room was full of people, but none of them
white. That night, at Vesey's, we determined to have arms
made, and each man to put in twelve and a half cents towards
that purpose. Though Vesey's room was full, I did not know
one individual there. At this meeting, Vesey said, we were to
take the guardhouse and magazines, to get arms; that we
ought to rise up against the whites to get our liberties. He was
the first to rise up and speak, and he read to us from the bible,
how the <hi rend="italics">children of Israel were delivered out of Egypt from
bondage;</hi> he said, that the rising would take place last Sunday
night, (the 16th June,) and that Peter Poyas was one.</p>
          </div3>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>(C.)</head>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head><hi rend="italics">Examination of</hi> SALLY, <hi rend="italics">a negro woman belonging to Mr. Alexander
Howard.</hi></head>
            <p>I know Jesse, and heard him speak several times about it; one
day in particular, he was anxious to see his brother, who has my
mother for his wife, and waited until he came, when they conversed
together. Jesse said, he had got a horse to go into the
country, to bring down men to fight the white people; that he
was allowed to pass by two parties of the patrol on the road, but
that a third party had brought him back, and that if there were
<pb id="p37" n="37"/>
but five men like him, they would destroy the city. This was on
last Sunday week, (the 16th June,) he said, that before 3 o'clock,
that night, all the white people would be killed. That if any
person informed, or would not join in the fight, such person
would be killed or poisoned. He frequently came into the yard
to see his brother, and I threatened to inform, if he came there,
and spoke in that way, to get us all into trouble. We never had
any quarrel.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head><hi rend="italics">Examination of</hi> LOT, <hi rend="italics">a negro man belonging to Mr. Forrester.</hi></head>
            <p>I know Jesse; he met me last Sunday week (16th June) at
the corner of Boundary street, as I was coming into town; he
said, he was going to get a horse to go into the country. From
what my master had told me the Thursday before, I distrusted his
errand, and gave him a caution. When, as I was going down into
town towards Mr. Hibben's ferry slip, and conversing with him,
he said, you shall see to night, when I come down, what I am
going up for, and, <hi rend="italics">if my own father does not assist, I will cut off
his head</hi><corr>.</corr> He said, he was going as far as Goose creek bridge,
and would get a horse if it cost him nine dollars. The church
bells were then ringing, and at half past eleven o'clock, same day,
I saw him at Mr. Howard's, and afterwards understood from Sally,
that he had set off for the country, and had been brought back
by the patrole.</p>
          </div3>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>(D.)</head>
          <head><hi rend="italics">Examination of</hi> FRANK, <hi rend="italics">a negro man belonging to Mrs. Ferguson.</hi></head>
          <p>I know Denmark Vesey, and have been to his house; I have
heard him say, that the negro's situation was so bad, he did not
know how they could endure it; and was astonished they did not
rise and fight for themselves, and he advised me to join, and rise.
He said, he was going about to see different people, and mentioned
the names of Ned Bennett and Peter Poyas, as concerned with
him; that he had spoken to Ned and Peter on this subject, and
that they were to go about and tell the blacks, that they were
free, and must rise and fight for themselves: that they would
take the magazines and guardhouses, and the city, and be free;
that he was going to send into the country to inform the people
there, too; he said, he wanted me to join them. I said, I could
not answer. He said, if I would not go into the country for him,
he could get others; he said, himself, Ned Bennett, Peter Poyas,
and Monday Gell, were the principal men, and himself the head
man. He said, they were the principal men to go about and inform
the people, and fix them, &amp;c.  that one party would land
on <hi rend="italics">South Bay</hi>, one about Wappoo and about the farms; that the
party which was to land on South Bay, was to take the <hi rend="italics">guardhouse,
and get arms, and then they would be able to go on;</hi> that
the attack was to commence about 12 o'clock at night; that great
<pb id="p38" n="38"/>
numbers would come from all about, and it must succeed, as so
many were engaged in it; that they would kill all the whites;
that they would leave their masters' houses, and assemble near
the lines, march down and meet the party which would land on
South Bay; that he was going to send a man into the country on
a horse, to bring down the country <sic corr="people">peopel</sic>, and that he would pay
for the horse. He gave two dollars to Jesse, to get the horse on
Saturday week last, (15th June,) about 1 o'clock in the day, and
myself and witness (No. 8,) also put in 25 cents a piece, and he
told Jesse, if he could not go, he must send some one else. I have
seen Ned Bennett at Vesey's. I one night met at Vesey's a great
number of men, and as they came in, they each handed him some
money. Vesey said, there was <hi rend="italics">a little man, named Jack,</hi> who
could not be killed, and who would furnish them with arms; he
had a charm, and would lead them; that Charles Drayton had
promised to be engaged with them. Vesey said, the negroes
were living such an abominable life, they ought to rise. I said,
I was living well. He said, though I was, others was not, and
that it was such fools as I, that were in their way, and would not
help them, and that, after all things were well, he would mark
me. He said, he did not go with <hi rend="italics">Creighton to Africa, because he
had not a will, he wanted to stay and see what he could do for his
fellow creatures.</hi> I met Ned, Monday, and others, at Denmark
Vesey's, where they were talking about this business.</p>
          <p>The first time I spoke with Monday Gell, it was one night at
Denmark Vesey's house, where I heard Vesey tell Monday, that
he must send some one into the country to bring the people down.
