]> <emph>The Religious Instruction of the Negroes. In the United States:</emph> Electronic Edition. Jones, Charles Colcock, 1804-1863 Funding from the Library of Congress/Ameritech National Digital Library Competition supported the electronic publication of this title. Text scanned (OCR) by Richard Musselwhite Images scanned by Richard Musselwhite Text encoded by Jill Kuhn First edition, 1999 ca. 560K Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1999.

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 Call number LC2751 .J7 (Rare Book Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill) The Religious Instruction of the Negroes. In the United States Charles C. Jones 277 p. Savannah Published by Thomas Purse 1842

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 Library of Congress Subject Headings, 21st edition, 1998 English African Americans -- Religion -- History. African Americans -- Missions -- History. African Americans -- Education -- History. African Americans -- Education -- History. Church and education -- United States -- History. Christian education -- United States -- History. Slavery and the Church -- United States -- History. 1999-11-16, Celine Noel and Wanda Gunther revised TEIHeader and created catalog record for the electronic edition. 1999-11-05, Jill Kuhn, project manager, finished TEI-conformant encoding and final proofing. 1999-11-05, Jill Kuhn finished TEI/SGML encoding 1999-10-27, Richard Musselwhite finished scanning (OCR) and proofing.

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 THE RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF THE NEGROES. IN THE UNITED STATES BY CHARLES C. JONES SAVANNAH: PUBLISHED BY THOMAS PURSE 1842. ENTERED according to the Act of Congress, in the year eighteen hundred and forty-two: BY C. C. JONES, In the Office of the Clerk of the District Court of the United States for the District of GEORGIA. THOMAS PURSE, PRINTER, SAVANNAH. PREFACE.

THE preparation of the following pages has been undertaken at the suggestion of friends, seconded by the convictions of my own mind, that a small volume on the Religious Instruction of the Negroes in the United States would not be an unacceptable offering to the Public, and especially the Christian Public, at the present time. Whatever I have before prepared or published on the subject has been freely used, whenever it has suited my purpose, in the present composition.

I have endeavored to confine myself to the Religious Instruction of the Negroes, and have touched upon other subjects only when it has been necessary for the illustration or support of the one before me.

I commend the Book to the candid consideration of those who read it. My design has been to speak the truth plainly and in love, and to do good. May the blessing of Almighty God attend the effort.

CHARLES COLCOCK JONES. Riceboro, Liberty County, Ga., July 4th, 1842. CONTENTS. PART I. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF THE NEGROES FROM THEIR FIRST INTRODUCTION INTO THE COUNTRY IN 1620 TO THE YEAR 1842: DIVIDED INTO THREE PERIODS. The First Period—From their introduction in 1620 to the first census in 1790: a period of 170 years, . . . . . 1 1. Account of the Introduction of Negroes into the Colonies under the Government of Great Britain, . . . . . 2 2. Estimated Negro Population of the Colonies at the Declaration of Independence and census of 1790, . . . . . 3 3. Efforts for their Religious Instruction, both in Great Britain and America, year by year, during this Period, . . . . . 6 The Second Period—From the first census in 1790 to 1820: a period of 30 years, year by year, . . . . . 47 The Third Period—From 1820 to 1842: a period of 22 years, year by year, . . . . . 65 1. Efforts year by year. Manuals of Instruction, . . . . . 65 2. Action of Ecclesiastical Bodies, and of different Denominations of Christians, . . . . . 89 3. This period—a period of revival as to this particular duty, throughout the Southern States, . . . . . 96 4. General Observations, in conclusion of Historical Sketch, . . . . . 99 PART II. THE MORAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF THE NEGROES I. Disadvantages to be encountered in prosecuting an inquiry into the Moral and Religious Condition of the Negroes in the United States, . . . . . 101 1. The First Disadvantage.—Our intimate knowledge of the degraded moral character of the Negroes . . . . . 103 2 The Second Disadvantage.—Our difference of color and superior relations in society, . . . . . 104 3. The Third Disadvantage.—Our latent, and in many instances, manifest, disinclination to the full disclosure of the Moral and Religious Condition of the Negroes, . . . . . 106 4. The Fourth Disadvantage.—The difficulty of obtaining an insight into the Negro Character, . . . . . 110 II. Circumstances which affect their Moral and Religious Condition, . . . . . 112 1. The circumstances of the Slave Population, . . . . . 112[1.] The Negro in his Childhood. (a) Family Government, . . . . . 112(b) Religious Instruction, private and public, . . . . . 113(c) Access to the Scriptures, . . . . . 115(d) Association, . . . . . 115(e) Clothing, . . . . . 115(f) General mode of living, . . . . . 116[2.] The Negro at Adult Age.(a) Family, . . . . . 116(b) Religious Instruction, . . . . . 117(c) Access to Scriptures, . . . . . 118(d) Marriage and Government, . . . . . 119 2. Circumstances of the Free Negro population, . . . . . 120 (a) Location, . . . . . 120(b) Station and Condition in Society, . . . . . 120(c) Education and access to the Scriptures, . . . . . 121(d) Houses of Public Worship, Ministers, and Sabbath Schools, . . . . . 122(e) Family Government, associations, and prospects of advancement in society, . . . . . 123 III. Moral and Religious Condition of the Negroes in the United States, . . . . . 124 1. The Moral and Religious Condition of the Slave Population, . . . . . 125[1.] Country Negroes. (a) Ignorance of the Doctrines and Duties of Christianity, is prevalent among the Negroes, . . . . . 125(b) Intimately connected with their ignorance is their Superstition, . . . . . 127(c) Their sense of obligation to improve their religious privileges is seriously defective, . . . . . 128(d) They have but a poor standard of moral character, and are indifferent to the general corruption of manners that prevails around them, . . . . . 129(e) The frequency of Church Discipline and the character of the crimes requiring it, cast light upon their Moral and Religious Condition, . . . . . 131(f) Brief view of prevailing vices, . . . . . 1321. Violations of Marriage Contract, . . . . . 1322. Uncleanness, . . . . . 1343. Theft, . . . . . 1354. Falsehood, . . . . . 1355. Quarreling and Fighting, . . . . . 1366. Insensibility of heart, . . . . . 1377. Profane swearing, . . . . . 1378. Drunkenness, . . . . . 1379. Sabbath breaking, . . . . . 138[2.] Town and City Negroes. (a) Classes, . . . . . 139(b) Comparison with country Negroes, . . . . . 139[3.] Extracts from various Authors corroborative of the view taken of their Moral and Religious Condition, . . . . . 140 2. Moral and Religious Condition of the Free Negro Population, . . . . . 145 [1.] Prevailing Vices, . . . . . 145 (a) Lovers of pleasure and show, . . . . . 145(b) Proverbially idle, . . . . . 146(c) Improvident, . . . . . 146(d) Addicted to profane swearing, . . . . . 146(e) Quarreling, . . . . . 146(f) Sabbath breaking, . . . . . 146(g) Drunkenness, . . . . . 146(h) Theft, . . . . . 146(i) Lewdness, . . . . . 147 [2.] Extracts from different publications, . . . . . 147 [3.] General conclusions on the Moral and Religious Condition of the Negroes in the United States, . . . . . 153 PART III. OBLIGATIONS OF THE CHURCH OF CHRIST TO ATTEMPT THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE MORAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF THE NEGROES IN THE UNITED STATES, BY AFFORDING THEM THE GOSPEL. I. Obligations of the Church to afford the Gospel to Negroes, . . . . . 155 1. To the Negroes in the Slave States. Considerations which place them first in their claims upon our benevolent attention, . . . . . 156They are the most dependent of all people upon us for the word of life, . . . . . 156They are the most needy and most accessible, . . . . . 158The obligation of the Church in the Slave-holding States to impart the Gospel to the Negroes within those States, imposed upon us. [1.] By the Providence of God, . . . . . 159[2.] By the Word of God, . . . . . 159(a) Passages of a general character, . . . . . 160(b) Express commands to masters, both in Old and New Testament. Relation recognized, . . . . . 161[3.] We cannot disregard this Obligation, thus imposed, without forfeiting (a) Our Humanity, . . . . . 165(b) Our Gratitude, . . . . . 166(c) Our Consistency, . . . . . 166(d) Our claim to the spirit of Christianity, . . . . . 168 2. It is the duty of the white churches in the Free States to afford the Gospel to the Negroes in those States, . . . . . 171[1.] Because of their general poverty, . . . . . 171[2.] Their moral degradation, . . . . . 172[3.] Their dependence upon the whites, . . . . . 172[4.] And of consistency, . . . . . 173 II. Excuses in relation to a discharge of the Obligations now proved to rest upon the Church of Christ, usually advanced in the Slave States, . . . . . 175 1. The Negroes have the Gospel already, . . . . . 175 2. They are incapable of receiving religious instruction except to a very limited extent, . . . . . 178 3. The Gospel meets with little success among them, . . . . . 180 4. We have no means of supplying them with the Gospel, . . . . . 181 5. There are peculiar and great difficulties to be overcome, . . . . . 182 6. Excuses sometimes urged by owners, . . . . . 183(a) I am a Master, but no Christian, and am therefore excused from the duty, . . . . . 184 (b) Although I hope I am a Christian, yet I am not qualified to instruct my servants, . . . . . 184(c) I live away from my people, . . . . . 185(d) The management and religious instruction of servants cannot be united in one person, . . . . . 186(e) When I instruct my people they presume upon it, . . . . . 188 7. Excuses sometimes urged by Ministers,. . . . . . 189(a) I am not able to make myself understood by the Negroes. I have no turn for preaching to them, . . . . . 189(b) My church allows me no time to preach to the Negroes. I am willing to do so, if I could, . . . . . 190 III. Objections to the Religious Instruction of the Negroes in the Slave States, . . . . . 192 1. If we suffer our Negroes to be instructed the tendency will be to change the civil relations of society as now constituted, . . . . . 193 2. The way will be opened for men from abroad to enter in and inculcate doctrines subversive of our interests and safety, . . . . . 195 3. The religious instruction of the Negroes will lead to neglect of duty and insubordination, . . . . . 197 4. The Negroes will embrace seasons of religious worship for originating and executing plans of insubordination and villany, . . . . . 201 5. Religious instruction will do no good; it will only make the Negroes worse men and worse hypocrites, . . . . . 203 IV. Benefits which would flow from the faithful Religious Instruction of the Negroes, . . . . . 206 1. There would be a. better understanding of the relations of Master and Servant, and of their reciprocal duties, . . . . . 206 2. The pecuniary interests of Masters would be increased, . . . . . 208 3. Religious instruction would contribute to safety, . . . . . 210 4. Would promote our own morality and religion, . . . . . 216 5. Much unpleasant discipline would be saved the churches, . . . . . 217 6. The souls of our servants would be saved. Conclusion to Part III, . . . . . 218 PART IV. MEANS AND PLANS FOR PROMOTING AND SECURING THE RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF THE NEGROES IN THE UNITED STATES. I. The Church of Christ must be made familiar with the duty, and moved to its performance, . . . . . 221 1. No necessity for formation of extensive associations and societies for the work, . . . . . 221 2. Churches in their respective organized forms competent to the work, . . . . . 222 3. Duty should be brought before Bishops, Elders, and Deacons, and introduced by them into their respective Churches and Church Judicatories, and manner of doing so, . . . . . 222 4. Essays, reports, sermons, and tracts should be printed and circulated on the subject, . . . . . 225 II. Ways and Means of imparting Religious Instruction to the Negroes, . . . . . 226 1. The Gospel should be communicated to the entire Negro population; statedly, frequently, intelligibly, and in its fulness, . . . . . 226 2. Persons by whom it shall be so communicated. (a) In the first place, by Bishops of Churches both in the Free and Slave States, . . . . . 227 Particularly by Bishops in the Slave States, for 1. They are settled over entire households—Masters and Servants, . . . . . 227 2. They should, therefore, devote a portion of each Sabbath to regular preaching to the Negroes. . . . . . 2283. Lecture if possible, and attend plantation meetings during the week, . . . . . 2284. Should have regular Sabbath Schools for children and adults. Their benefit, . . . . . 2295. Stated seasons for meeting with colored members; and with colored children for their catechetical instruction, . . . . . 2306. Attend Funerals, . . . . . 2327. Perform Marriage Ceremonies, . . . . . 2328. Attend with their Sessions punctually and dilligently to the discipline of colored members, and appoint committees of Instruction for Inquirers, . . . . . 2339. Endeavor to awaken Church Members, Masters and Mistresses to the duty of affording suitable Instruction to their Negroes, . . . . . 234(b) In the second place, the Gospel must be communicated by Ministers of the Gospel, employed as Missionaries to the Negroes. 1. Missionaries absolutely needed, . . . . . 2352. Should be Southern men, . . . . . 2353. But how shall they be employed and supported? . . . . . 235By Domestic Missionary Societies, . . . . . 237By Presbyteries, Associations, Conferences and Conventions, . . . . . 237By one or more Churches uniting their contributions, . . . . . 238By one or more Planters doing the same, . . . . . 238(c) In the third place, we are to look to owners themselves to communicate the Gospel to the Negroes, . . . . . 2391. The owner should impress upon his people the great duty of attending public worship on the Sabbath, . . . . . 2402. Make all the children and youth attend punctually the Sabbath School, . . . . . 2403. The plantation should be brought under religious influences and the physical condition of the People improved, . . . . . 2404. The owner should undertake the instruction of the people himself. Way and manner of his doing so, . . . . . 244(d) In the fourth place, we are to look to Elders and Laymen to assist in this good work, . . . . . 248Our main dependence, in conclusion, must be upon settled pastors & stated snpplies of our Churches, . . . . . 249 III. The Manner in which the Gospel should be communicated to the Negroes, so as to meet the character, condition, and circumstances of the People, . . . . . 250 1. Manner of Preaching, . . . . . 250(a) What kind of Ministers are needed? Not ignorant, but educated and intelligent Ministers, . . . . . 250(b) The Minister to the Negroes should pay attention to his general deportment among them, . . . . . 254(c) To his manner in preaching, . . . . . 255(d) To the style and character of his sermons. What kind of sermons are most suitable, . . . . . 256(e) He should see that the strictest order is observed in all his religious meetings, . . . . . 252(f) And mark the deportment of the people, . . . . . 252 2. Manner of conducting Sabbath Schools. Manuals and Plans of instruction,. . . . . 252 3. Manner of conducting Plantation Meetings, . . . . . 267 4. Manner of treating opposition to the work of Religious Instruction of the Negroes, . . . . . 269 5. Manner of speaking and acting in relation to the Civil Condition of the Negroes, . . . . . 270 6. The best form of Church Organization for the Negroes, . . . . . 273 7. Conclusion, . . . . . 275 PART I. Historical Sketch of the Religious Instruction of the Negroes from their first introduction into the Country in 1620 to the year 1842. CHAPTER I. THE FIRST PERIOD—From their first Introduction, in 1620, to the first Census, in 1790: a period of 170 years.