Monday said, he had sent up Jack, and told him to tell the people
to come down and join in the fight against the whites; and also
to ascertain and inform him how many people he could get.
A few days after, I met Vesey, Monday, and Jack in the streets,
under Mr. Duncan's trees, at night, where Jack stated, he had
been into the country, round by Goose Creek and Dorchester;
that he had spoken to 6,600 persons, who had agreed to join.
Monday said to Vesey, that if Jack had so many men, they had
better wait no longer, but begin the business at once, and others
would join. The first time I saw Monday at Vesey's, he was going
away early, when Vesey asked him to stay, to which Monday
replied, he expected that night a meeting at his house, to fix upon
and mature the plan, &amp;c.  and that he could stay no longer.
I afterwards conversed with Monday in his shop, when he asked
me, if I had heard that Bennett's and Poyas's people were taken
up, that it was a great pity. He said, he had joined in the business.
I told him to take care he was not taken up. Whenever
I talked with Vesey, he always spoke of Monday Gell as being
his principal and active man in this business.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <pb id="p39" n="39"/>
          <head>(E.)</head>
          <head><hi rend="italics">Examination of Witness,</hi> No. 10, <hi rend="italics">a Negro Man.</hi></head>
          <p>Peter Poyas was the first man who spoke to me, and asked me
to join, I asked him what, the church? He said, no, have you not
heard, that the blacks were joining, to try and take the country.
I asked him, if he thought he had men enough to do it? He said,
yes, a plenty of men, and the society will contribute money,
with which a white man would purchase guns and powder for
them. He said he would call back, and I must consider if I
would join them. He called back, and asked me, if I was willing
now? Why Peter, said I, you have not got force enough. He
said, if I did not join, he would turn all my country people
against me. Said I, if so, I'll join you, but you must not put my
name down, when you come out, if I find you strong enough, I'll
join you. Well, said he, if you don't join you'll be killed. Peter
and Harry Haig called on me afterwards, I was not at home;
but the next morning I met Harry, who asked me for my name.
I refused it. He said, I would be killed if I did not join. I said,
I would join when they came out, if they were stronger than the
whites. Harry called on me again, and asked me, if I was willing,
that the thing would break out soon. I asked him, where
they would begin? He said, in Boundary street. At what
hour? He said, at 12 o'clock at night, or early in the morning,
as soon as the guard is discharged. Jack Pritchard called on
me, he is sometimes called Gullah Jack, sometimes Couter Jack,
he gave me some dry food, consisting of parched corn and ground
nuts, and said, eat that, and nothing else, on the morning when it
breaks out, and when you join us as we pass, put into your
mouth this crab claw, and you can't be wounded, and, said he,
I give the same to the rest of my troops—if you drop the large
crab claw out of your mouth, then put in the small one. Said I,
when do you break out, and have you arms? He said, plenty,
but they are over Boundary street, we can't get at them now,
but as soon as the patrol was slack, they could get them; this
was previous to the 16th June, on which day, he said, they were
to break out. On that day he came to me, and said, they could
not break out that night, as the patrol was too strong; he said,
he would let me know when they were ready. That Sunday
fortnight, the 30th June, he came to me, and said, I must lay by
still, they would not break out then, that he had been round to all
his company, and found them cowards. I said, thank God, then!
He said, give me back my corn and cullah, (that is crab claw.)
I said, I would not, and upbraided him for having deluded so
many. He said, all his country born promised him to join, because
he was a doctor, (that is, a conjurer.) He said, the white
people was looking for him, and he was afraid of being taken, that
two men came to his master's wharf, and asked him, if he knew
Gullah Jack, and that he told them, no. He said, his charms
<pb id="p40" n="40"/>
would not protect him from the treachery of his own colour. He
went away, and I have not seen him since. Harry Haig has
since seen me several times, and told me to hold myself ready.
I said, I'm ready when called on. He said, all the draymen
came to his master's cooper yard, and said they were ready, but
he told them, he was only waiting for Gullah Jack. He said,
he would tell me when they were ready, that they were only
waiting for the head man, who was a white man; but he, although
asked, would neither tell me the white man's name, nor where
the powder and arms were; this was last Tuesday, the very day
the six negroes were hanged, about six o'clock, A. M. this was
the last time we spoke, though I have seen him since. I saw
Charles Drayton before the 16th, at Monday Gell's, I was going
to Market, and Charles called to me as I crossed the street; Joe,
who has a wife at Mr. Remoussin's, asked me, if I did know
that Monday was at the head of the Ebo company, who are going
to fight the white people; Monday is an Ebo. I asked Joe,
if he was one of that company. He said yes, he was. I asked
him, what he could do, as he was an invalid. He said, he would
take Remoussin's sword and gun, and tell him to lay down in his
bed and be quiet. We parted. Previous to the 16th of June,
Monday Gell called me into his shop; I went in, and said to
him, I heard he was captain of his countrymen's company, the
Ebos. He said, he was a sort of a one. I bid him good morning,
when he said, when you want to hear the news, come here. I
never saw him afterwards.</p>
          <p>I met Charles Drayton on the 1st of July in the streets, when
he said, now get ready, we must break out at once, for we will
not let six lives be taken. I asked him, where they would begin?
He said, in Boundary street, directly as the patrol and light horse
turned in. I said, had you not better wait till after the 4th of
July. He said, no, because in the mean time the people would
be hanged. Charles said, they had force enough, and we parted.
I met him in market, betwixt 8 and 9 o'clock, on the 2d of July,
and said to him, now the people are hanged, I suppose you are
sorry you joined in the business. He said yes, and we
parted. Peter Poyas told me also, that they had force enough,
that some would come from James' and John's islands, and some
from Christ church parish, where he generally went over to a
meeting to have a talk, and that he had some about and about
in town, the number of which he would show me from the society
books, if I would only come to the society. He said, they
were to fight the whites, and keep on fighting, till the English
came to help them. Harry told me the same thing. Jack being
the head man, I asked him about the plan, he told me the
same thing; that the English were to come here to help them,
that the Americans could do nothing against the English, and that
the English would carry them off to St. Domingo. Monday and
Charles were very great together. John, Mr. Horry's coachman,
<pb id="p41" n="41"/>
came to me one day, and asked me what I thought? Every
one is ready, said John, to fight the whites, are you ready? He
said, I am ready. This took place sometime before the 16th
June, and every day he asked me the same questions. About this
time George Vanderhorst came to me and said, they were going
to take the country, and he had joined; that he was ready whenever
the blacks broke out. He requested me to let him sleep
at my wife's house near Boundary street; I saw him almost
every day after the 16th June, and he always said, he was ready
whenever the troops were ready. On the 16th June, Jack requested
me to let twelve men sleep at my wife's, as they were to
break out that night, and he wanted them to be near Boundary
street. On being refused, he departed in anger, and reproached
me<corr>.</corr> George called on me yesterday morning, and asked, if I
knew that Charles Drayton was taken up, and said, he was afraid
Charles would name him, not because he was on his list, for he
had joined Jack's company, but because Charles had met him
at Gullah Jack's, when they were consulting on the subject; that,
if he could hear that Charles had named him, he would run off.
On Monday, 1st July, Charles Drayton told me, that there would
be an insurrection on the morning of the 6th July, as soon as the
guard turned in; he said, he commanded the country born company.