SUCH is the scarcity of materials, and the difficulty of arriving at the scattered sources of information, that I have called the following Historical Notice of the Religious Instruction of the Negroes in the United States, “A SKETCH.” It deserves no better name, although, perhaps, it may embody the principal facts on the subject.

For the sake of perspicuity, the SKETCH is divided into PERIODS OF TIME—the First Period, extending from the Introduction of the Negroes into the Country, in 1620, to the first Census, in 1790; a period of 170 years: the Second Period, from 1790 to 1820; a period of 30 years: and the Third Period from 1820 to 1842; a period of 22 years.

1. Account of the Introduction of Negroes into the the Colonies under the Government of Great Britain.

It was in the year 1501 that Isabella of Spain granted permission for the introduction of Negro slaves into Hispaniola; but such only as had been born in Spain, or in slavery among Christians; and in the following year a few had been sent into the New World.

In 1508 the Spaniards opened a direct trade in slaves, and imported Negroes into Hispaniola from the Portuguese settlements on the Coast of Guinea. Ferdinand V., by royal ordinance, enjoined a direct traffic in slaves between Guinea and Hispaniola, in 1511, and Charles V., in 1512-13.

In 1517 Charles V. granted a patent to one of his Flemish favorites, containing an exclusive right of importing slaves, four thousand annually, into Hispaniola, Cuba, Jamaica, and Puerto Rico. This favorite sold his patent to some Genoese merchants for 25,000 ducats, and they were the first who brought into regular form that commerce for slaves between Africa and America, which has since been carried on under such revolting circumstances and to such an amazing extent.

Forty-five years after, in 1562-3, the English entered the trade under Sir John Hawkins and carried Negroes from Africa to Hispaniola, and in 1567 Queen Elizabeth protected and shared the traffic. Thus the Mother Country was engaged in the traffic forty-five years before the first permanent settlement was made in her American Colonies, which was at Jamestown, Virginia in 1607.

The Dutch, in common with other maritime nations of Europe, engaged in the trade, and a man-of-war of that nation, from the Coast of Guinea, in August, 1620, (four months before the Plymouth Colony arrived in America,) landed twenty Negroes for sale, in the Colony of Virginia, on James river, which determines the epoch of their introduction into the Colonies. From this period they were gradually, and at different times, introduced into all the Colonies from Massachusetts to Georgia; and for the most part, contrary to the wishes of the Colonists.

The first cargo of Negro slaves was brought into Boston in 1645, and though their introduction was denounced and the Negroes ordered to be “returned at public charge;” yet it was afterwards permitted, and people engaged in the trade.

In Maryland acts were passed encouraging the importation of Negroes, in 1671; and in this same year they were first introduced into South Carolina. They were legally admitted into Georgia in 1747. The precise year of their admission into the remaining eight of the old thirteen Colonies is not accurately known.

 2. Estimated Negro Population of the Colonies at the Declaration of Independence; and Census of 1790.

I have no references at hand by which to determine the number of Negroes in each of the Colonies, nor the aggregate in all, before the Declaration of Independence, as no general census was ever taken of the Colonies while they continued such. But there are statements of the number in most of the Colonies, given in different years, which I shall proceed to mention.

Virginia was settled in 1607, and in 1671 contained 2,000 Negroes; in 1763, 100,000.

Massachusetts was settled in 1620, and in 1763 contained 4,500.

Rhode Island was settled in 1636. In 1680 had imported but a few Negroes, in 1730 contained 1,648, and in 1748, 4,373.

Connecticut was settled in 1635. In 1680 had 30 Negroes, and in 1774, 6,464.

New Hampshire was settled from Massachusetts and became a separate Colony in 1741, and in 1775 contained 659 Negroes.

New York was settled by the Dutch in 1613. In 1756 contained 13,542.

New Jersey was settled 1627. In 1738 contained 3,981 Negroes and slaves, and in 1745, 4,606.

Maryland was granted to Lord Baltimore in 1632. In 1755 contained 42,764 Negroes, and for a time, 2,000 were imported annually. Mr. Burke says, in 1757 the number was upwards of 60,000.

North Carolina was permanently settled in 1650, and became distinct from Virginia in 1727. In 1701 it had 5,000 inhabitants, besides Negroes and Indians, and in 1702, 6,000.

South Carolina was granted to Lord Clarendon in 1662. In 1723 contained 18,000 Negroes; in 1724, 439 were imported; in 1730 contained 28,000; in 1731 1,500 were imported. In 1765 contained 90,000; in 1773 over 6,000 were imported. This Colony lost 25,000 Negroes in the Revolutionary war.

Georgia was settled in 1732-3. Slavery was legalized in 1747, and in 1772 contained 14,000 Negroes.

The probable number of Negroes in the Colonies at the Declaration of Independence in 1776, may be ascertained in the following manner. Take the known population in the different Colonies nearest the year 1776; compare that with the census of 1790; take into consideration the rate of increase from nature and from importation, and also the decrease; and then give the supposed population in round numbers.

Massachusetts.—Last return in 1763 to 1776, 13 years, the population decreasing; supposed population in 1776. . . . . . 3,500

Rhode Island.—1748 to 1776, 28 years, stationary. . . . . . 4,373

Connecticut.—1774 to 1776, 2 years, decreasing. . . . . . 6,000

New Hampshire.—1775 to 1776, 1 year, stationary. . . . . . 659

New York.—1756 to 1776, 20 years increasing. . . . . . 15,000,

New Jersey.—1745 to 1776, 31 years increasing. . . . . . 7,600

Delaware.—Estimated in 1776 compared with 1790. . . . . . 9,000

Pennsylvania.—Estimated in 1775 compared with 1790, the act of Abolition in 1780 taken into the account. . . . . . 10,000

In 1757, Mr. Burke says, “not the fortieth part of the inhabitants were Negroes.”

Maryland.—1755 to 1776, 21 years, increasing. . . . . . 80,000

Virginia.—1763 to 1776, 13 years, increasing. . . . . . 165,000.

North Carolina.—Estimated in same way as Delaware. . . . . . 75,000

South Carolina.—1765 to 1776, 11 years, increasing, and loss in Revolution considered. . . . . . 110,000.

Georgia.—1772 to 1776, 4 years, increasing. . . . . . 16,000

Total, . . . . . 502,132.

Making a total, in round numbers, of 500,000 Negroes who had, in the course of 156 years, from 1620 to 1776, accumulated on our shores, by importation and natural increase.

The proportion of free Negroes, in this estimate, at the Declaration of Independence, must have been inconsiderable; as it was not until after the Revolution that manumissions by owners, and manumissions in the progress of acts of Abolition, multiplied.

The Census of the United States for 1790, gives 697,697 Slaves and 59,481 Free Persons Of Color; a total of 757,178.

 3. Efforts for their Religious Instruction, both in Great Britain and America, year by year, during this Period.

Having brought distinctly to view this multitude of people introduced amongst us in the inscrutable providence of God, the original stock being in a state of absolute Heathenism, we may inquire into the efforts made for their Religious Instruction.

1673. Mr. Baxter published his “Christian Directory,” in which he has a chapter of “Directions to those Masters in Foreign Plantations who have Negroes and other slaves; being a solution of several cases about them.”

The first Direction calls upon masters to “understand well how far your power over your slaves extendeth and what limits God hath set thereto.”