Jack told me on the 1st July the same thing, and in addition,
that they were to rush in with their dirks, guns, and swords,
&amp;c.  they had got, kill the city guard, and take all the arms in the
arsenals; he also said, there were some arms in King street, beyond
Boundary street, in possession of a white man, which they
intended to take, (alluding to the arms of the Charleston neck
company, deposited at Wharton's, in King street.) Charles Drayton
said, he had prepared for himself a gun and a sword. John
Horry came to me very often, and once said, he had a sword, and
that, as soon as it broke out, he would go up stairs and kill his
master and family. On the 17th of June, on his carriage box,
he expressed himself to me in the same manner he had done previous
to the 16th. The blacks would have risen on the night of
the 16th, had the guards not been so strong; this I know from
Gullah Jack and Harry Haig, who said, that if the guards were
not too strong, they would get the arms near the lines, but if the
guards were out, they could not get them to break out with.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>(F.)</head>
          <head><hi rend="italics">Confession of</hi> HARRY HAIG.</head>
          <p>Julius Forrest, and myself, always worked together. Gullah
Jack calls himself a negro doctor, he induced Julius and myself
to join at last, but at first we refused; before the 16th June,
Jack appointed to meet us at Bulkley's farm; when we got there,
Jack was not there, but Peter Poyas came; we broke up at day
light. Not quite a month before the 16th June, Jack met me,
and talked about war. I asked Jack, how he would do for arms?
<pb id="p42" n="42"/>
Bye and bye, said Jack, we will have arms; he said, he would
have some arms made at the blacksmith's. Jack was going to
give <milestone n=" * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * " unit="typography"/>Until Jack
was taken up and condemned to death, I was just like I was bound
up, and had not the power to speak one word about it. Jack
charmed Julius and myself at last, and we then consented to join.
Tom Russell, the blacksmith, and Jack are partners, (in conjuring)
Jack learnt him to be a doctor. Tom talked to Jack about the
fighting, and agreed to join, and those two brought Julius and myself
to agree to it. Jack said, Tom was his second, and “when
you don't see me, and see Tom, you see one.” Jack said, Tom
was making arms for the black people; Jack said, he would not
be killed, nor could a white man take him.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>(H.)</head>
          <head><hi rend="italics">Confession of</hi> JESSE,<hi rend="italics"> the slave of Thomas Blackwood, Esqr.; furnished
to the Court by the Rev. Dr.</hi> D. HALL.</head>
          <p>I was invited to Denmark Vesey's house, and when I went, I
found several men met together, among whom was Ned Bennett,
Peter Poyas, and others, whom I did not know. Denmark opened
the meeting by saying, he had an important secret to communicate
to us, which we must not disclose to any one, and if we
did, we should be put to instant death. He said, we were deprived
of our rights and privileges by the white people, and that
our church was shut up, so that we could not use it, and that it
was high time for us to seek for our rights, and that we were fully
able to conquer the whites, if we were only unanimous and
courageous, as the St. Domingo people were. He then proceeded
to explain his plan, by saying, that they intended to make the
attack by setting the governour's mills on fire, and also some
houses near the water, and as soon as the bells began to ring for
fire, that they should kill every man, as he came out of his door,
and that the servants in the yards should do it, and that it should
be done with axes and clubs, and afterwards they should murder
the women and children, for he said, God had so commanded it in
the scriptures. At another meeting at Denmark's, Ned Bennett
and Peter Poyas, and several others were present in conversation,
some said, they thought it was cruel to kill the ministers, and the
women and children, but Denmark Vesey said, he thought it was
for our safety, not to spare one white skin alive, for this was the
plan they pursued in St. Domingo. He then said to me, Jesse,
I want you to go into the country, to enlist as many of the country
negroes as possible, to be in readiness to come down to assist
us. I told him, I had no horse, and no money to hire one; he
then took out two dollars, and gave them to me to hire a horse,
and told me to enlist as many as possible. I got the horse the
next Sabbath, and started, but the guard was so strict, I could not
<pb id="p43" n="43"/>
pass them without being taken up; so I returned, and told Denmark,
at which he expressed his sorrow, and said, the business
was urgent, for they wanted the country people to be armed, that
they might attack the forts at the same time, and also to take
every ship and vessel in the harbour, and to put every man to
death, except the captains. For, said he, it will not be safe to
stay in Charleston, for as soon as they had got all the money out
of the banks, and the goods out of the stores on board, they intended
to sail for St. Domingo; for he had a promise, that they
would receive and protect them. This Jesse asserted to me was
the truth, whilst the tears were running down his cheeks, and he
appeared truly penitent; and I have reason to hope, that he obtained
pardon from God, through the merits of Christ, and was prepared
to meet his fate with confidence, and that he was accepted
of God. At 4 o'clock in the morning of the execution, I visited
all the prisoners condemned, and found Jesse at prayers. He
told me, his mind was placid and calm; he then assured me, that
what he had told me was the truth, and <hi rend="italics">that he was prepared to
meet his God.</hi></p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>(K.)</head>
          <head><hi rend="italics">Confession of</hi> MONDAY GELL.</head>
          <p>I come out as a man who knows he is about to die—some time
after Christmas, Vesey passed my door, he called in, said to me
that he was trying to gather the blacks to try and see if any
thing could be done to overcome the whites; he asked me to
join; I asked him his plan and his numbers; he said he had Peter
Poyas, Ned Bennet, and Jack Purcell; he asked me to join;
I said no; he left me and I saw him not for some time. About
four or five weeks ago as I went up Wentworth street, Frank
Ferguson met me, and said he had four plantations of people
who he was to go for on Saturday, 15th June. How, said I,
will you bring them down; he said through the woods; he asked
me if I was going towards Vesey's to ask Vesey to be at
home that evening, and he would be there to tell him his success.
I asked Jack Purcell to carry this message, he said he would;
that same evening at my house I met Vesey's mulatto boy, he
told me Vesey wished to see me, I went with him; when I went
into Vesey's I met Ned Bennett, Peter Poyas, and Frank Ferguson,
and Adam, and Gullah Jack; they were consulting about
the plan; Frank told Vesey on Saturday 15th, he would go and
bring down the people and lodge them near town in the woods;
the plan was to arm themselves by breaking open the stores with
arms. I then told Vesey I would join them, after sometime I told
them I had some business of my own and asked them to excuse
me, I went away, and only then was I ever there. One evening
Perault Strohecker, and Bacchus Hammett brought to my shop a
keg, and asked me to let it stay there till they sent for it; I said
yes, but did not know the contents; the next evening Gullah
Jack came and took away the keg, this was before the 16th June;
<pb id="p44" n="44"/>
since I have been in prison I learnt that the keg contained powder.</p>
          <p>Pharo Thompson is concerned, and he told me, a day or two
after Ned and Peter were taken up, if he could get a fifty dollar
bill, he would run away; about two Sundays before I was brought
here, he asked me, in Archdale street, when shall we be like
those white people in the church; I said when it pleased God;
Sunday before I was taken up, he met me as I came out of Archdale
church, and took me into a stable in said street, and told me
he had told his master, who had asked him, that he had nothing
to do in this affair; which was a lie. William Colcock came to
my shop once and said a brother told him that five hundred men
were making up for the same purpose. Frank said he was to
send to Hell Hole swamp to get men.</p>
          <p>Perault Strohecker is engaged; he used to go of a Sunday on
horse back up the road to a man he knows on the same errand.
One Sunday he asked me to go with him; I went and Smart
Anderson; we went to a small house a little way from the road
after you turn into the shipyard road, on its left hand; they two
went into the stable with an old man that lived there, I remained
in the yard; they remained in the stable about half an hour; as
soon as they came out, I and Perault started to town to go to
church, and left Smart there; I was told by Denbow Martin,
who has a wife in Mr. Smith's house, that Stephen Smith belonged
to some of the gangs.</p>
          <p>Saby Gaillard is concerned; he met me on the Bay, before the
16th of June and gave me a piece of paper from his pocket; this
paper was about the battle that Boyer had in St. Domingo; in a
day or two he called on me and asked if I had read it, and said if
he had as many men he would do the same too, as he could whip
ten white men himself; he frequently came to me to speak about
this matter, and at last I had to insult him out of the shop; he and
Paris Ball was often together. A week before I was taken up,
Paris told me that my name was called.</p>
          <p>Billy Palmer and Vesey were constantly together; there was
once in my shop a long talk between them about this same matter;
I begged them to stop it; Vesey told him to try to get as many as
he could; he said he would.</p>
          <p>John Vincent told me that Edward Johnson, a free man, had
said, as he was a free man he would have nothing to do with slaves,
but the night they began he would join them.</p>
          <p>I told Charles Drayton what uproar there was about this business,