“Remember that they have immortal souls, and are equally capable of salvation with yourselves: and therefore you have no power to do any thing which shall hinder their salvation. Remember that God is their absolute owner, and that you have none but a derived and limited propriety in them;—that they and you are equally under the government and laws of God;—that God is their reconciled tender Father, and if they be as good, doth love them as well as you;—and that they are the redeemed ones of Christ:—Therefore, so use them as to preserve Christ's right and interest in them.”

The 2d. Direction—“Remember that you are Christ's trustees, or the guardians of their souls; and that the greater your power is over them, the greater your charge is of them and your duty for them. So must you exercise both your power and love to bring them to the knowledge and the faith of Christ, and to the just obedience of God's commands.”

The 3d.—“So serve your necessities by your slaves as to prefer God's interest and their spiritual and ever-lasting happiness. Teach them the way to heaven, and do all for their souls which I have before directed you to do for all your other servants. Tho' you may make some difference in their labor and diet and clothing, yet none as to the furthering of their salvation. If they be infidels use them so as tendeth to win them to Christ and the love of religion, by shewing them that Christians are less worldly, less cruel and passionate, and more wise and charitable and holy and meek, than any other persons are. Wo to them that by their cruelty and covetousness do scandalize even slaves and hinder their conversion and salvation.”

The 7th and last Direction—“Make it your chief end in buying and using slaves to win them to Christ and save their souls. Do not only endeavor it on the by when you have first consulted your own commodity, but make this more of your end than your commodity itself; and let their salvation be far more valued by you than their service; and carry yourself to them as those that are sensible that they are redeemed with them by Christ from the slavery of Satan and may live with them in the liberty of the saints in glory.”

The works of this eminent servant of God had an extensive circulation, and these Directions may have been productive of much good on the plantations of those owners into whose hands they fell.

1680. Forty-four years after the settlement of Connecticut, the Assembly forwarded answers to the Inquiries of the Lords of the Committee of Colonies, wherein they say: “There are but few servants and fewer slaves; not above 30 in the colony. There come sometimes three or four blacks from the Barbadoes, which are sold for 22l each. Great care is taken of the instruction of the people in the Christian religion, by ministers catechising and preaching twice every Sabbath and sometimes on lecture days; and also by masters of families instructing their children and servants, which the law commands them to do.”

1701. “The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,” was incorporated under William III. on the 16th day of of June 1701, and the first meeting of the society under its charter was the 27th of June of the same year. Thomas Lord Bishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England was appointed by his Majesty the first President.

This society was formed with the view, primarily, of supplying the destitution of religious institutions and privileges among the inhabitants of the North American Colonies, members of the established church of England; and secondarily, of extending the Gospel to the Indians and Negroes.

It had been preceded by a company incorporated by Charles II. in 1661, for “the Propagation of the Gospel amongst Heathen Nations of New England and the parts adjacent in America;” which, however, did not accomplish much; the design, for the times then present and the necessities of the Colonies, being too narrow. The Honorable Robert Boyle, was first President of this company, and it was his connection with this society which led him to a deeper interest in the defence and propagation of the Christian religion, and he therefore left in his will an annual salary, forever, for the support of eight sermons in the year, for proving the Christian Religion against notorious Infidels; and he requires that the preachers employed, “shall be assisting to all companies and encouraging them in any undertaking for propagating the Christian religion in Foreign Parts.”

The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts entered upon its duties with zeal, being patronized by the King and all the dignitaries of the Church of England.

They instituted inquiries into the religious condition of the Colonies, responded to “by the Governors and persons of the best note;” (with special reference to Episcopacy,) and they perceived that their work “consisted of three great branches: the care and instruction of our people settled in the Colonies; the conversion of the Indian Savages; and the conversion of the Negroes.” Before appointing Missionaries, they sent out a traveling preacher, the Rev. George Keith, (an itinerant missionary,) who associated with himself the Rev. John Talbot. Mr. Keith preached between North Carolina and Piscataquay river in New England, a tract above 800 miles in length, and completed his mission in two years, and returned and reported his labors to the society.

The annual meetings of this society were regularly held from 1702 to 1819 and 118 sermons preached before it by Bishops of the Church of England, a large number of them distinguished for piety, learning, and zeal. The society still exists.

The efforts of the society for the Religious Instruction of the Negroes, are briefly as follows.

In June 1702 the Rev. Samuel Thomas, the first missionary, was sent to the Colony of South Carolina. The society designed he should attempt the conversion of the Yammosee Indians; but the Governor, Sir Nathaniel Johnson, appointed him to the care of the people settled on the three branches of Cooper river, making Goose creek his residence. He reported his labors to the society, and said “that he had taken much pains also in instructing the Negroes, and learned 20 of them to read.” He died in October 1706.

Dr. LeJeau succeeded him in 1706, and found “parents and masters imbued with much good will and a ready disposition to have their children and servants taught the Christian religion.” “He instructed and baptised many Negroes and Indian slaves.” His communicants in 1714 arose to 70 English and 8 Negroes. Dr. LeJeau died in 1717, and was succeeded permanently by Rev. Mr. Ludlam, who began his mission with great dilligence. “There were in his parish a large number of Negroes, natives of the place, who understood English well; he took good pains to instruct several of them in the principles of the Christian religion and afterwards admitted them to baptism. He said if the masters of them would heartily concur to forward so good a work, all those who have been born in the country might without much difficulty be instructed and received into the church. Mr. Ludlam continued his labors among the Negroes and every year taught and baptised several of them; in one year eleven, besides some mulattoes.”

The Indian war checked the progress of the society's missions for several years. The Parishes of St. Paul's, (1705,) St. John's, (1707,) St. Andrew's and St. Bartholomew's, (1713,) St. Helen's, (1712,) received missionaries. Mr. Hasell was settled in the last named parish, and the inhabitants were “565 whites, 950 Negroes, 60 Indian slaves, and 20 free Negroes.”

Rev. Gilbert Jones was appointed missionary of Christ Church Parish, 1711. He used great pains to persuade the masters and mistresses to assist in having their slaves instructed in the Christian faith; but found this good work lay under difficulties as yet insuperable. He wrote thus concerning this matter: “Though laboring in vain be very discouraging, yet (by the help of God,) I will not cease my labors; and if I shall gain but one proselyte, shall not think much of all my pains.” He was succeded in 1722 by Rev. Mr. Pownal. Two years after he reported in his parish 470 free born, and “above 700 slaves, some of which understand the English tongue; but very few know any thing of God or religion.” In the parish of St. George, taken out of St. Andrew's, the church stands 28 miles from Charleston, (1719,) Mr. Peter Tustian was sent missionary, but soon removed to Maryland. The Rev. Mr. Varnod succeeded him in 1723. A year after his arrival, at Christmas, he had near 50 communicants, and what was remarkable, 17 Negroes.

He baptised several grown persons, besides children and Negroes, belonging to Alexander Skeene, Esquire. The Rev. Mr. Taylor, missionary at St. Andrew's parish in South Carolina, reported to the society “the great interest taken in the religious instruction of their Negroes by Mrs. Haige and Mrs. Edwards, and their remarkable success; 14 of whom on examination he baptised.” The clergy of South Carolina, in a joint letter, acquainted the society with the fact “that Mr. Skeene, his lady, and Mrs. Haige, his sister, did use great care to have their Negroes instructed and baptised.” And the Rev. Mr. Varnod, missionary, had baptised 8 Negro children belonging to Mr. Skeene and Mrs. Haige, and he writes to the society that “at once he had 19 Negro communicants.”

Mr. Neuman was sent as a missionary to North Carolina in 1722. He reported some time after “that he had baptised 269 children, 1 woman, and 3 men, and 2 Negroes, who could say the creed, the Lord's prayer, and ten commandments, and had good sureties for their further information.”