and since we have been here we have talked together.</p>
          <p>Albert Inglis came to me and asked if I knew any thing about
it; I said yes. He asked me if I had joined; I said yes; he
said he was one also; he said Adam, a free man wanted to see
me, I went with him one night; Adam asked me how many men
had joined; I told him what Frank Ferguson had said; he asked
me if I believed it; I said yes; he said if he could only find
<pb id="p45" n="45"/>
men behind him he would go before. Previous to the 16th, Albert
said to me quit the business; I told him I was too far into
it, so I must stick to it.</p>
          <p>I never wrote to St. Domingo<ref targOrder="U" id="ref16" rend="sc" target="note16">*</ref>
<note id="note16" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref16"><p>* Perault unhesitatingly stated to Monday's face, that he had written
two letters, to St. Domingo, and that he (Perault) had gone to Vanderhorst's
wharf with him, in April or May last, to give them in charge of a black
cook on board of a schooner bound to that island. After Monday was so
charged, he confessed that the fact was so, and that he had been induced
to conceal it under an apprehension that if it were known he had been guilty
of such an act all chance of mercy would be denied him.</p></note>
or any where else on this subject,
nor kept a list or books, nor saw any such things, but heard
that Paul's William had a list, nor did I hear anything about
arms being in possession of the blacks. I don't know that Tom
Russel made pikes, nor that Gullah Jack had any of them.</p>
          <p>Lewis Remoussin called at my shop and asked me to call at
his house, he had something to tell me, but I did not go; Jack
Glen told me he was engaged.</p>
          <p>I met Scipio Sims one Sunday, coming from the country, who
said he had been near the Savannahs to Mr. Middleton's place;
I heard afterwards that his errand was on this business.</p>
          <p>I know John the cooper, who said he was engaged too in this
business.</p>
          <p>William Garner said he was engaged in it and had got twelve
or thirteen draymen to join.</p>
          <p>Sandy Vesey told me he belonged to it too.</p>
          <p>At Vesey's house, Frank told Gullah Jack, to put one ball and
three buck shot in each cartridge.</p>
          <p>Mingo Harth acknowledged to me that he had joined, and Peter
Poyas told me so too; he, Mingo, told me so several times;
Mingo said he was to have his master's horse on the night of the
16th.</p>
          <p>Lot Forrester told me frequently that he was one of the company,
and I know that he had joined in the business myself.
Isaac Harth told me once that he had joined, he knew I was in
the business.</p>
          <p>Morris Brown knew nothing of it, and we agreed not to let
him, Harry Drayton, or Charles Corr, know any thing about it.
— — told me in my store that he was to get some powder
from his master and give it to Peter Poyas; he seemed to have
been a long time engaged in it, and to know a great deal. Joe
Jore acknowledged to me once or twice that he had joined, he
said he knew some of the Frenchmen concerned; he knew I
was in it.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>(L.)</head>
          <head><hi rend="italics">The Confession of</hi> JACK PURCELL.</head>
          <p>If it had not been for the cunning of that old villain Vesey, I
should not now be in my present situation. He employed every
stratagem to induce me to join him. He was in the habit of reading
to me all the passages in the newspapers that related to St. Domingo,
<pb id="p46" n="46"/>
and apparently every pamphlet he could lay his hands on,
that had any connexion with slavery. He one day brought me
a speech which he told me had been delivered in Congress by a
<hi rend="italics">Mr. King</hi> on the subject of slavery; he told me this Mr. King
was the black man's friend; that he, Mr. King, had declared he
would continue to speak, write, and publish pamphlets against
slavery the longest day he lived, until the Southern states consented
to emancipate their slaves, for that slavery was a great
disgrace to the country.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>(M.)</head>
          <head><hi rend="italics">Confession of</hi> JOHN ENSLOW.</head>
          <p>Monday Gell led me in it and took me to Vesey's; there was a
large meeting; Vesey told the meeting the people was to rise
up and fight the white people for their liberty; we always went to
Monday's house afterwards; Monday did all the writing; I heard
they were trying all round the country to Georgetown, Santee,
and round to Combahee, &amp;c. about to get people; Peter was also
there, he was one; Peter named Poyas' plantation, where he
went to meet; Bellisle Yates I have seen at the meetings, and
Adam Yates, Naphur Yates, Dean Mitchell, Cæsar Smith and
George (a stevidore) At Vesey's they wanted to make collection
to make pikes for the country people, but the men had no
money! Monday Gell said Purcell was one to get horses to send
men into the country; I heard a blacksmith was to make pikes.
Jack McNeil is engaged; I have seen them all at Monday's; Jack
said he was one and would try to get men; the plan was to take
the arsenals and guardhouses for arms, and not to fire the town
unless they failed; Monday was writing a letter to St. Domingo,
to go by a vessel lying at Gibb's and Harper's wharf; the letter
was about the sufferings of the blacks, and to know the people
of St. Domingo would help them if they made an effort to free
themselves; he was writing this letter in March, I am not certain
of the time; Perault was present when Monday wrote the letter,
and also a painter, named Prince Righton; I have seen Pompey
Haig at Monday's, but he neither assented or dissented; Jerry
Cohen was at Vesey's, and said to me he was one; I heard from
Vesey and Monday that they had engaged men from the country;
Peter Poyas said he had sent into the country to his brother to
engage men, who would send him an answer; a party was to attack
the guardhouse and arsenal; another the arsenal on the
neck; another the naval stores on Mey's wharf; another to attack
the magazine; another to meet at Lightwood's alley and
then try to cut off the companies from meeting at their places of
rendezvous; I belong to the African congregation; on Saturday
the 15th June, a man was to be sent into the country to bring
down the people, and Rolla was to command the country people
from Ashley river at the bridge; Ned Bennett and John Horry to
meet at Mr. Horry's corner, and Batteau to come down with Vesey's
party.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <pb id="p47" n="47"/>
          <head>(S.)</head>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>CLASS No. 1.<lb/><hi rend="italics">Comprises those prisoners who were found guilty and executed.</hi></head>
            <p>
              <figure id="class1" entity="hamcl1">
                <p>[Table Image]</p>
              </figure>
            </p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>CLASS No. 2.<lb/><hi rend="italics">Comprises those prisoners who were found guilty and sentenced to death, but
recommended to the mercy of the Executive, by the Court of Magistrates and Freeholders.</hi></head>
            <p>They have been respited to the 25th day of October, 1822, with a
view to the commutation of their punishment to banishment beyond the
limits of the United States.</p>
            <p>
              <figure id="class2" entity="hamcl2">
                <p>[Table Image]</p>
              </figure>
            </p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <pb id="p48" n="48"/>
            <head>CLASS No. 3.<lb/><hi rend="italics">Comprises those prisoners who were found guilty and sentenced to death, but
since respited by the Executive, until the 25th of Oct. with a view to the commutation of their punishment, to banishment beyond the limits of the U. S.</hi></head>
            <p>
              <figure id="class3" entity="hamcl3">
                <p>[Table Image]</p>
              </figure>
            </p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>CLASS No. 4.<lb/><hi rend="italics">Comprises those who were found guilty &amp; sentenced to be transported beyond
the limits of the U. S. by their masters, under direction of the City Council.</hi></head>
            <p>
              <figure id="class4" entity="hamcl4">
                <p>[Table Image]</p>
              </figure>
            </p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>CLASS No. 5.<lb/><hi rend="italics">Comprises those who were found guilty and sentenced to be transported beyond the limits of the state of South Carolina.</hi></head>
            <p>
              <figure id="class5" entity="hamcl5">
                <p>[Table Image]</p>
              </figure>
            </p>
            <p>This man will go out of the United States at his own request, under the 
direction of the city council.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>CLASS No. 6.<lb/><hi rend="italics">Comprises those prisoners who were acquitted by the Court, their guilt not being
fully proved. The Court, however, have suggested to their owners, the
propriety of transporting them beyond the limits of the United States.</hi></head>
            <p>
              <figure id="class6" entity="hamcl6">
                <p>[Table Image]</p>
              </figure>
            </p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <pb id="p49" n="49"/>
            <head>CLASS No. 7.<lb/><hi rend="italics">Comprises those prisoners who were acquitted by the court—and discharged.</hi></head>
            <p>
              <figure id="class7" entity="hamcl7">
                <p>[Table Image]</p>
              </figure>
            </p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>CLASS No. 8.<lb/><hi rend="italics">Comprises those prisoners who were discharged after their arrest by the Committee of Vigilance, the testimony against them not being sufficient to bring
them to trial.</hi></head>
            <p>