The Rev. Mr. Beekett, missionary in Pennsylvania, in 1723, reported that he had baptised “two Negro slaves.”

In 1709 Mr. Huddlestone was appointed school master in New York City. He taught 40 poor children out of the societies funds, and publicly catechised in the steeple of Trinity Church every Sunday in the afternoon, “not only his own scholars, but also the children, servants, and slaves of the inhabitants, and above 100 persons usually attended him.”

The society established, also, a catechising school in New York city in 1704, in which city there were computed to be about 1,500 Negro and Indian slaves. The society hoped their example would be generally followed in the Colonies. Mr. Elias Neau, a French protestant was appointed catechist; who was very zealous in his duty and many Negroes were instructed and baptised. In 1712 the Negroes in New York conspired to destroy all the English, which greatly discouraged the work of their instruction. The conspiracy was defeated, and many negroes taken and executed. Mr. Neau's school was blamed as the main occasion of the barbarous plot; two of Mr. Neau's school were charged with the plot; one was cleared and the other was proved to have been in the conspiracy, but guiltless of his master's murder. “Upon full trial the guilty Negroes were found to be such as never came to Mr. Neau's school; and what is very observable, the persons whose Negroes were found most guilty were such as were the declared opposers of making them Christians.” In a short time the cry against the instruction of the Negroes subsided: the Governor visited and recommended the school. Mr. Neau died in 1722, much regretted by all who knew his labors. He was succeeded by Rev. Mr. Wetmore, who afterwards was appointed missionary to Rye in New York. After his removal “the rector, church wardens, and vestry of Trinity Church, in New York City,” requested another catechist, “there being about 1,400 Negro and Indian slaves, a considerable number of them had been instructed in the principles of Christianity by the late Mr. Neau, and had received baptism and were communicants in their church. The society complied with this request and sent over Rev. Mr. Colgan in 1726, who conducted the school with success.”

Mr. Honeyman, missionary in 1724, in Providence, Rhode Island, had baptized, in two years, 80 persons, of which 19 were grown, 3 Negroes, and 2 Indians, and 2 Mulattoes.

In Naragansett, the congregation was reported to be 160, (1720) with 12 Indian and black servants.

At Marblehead, the missionary reported (1725) having baptized 2 Negroes; “a man about 25 years old and a girl 12, and that a whole family in Salem had conformed to the church.”

The society looked upon the instruction and conversion of the Negroes as a principal branch of their care; esteeming it a great reproach to the Christian name, that so many thousands of persons should continue in the same state of Pagan darkness under a Christian government and living in Christian families, as they lay before under in their own heathen countries. The society immediately from their first institution strove to promote their conversion, and in as much as their income would not enable them to send numbers of catechists sufficient to instruct the Negroes; yet they resolved to do their utmost, and at least to give this work the mark of their highest approbation. They wrote, therefore, to all their missionaries, that they should use their best endeavors, at proper times, to instruct the Negroes, and should especially take occasion to recommend it zealously to the masters to order their slaves at convenient times, to come to them that they might be instructed. These directions had a good effect, and some hundreds of Negroes had been instructed, received baptism, and been admitted to the communion, and lived very orderly lives.”

The History of the Society goes on to say: “It is a matter of commendation to the clergy that they have done thus much in so great and difficult a work. But, alas! what is the instruction of a few hundreds in several years, with respect to the many thousands uninstructed, unconverted; living, dying, utter pagans! It must be confessed, what hath been done is as nothing with regard to what a true Christian would hope to see effected.” After stating several difficulties in respect to the religious instruction of the Negroes, (which do not exist at the present time, but in a very limited degree,) it is said: “But the greatest obstruction is the masters themselves do not consider enough the obligation which lies upon them to have their slaves instructed.” And in another place, “the society have always been sensible the most effectual way to convert the Negroes was by engaging their masters to countenance and promote their conversion.” The Bishop of St. Asaph, Dr. Fleetwood, preached a sermon before the society in the year 1711, setting forth the duty of instructing the Negroes in the Christian religion. The society thought this so useful a discourse that they printed and dispersed abroad in the Plantations great numbers of that sermon, in the same year; and in. the year 1725, reprinted the same and dispersed again large numbers. The Bishop of London, Dr. Gibson, (to whom the care of the Plantations abroad, as to religious affairs, was committed,) became a second advocate for the conversion of the Negroes, and wrote two letters on this subject. The first in 1727, “addressed to masters and mistresses of families, in the English Plantations abroad, exhorting them to encourage and promote the instruction of their Negroes in the Christian faith. The second, in the same year, addressed to the missionaries there; directing them to distribute the said letter, and exhorting them to give their assistance towards the instruction of the Negroes within their several parishes.”

The society were persuaded this was the true method to remove the great obstruction to their conversion, and hoping so particular an application to the masters and mistresses from the See of London would have the strongest influence, they printed 10,000 copies of the letter to masters and mistresses, which were sent to all the Colonies on the continent, and to all the British Islands in the West Indies, to be distributed among the masters of families, and all other inhabitants. The society received accounts that these letters influenced many masters of families to have their servants instructed. The Bishop of London soon after wrote “an address to serious Christians among ourselves, to assist the Society for Propagating the Gospel in carrying on this work.”

The letters of Dr. Gibson referred to, for their intrinsic excellence, and as an indication of the state of feeling on the subject, at the time they were written, render it proper that they should be inserted in this Sketch. I have not been able to obtain a copy of Dr. Fleetwood's sermon.

“The Bishop of London's Letter to the Masters and Mistresses of Families in the English Plantations abroad; exhorting them to encourage and promote the Instruction of their Negroes in the Christian Faith. London, 1727.

The care of the Plantations abroad being committed to the Bishop of London, as to religious affairs, I have thought it my duty to make particular inquiries into the state of religion in those parts; and to learn, among other things, what number of slaves are employed within the several governments, and what means are used for their instruction in the Christian faith. I find the numbers are prodigiously great; and am not a little troubled to observe how small a progress has been made in a Christian country towards the delivering those poor creatures from the pagan darkness and superstition in which they were bred, and the making them partakers of the light of the Gospel, and of the blessings and benefits belonging to it. And, which is yet more to be lamented, I find there has not only been very little progress made in the work, but that all attempts towards it, have been by too many industriously discouraged and hindered; partly by magnifying the difficulties of the work beyond what they really are; and partly by mistaken suggestions of the change which baptism would make in the condition of the Negroes, to the loss and disadvantage of their masters.

I. As to the Difficulties: it may be pleaded that the Negroes are grown persons when they come over, and that having been accustomed to the pagan rites and idolatries of their own country, they are prejudiced against all other religions, and more particularly against the Christian, as forbidding all that licentiousness which is usually practised among the heathens.

But if this were a good argument against attempting the conversion of Negroes, it would follow that the Gospel is never further to be propagated than it is at present, and that no endeavors are to be used for the conversion of heathens at any time, or in any country, whatsoever: because all heathens have been accustomed to pagan rites and idolatries, and to such vicious and licentious living as the Christian religion forbids. But yet, God be thanked, heathens have been converted and Christianity propagated in all ages, and almost all countries, through the zeal and diligence of pious and good men; and this without the help of miracles. And if the present age be as zealous and diligent in pursuing the proper means of conversion, we have no reason to doubt, but that the divine assistance is, and will be, the same in all ages.