              <figure id="class8" entity="hamcl8">
                <p>[Table Image]</p>
              </figure>
            </p>
          </div3>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <pb id="p50" n="50"/>
          <head>RECAPITULATION.</head>
          <list type="simple">
            <item>Number of Prisoners executed . . . . . 35
</item>
            <item>Number respited until the 25th October, 1822, with a view to the
commutation of their punishment . . . . . 12
</item>
            <item>Number sentenced to be transported by their owners under direction
of the city council . . . . . 21
</item>
            <item>Number sentenced to be transported beyond the limits of the state . . . . . 1
</item>
            <item>Number acquitted, propriety of transportation suggested their
owners, and those whose masters have agreed to
transport without trial . . . . . 9
</item>
            <item>Number acquitted and discharged by the court . . . . . 27
</item>
            <item>Number acquitted and discharged by committee of vigilance . . . . . 25
</item>
            <item>Whole number arrested . . . . . 131</item>
          </list>
          <closer><salute><hi rend="italics">Respectively <sic corr="submitted">snbmitted</sic> by</hi></salute>
<signed>FRED. WESNER, THO. D. CONDY, THO. NAPIER,<lb/>
SAMUEL BURGER, EDWARD P. SIMONS, 
<lb/><hi rend="italics">Com. of Vigilance.</hi></signed></closer>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>SENTENCE.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref17" rend="sc" target="note17">*</ref></head>
          <note id="note17" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref17">
            <p>* <hi rend="italics">The above is selected out of the many Sentences passed on this occasion,
with a view, to give the reader a general idea of them.</hi></p>
          </note>
          <p><hi rend="italics">9th July,</hi> 1822.—JACK, a <hi rend="italics">slave belonging to Paul Pritchard, commonly called</hi>
GULLAH JACK<hi rend="italics"> and sometimes</hi> COUTER JACK,<hi rend="italics"> was brought up,
and sentence pronounced by</hi> L. H. KENNEDY, <hi rend="italics">Presiding Magistrate.</hi></p>
          <p>JACK PRITCHARD—The Court after deliberately considering all the
circumstances of your case, are perfectly satisfied of your guilt. In the prosecution
of your wicked designs, you were not satisfied with resorting to
natural and ordinary means, but endeavoured to enlist on your behalf, all
the powers of darkness, and employed for the purpose, the most disgusting
mummery and superstition. You represented yourself as invulnerable; that
you could neither be taken nor destroyed, and that all who fought under
your banners would be invincible. While such wretched expedients are
calculated to <hi rend="italics">inspire</hi> the confidence, or to alarm the fears of the ignorant
and credulous, they excite no other emotion in the mind of the intelligent
and enlightened, but contempt and disgust. Your boasted charms have
not preserved yourself, and of course could not protect others. “Your
altars and your gods have sunk together in the dust.” The airy spectres,
conjured by you, have been chased away by the special light of truth, and
you stand exposed, the miserable and deluded victim of offended justice.
Your days are literally numbered. You will shortly be consigned to the
cold and silent grave, and all the powers of darkness cannot rescue you
from your approaching fate! Let me then, conjure you to devote the
remnant of your miserable existence, in fleeing from the “<hi rend="italics">wrath to come.</hi>”
This can only be done by a full disclosure of the truth. The court are
willing to afford you all the aid in their power, and to permit any minister
of the gospel, whom you may select to have free access to you. To him
you may unburden your guilty conscience. Neglect not the opportunity,
or there is “no device nor art beyond the tomb,” to which you must shortly
be consigned.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="appendix">
          <head>POSTSCRIPT.</head>
          <p>Since these sheets have been put to press, it affords him, who has been
engaged in their preparation, much gratification to be able to correct one
mistake, as it places the fidelity of the slave who first gave the intelligence
of the intended insurrection, on much higher ground. On conferring with
his master, and the free man of colour, whose advice he sought, it appears
that the slave in question communicated the conversation at the market to
his young master, before he consulted his friend, (the free man of colour,)
and that the advice of the latter was that as “his young master was a
youth, that it would be best for him <hi rend="italics">immediately, without delay,</hi> to tell his
mistress, that his master might receive the information the instant he came
to town. <hi rend="italics">Vide</hi> page 4.</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
    </back>
  </text>
</TEI.2>