But a further difficulty is, that they are utter strangers to our language and we to theirs; and the gift of tongues being now ceased, there is no means left of instructing them in the doctrines of the Christian religion. And this, I own, is a real difficulty, as long as it continues, and as far as it reaches. But if I am rightly informed, many of the Negroes who are grown persons when they come over, do of themselves attain so much of our language as enables them to understand and to be understood, in things which concern the ordinary business of life; and they who can go so far, of their own accord, might doubtless be carried much further, if proper methods and endeavors were used to bring them to a complete knowledge of our language, with a pious view to the instructing them in the doctrines of our religion. At least some of them, who are more capable and more serious than the rest, might be easily instructed both in our language and religion, and then be made use of to convey instruction to the rest in their own language. And this, one would hope, may be done with great ease, wherever there is a hearty and sincere zeal for the work.

But whatever difficulties there may be instructing those who are grown up before they are brought over, there are not the like difficulties in the case of their children, who are born and bred in our own Plantations, who have never been accustomed to pagan rites and superstitions, and who may easily be trained up, like all other children, to any language whatsoever, and particularly to our own; if the making them good Christians be sincerely the desire and intention of those who have the property in them and the government over them.

But supposing the difficulties to be much greater than I imagine, they are not such as render the work impossible, so as to leave no hope of any degree of success; and nothing less than an impossibility of doing any good at all, can warrant our giving over and laying aside all means and endeavors, where the propagation of the Gospel and the saving of souls are immediately concerned.

Many undertakings look far more impracticable before trial, than they are afterwards found to be in experience; especially where there is not a good heart to go about them. And it is frequently observed that small beginnings, when pursued with resolution, are attended with great and surprising success. But in no case is the success more great and surprising than when good men engage in the cause of God and religion, out of a just sense of the inestimable value of a soul, and in full and well grounded assurance that their honest designs and endeavors for the promoting religion, will be supported by a special blessing from God.

I am loth to think so hardly of any Christian master, as to suppose that he can deliberately hinder his Negroes from being instructed in the Christian faith; or which is the same thing, that he can, upon sober and mature consideration of the case, finally resolve to deny them the means and opportunities of instruction. Much less may I believe that he can, after he has seriously weighed this matter, permit them to labor on the Lord's day: and least of all, that he can put them under a kind of necessity of laboring on that day, to provide themselves with the conveniences of life; since our religion so plainly teaches us that God has given one day in seven, to be a day of rest; not only to man, but to the beasts. That it is a day appointed by him for the improvement of the soul, as well as the refreshment of the body; and that it is a duty incumbent upon masters, to take care that all persons who are under their government, keep this day holy, and employ it to the pious and wise purposes for which God,—our great Lord and Master— intended it. Nor can I think so hardly of any missionary, who shall be desired by the master to direct and assist in the instruction of his Negroes, (either on that day or on any other, when he shall be more at leisure,) as to suppose that he will not embrace such invitations with the utmost readiness and cheerfulness, and give all the help that is fairly consistent with the necessary duties of his function, as a parochial minister.

If it be said that no time can be spared from the daily labor and employment of the Negroes, to instruct them in the Christian religion; this is in effect to say that no consideration of propagating the Gospel of God, or saving the souls of men, is to make the least abatement from the temporal profit of the masters; and that God cannot or will not make up the little they may lose in that way, by blessing and prospering their undertakings by sea and land, as a just reward of their zeal for his glory and the salvation of men's souls. In this case, I may well reason as St. Paul does in a case not unlike it, that if they make you partakers of their temporal things, (of their strength and spirits, and even of their offspring,) you ought to make them partakers of your spiritual things, though it should abate somewhat from the profit which you might otherwise receive from their labors. And considering the greatness of the profit that is received from their labors, it might be hoped that all Christian masters, those especially who are possessed of considerable numbers, should also be at some small expense in providing for the instruction of these poor creatures, and that others, whose numbers are less, and who dwell in the same neighborhood, should join in the expense of a common teacher for the Negroes belonging to them. The Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, are sufficiently sensible of the great importance and necessity of such an established and regular provision for the instruction of the Negroes, and earnestly wish and pray, that it may please God to put it into the hearts of good Christians, to enable them to assist in the work, by seasonable contributions for that end: but at present their fund does scarce enable them to answer the many demands of missionaries, for the performance of divine service in the poorer settlements, which are not in a condition to maintain them at their own charge.

II. But it is further pleaded, that the instruction of heathens in the Christian faith, is in order to their baptism: and that not only the time to be allowed for instructing them, would be an abatement from the profits of their labour, but also, that the baptizing them when instructed would destroy both the property which the masters have in them as slaves bought with their money and the right of selling them again at pleasure, and that the making them Christians, only makes them less diligent and more ungovernable.

To which it may be very truly replied, that Christianity and the embracing of the Gospel does not make the least alteration in civil property, or in any of the duties which belong to civil relations; but in all these respects, it continues persons just in the same state as it found them. The freedom which Christianity gives is a freedom from the bondage of sin and satan, and from the dominion of men's lusts and passions and inordinate desires; but as to their outward condition, whatever that was before, whether bond or free, their being baptized and becoming Christians, makes no manner of change in it. As St. Paul has expressly told us, 1 Cor. 7:20, where he is speaking directly to this point, “Let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called:” and at the 24th verse, “Let every man wherein he is called therein abide with God.” And so far is Christianity from discharging men from the duties of the station or condition in which it found them, that it lays them under stronger obligations to perform those duties with the greatest diligence and fidelity, not only from the fear of man but from a sense of duty to God, and the belief and expectation of a future account. So that to say that Christianity tends to make men less observant of their duty in any respect, is a reproach that it is very far from deserving: and a reproach that is confuted by the whole tenor of the Gospel precepts, which inculcate upon all, and particularly upon servants (many of whom were then in the condition of slaves,) a faithful and diligent discharge of the duties belonging to their several stations out of conscience towards God. And it is also confuted by our own reason, which tells us how much more forcible and constant the restraint of conscience is, than the restraint of fear; and last of all, it is confuted by experience, which teaches us the great value of those servants who are truly religious, compared with those who have no sense of religion.

As to their being more ungovernable after baptism than before, it is certain that the Gospel every where enjoins not only diligence and fidelity, but also obedience for conscience sake: and does not deprive masters of any proper methods of enforcing obedience, where they appear to be necessary. Humanity forbids all cruel and barbarous treatment of our fellow-creatures, and will not suffer us to consider a being that is endowed with reason on a level with brutes: and Christianity takes not out of the hands of superiors any degree of strictness and severity that fairly appear to be necessary for the preserving subjection and government. The general law both of humanity and of Christianity, is kindness, gentleness and compassion towards all mankind, of what nation or condition soever they be; and therefore we are to make the exercise of those amiable virtues our choice and desire, and to have recourse to severe and vigorous methods unwillingly and only out of necessity. And of this necessity, you yourselves remain the judges, as much after they receive baptism as before; so that you can be in no danger of suffering by the change; and as to them, the greatest hardships that the most severe master can inflict upon them is not to be compared to the cruelty of keeping them in the state of heathenism and depriving them of the tokens of salvation as reached forth to all mankind in the Gospel of Christ. And in truth one great reason why severity is at all necessary to maintain governing is the want of religion in those who are to be governed, and who therefore are not to be kept to their duty by any thing but fear and terror; than which there cannot be a more uneasy state, either to those who govern or those who are governed.

III. That these things may make the greater impression upon you, let me beseech you to consider yourselves not only as masters, but as Christian masters, who stand obliged by your profession to do all that your station and condition enable you to do, towards breaking the power of satan and enlarging the kingdom of Christ, and as having a great opportunity put into your hands of helping on this work, by the influence which God has given you over such a number of heathen idolaters, who still continue under the dominion of satan. In the next place let me beseech you to consider them not barely as slaves, and upon the same level with laboring beasts, but as men-slaves and women-slaves, who have the same frame and faculties with yourselves and have souls capable of being made eternally happy, and reason and understanding to receive instruction in order to it. If they came from abroad, let it not be said that they are as far from the knowledge of Christ in a Christian country as when they dwelt among pagan idolaters. If they have been born among you and have never breathed any air but that of a Christian country, let them not be as much strangers to Christ as if they had been transplanted, as soon as born, into a country of pagan idolaters.

Hoping that these and the like considerations will move you to lay this matter seriously to heart, and excite you to use the best means in your power towards so good and pious a work; I cannot omit to suggest to you one of the best motives that can be used for disposing the heathens to embrace Christianity, and that is the good lives of Christians. Let them see in you and in your families, examples of sobriety, temperance and chastity, and of all the other virtues and graces of the Christian life. Let them observe how strictly you oblige yourselves and all that belong to you to abstain from cursing and swearing, and to keep the Lord's day and the ordinances which Christ hath appointed in the Gospel. Make them sensible, by the general tenor of your behaviour and conversation, that your inward temper and disposition is such as the Gospel requires, that is to say, mild, gentle and merciful, and that as oft as you exercise vigor and severity, it is wholly owing to their idleness or obstinacy.

By these means you will open their hearts to instruction, and prepare them to receive the truths of the Gospel; to which if you add a pious endeavor and concern to see them duly instructed, you may become the instrument of saving many souls, and will not only secure a blessing from God upon all your undertakings in this world, but entitle yourselves to that distinguishing reward in the next which will be given to all those who have been zealous in their endeavors to promote the salvation of men and enlarge the kingdom of Christ. And that you may be found in that number, at the great day of accounts, is the sincere desire and earnest prayer of your faithful friend.

EDM. LONDON.” May 19, 1727. “The Bishop of London's Letter to the Missionaries in the English Plantations: exhorting them to give their assistance towards the Instruction of the Negroes of their several Parishes in the Christian Faith. GOOD BROTHER:

Having understood by many letters from the Plantations, and by the accounts of persons who have come from thence, that very little progress hath hitherto been made in the conversion of the Negroes to the Christian faith; I have thought it proper for me to lay before the masters and mistresses the obligations they are under to promote and encourage that pious and necessary work. This I have done in a letter directed to them, of which you will receive several copies in order to be distributed to those who have Negroes in your parish; and I must entreat you, when you put the letter into their hands, to enforce the design of it by any arguments that you shall think proper to be used; and also, to assure them of your own assistance in carrying on the work.

I am aware that in the Plantations where the parishes are of so large extent, the care and labor of the parochial ministers must be great; but yet I persuade myself that many vacant hours may be spared from the other pastoral duties, to be bestowed on this; and I cannot doubt of the readiness of every missionary, in his own parish, to promote and further a work so charitable to the souls of men, and so agreeable to the great end and design of his mission.

As to those ministers who have Negroes of their own, I cannot but esteem it their indispensable duty to use their best endeavors to instruct them in the Christian religion in order to their being baptized; both because such Negroes are their proper and immediate care, and because it is in vain to hope that other masters and mistresses will exert themselves in this work, if they see it wholly neglected or but coldly pursued in the families of the clergy; so that any degree of neglect on your part, in the instruction of your own Negroes, would not only be withholding from them the inestimable benefits of Christianity, but would evidently tend to the obstructing and defeating the whole design in every other family.

I would also hope that the school masters in the several parishes, part of whose business it is to instruct youth in the principles of Christianity, might contribute somewhat towards the carrying on this work, by being ready to bestow upon it some of their leisure time; and especially upon the Lord's day, when both they and the Negroes are most at liberty, and the clergy are taken up with the public duties of their function.

And though the assistance they give to this pious design, should not meet with any reward from men, yet their comfort may be that it is the work of God and will assuredly be rewarded by him; and the less they are obliged to this on account of any reward they receive from men, the greater will their reward be from the hands of God. I must therefore entreat you to recommend it to them in my name, and to dispose them by all proper arguments and persuasions, to turn their thoughts seriously to it, and to be always ready to offer and lend their assistance at their leisure hours.

And so, not doubting your ready and zealous concurrence in promoting this important work and earnestly begging a blessing from God upon this and all your other pastoral labors, I remain, your affectionate friend and brother.

EDM. LONDON.” May 19, 1727.

Dean Stanhope (of Canterbury) states in his sermon, 1714, that success had attended the efforts of the society, and speaks of “children, servants, and slaves catechised.”

Bishop Berkley was in the Colony of Rhode Island from 1728 till late in 1730, and he also preached a sermon before the society, February 18, 1731, in which he thus speaks of the Negroes: “the Negroes in the government of Rhode Island, are about half as many more than the Indians, and both together scarce amount to a seventh part of the whole Colony. The religion of these people, as is natural to suppose, takes after that of their masters. Some few are baptized: several frequent the different assemblies; and far the greater part, none at all.

An ancient antipathy to The Indians, whom, it seems, our first planters (therein as in certain other particulars, affecting to imitate Jews rather than Christians) imagine they had a right to treat on the foot of Canaanites or Amalekites, together with an irrational contempt of the Blacks, as creatures of another species, who had no right to be instructed or admitted to the sacraments; have proved a main obstacle to the conversion of these poor people. To this may be added an erroneous notion that the being baptized is inconsistent with a state of slavery. To undeceive them in this particular, which had too much weight, it seemed a proper step, if the opinion of his Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor General could be procured. This opinion they charitably sent over, signed with their own hands: which was accordingly printed in Rhode Island, and dispersed through the Plantations. I heartily wish it may produce the intended effect. It must be owned our reformed planters with respect to the natives and the slaves, might learn from the Church of Rome how it is their interest and duty to behave. Both French and Spaniards, take care to instruct both them and their Negroes in the Popish religion, to the reproach of those who profess a better.”

From a “proposal to establish a college in Bermuda,” first published in 1725, the Bishop remarks: “Now the clergy sent over to America have proved, too many of them, very meanly qualified, both in learning and morals, for the discharge of their office. And indeed, little can be expected from the example or instruction of those, who quit their native country on no other motive than that they are not able to procure a livelihood in it, which is known to be often the case. To this may be imputed the small care that hath been taken to convert the Negroes of our Plantations, who, to the infamy of England, and scandal of the world, continue heathen under Christian masters, and in Christian countries; which would never be if our planters were rightly instructed and made sensible that they disappointed their own baptism by denying it to those who belong to them: that it would be of advantage to their affairs to have slaves who should “obey in all things their masters according to the flesh, not with eye-service as men pleasers, but in singleness of heart, as fearing God:” that Gospel liberty consists with temporal servitude: and that their slaves would only become better slaves by being Christians.”—[Berkley's Works: copied by Rev. W. W. Eells.]

In 1741, Archbishop Secker, after enumerating other successes, adds: “in less than 40 years great multitudes on the whole, of Negroes and Indians, brought over to the Christian faith.”

Bishop Drummond, in 1754, notices the Negroes in his sermon before the society, and insists upon the duty and safety of giving them the Gospel.

The amiable Porteus, 1783, when Bishop of Chester, (afterwards Bishop of London,) took a lively interest in this work, and preached a sermon before the society in support of it which may be found in his works.

In the year, 1783, and the following, soon after the separation of our Colonies from the Mother Country, the society's operations ceased, leaving in all the Colonies, 43 missionaries; two of whom were in the Southern States, one in North, and one in South Carolina. The affectionate valediction of the society to them was issued in 1785. Thus terminated the connection of this noble society with our country, which, from the foregoing notices of its efforts, must have accomplished a great deal for the religious instruction of the Negro population.

Thus, it is perceived, that the Negroes were not forgotten by the Church of Christ in England. Were they remembered by the Church of Christ in the Colonies themselves? We have no record of missions or of missionary stations established by or in any of the Colonies, in behalf, exclusively, of the Negroes, up to the year 1738.

1738. The Moravian or United Brethren were the first who formally attempted the establishment of Missions, exclusively to the Negroes.

A succinct account of their several efforts down to the year 1790, is given in the report of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Heathen, at Salem N. C., October 5th 1837; by Rev. J. Renatus Schmidt, and is as follows:

“A hundred years have now elapsed since the Renewed Church of the Brethren first attempted to communicate the Gospel to the many thousand Negroes of our land. In 1737 Count Zinzendorf paid a visit to London, and formed an acquaintance with General Oglethorpe and the Trustees of Georgia, with whom he conferred on the subject of the mission to the Indians, which the Brethren had already established in that Colony, (in 1735.) Some of these gentlemen were associates under the will of Dr. Bray, who had left funds to be devoted to the conversion of the Negro slaves in South Carolina; and they solicited the Count to procure them some missionaries for this purpose. On his objecting that the Church of England might hesitate to recognize the ordination of the Brethren's missionaries, they referred the question to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Potter, who gave it as his opinion, ‘that the Brethren being members of an Episcopal Church whose doctrines contained nothing repugnant to the Thirty-nine Articles, ought not to be denied free access to the heathen.’ This declaration not only removed all hesitation from the minds of the trustees as to the present application; but opened the way for the labors of the Brethren amongst the slave population of the West Indies;—a great and blessed work, which has, by the gracious help of God, gone on increasing even to the present day.

The same year Brother Peter Boehler was deputed to commence the desired mission, with Brother George Schulius as his assistant. They set out by way of London, in February 1738, and repaired, in the first instance, to Georgia, hoping to be provided with means for the prosecution of their journey by the colony of the Brethren already established there. Obstacles however being interposed, through the interested views of certain individuals, this mission failed and our Brethren, settling at Purisburg, took charge of the Swiss Colonists and their children in that town; Georgia not being at that period a slave-holding Colony. In 1739, Schulius departed this life. Peter Boehler emigrated in 1740, to Pennsylvania, with the whole Georgia Colony, of which he was minister; because they were required to bear arms, in the war against the Spaniards, which had recently broken out. In 1747 and 1748 some Brethren belonging to Bethlehem, undertook several long and difficult journies through Maryland, Virginia, and the borders of North Carolina, in order to preach the Gospel to the Negroes, who, generally speaking, received it with eagerness. Various proprietors, however, avowing their determination not to suffer strangers to instruct their Negroes, as they had their own ministers, whom they paid for that purpose, our brethren ceased from their efforts. It appears from the letters of brother Spangenberg, who spent the greater part of the year 1749 at Philadelphia, and preached the Gospel to the Negroes in that city, that the labours of the brethren amongst them were not entirely fruitless. Thus he writes in 1751—‘on my arrival in Philadelphia, I saw numbers of Negroes still buried in all their native ignorance and darkness, and my soul was grieved for them. Soon after some of them came to me, requesting instruction, at the same time acknowledging their ignorance in the most affecting manner. They begged that a weekly sermon might be delivered expressly for their benefit. I complied with their request and confined myself to the most essential truths of scripture. Upwards of 70 Negroes attended on these occasions, several of whom were powerfully awakened, applied for further instruction and expressed a desire to be united to Christ and his Church by the sacrament of Baptism which was accordingly administered to them.’

At the Provincial Synod which was held in Pennsylvania in 1747, brother Christian Frohlich was commissioned to take charge of the Negroes of New-York, who had evinced a great desire for the gospel, and of whom several had been already won for the Redeemer, by means of their attendance on the ministry of the word. In 1751 he visited the scattered Negroes in New-Jersey, by whom he was every where received with joy, and preached Christ crucified to a hundred of them at once with considerable effect, besides conversing with them at their work.

A painting is preserved at Bethlehem in which the eighteen first-fruits from the heathen who had been brought to Christ by the instrumentality of the brethren, and had departed in the faith, prior to the year 1747, are represented, dressed in their native costume and standing before the throne of Christ with palms in their hands, with the inscription beneath: ‘These are redeemed from among men, being the first fruits unto God and to the Lamb.’—(Rev. 14: 4.) Amongst the number are Johannes, a Negro of South Carolina, and Jupiter, a Negro from New York. The graves of colored Christians, who have died in the Lord, are also met with in several of our burial grounds in the North American congregations.

At the request of Mr. Knox, the English Secretary of State, an attempt was made to evangelise the Negroes of Georgia. In 1774 the brethren, Lewis Muller, of the Academy at Niesky, and George Wagner, were called to North America, and in the year following, having been joined by brother Andrew Broesing of North Carolina, they took up their abode at Knoxborough, a Plantation so called from its proprietor, the gentleman above mentioned. They were however almost constant sufferers from the fevers which prevailed in those parts, and Muller finished his course in the October of the same year. He had preached the Gospel with acceptance to both whites and blacks, yet without any abiding results. The two remaining brethren being called upon to bear arms on the breaking out of the war of independence, Broesing repaired to Wachovia, in North Carolina, and Wagner set out in 1779 for England.”

In the great Northampton revival, under the preaching of Dr. Edwards in 1725 and 6, when for the space of five or six weeks together the conversions averaged at least “four a day:” Dr. Edwards remarks, “There are several Negroes who, from what was seen in them then and what is discernible in them since, appear to have been truly born again in the late remarkable season.”

At a meeting of the General Association of the Colony of Connecticut, 1738, “It was inquired—whether the infant slaves of Christian masters may be baptized in the right of their masters—they solemnly promising to train them in the nurture and admonition of the Lord: and whether it is the duty of such masters to offer such children and thus religiously to promise. Both questions were affirmatively answered.” Records as reported by Rev. C. Chapin, D. D.

Of the condition of the Negroes about this time in New England, it has been said, “Their lot was far from being severe. They were often bought by conscientious persons, for the purpose of being well instructed in the Christian religion. They had universally the enjoyment of the Sabbath as a day of rest: or of devotion.”

Looking over the old record of “Entryes for Publications” (i. e. for marriages) “within the town of Boston,” I observed the following, among others:

1707. Negro.—Essex, a Negro man of Mr. William Clarke, Esqre.; Gueno, a R. Wo. of Walle Winthrop, Esqre.

Negro. Will, reg. serv't of Wm. Webster; Betty, reg'r serv't of Wm. Keen, March 9th.

1710. Negroes.—Charles and Peggy, Negro serv'ts of Mr. James Barnes, July 19.

Negro.—Jack, Negro serv't of Sam'l Bill; Esther, Negro serv't of Robert Gutridge, Oct'r 27.

By which it would appear that the community was not indifferent to their condition in as much as their marriages were public and legalized.

1747. Direct efforts for the religious instruction of Negroes, continued through a series of years, were made by Presbyterians in Virginia. They commenced with the Rev. Samuel Davies, afterwards President of Nassau Hall, and the Rev. John Todd of Hanover Presbytery.

Mr. Davies began his ministry in Hanover in 1747 and left Virginia about 1773 or 4. Mr. Davies, four or five years after his settlement in Hanover, “found it impossible to afford even a monthly supply of preaching to the congregations organized by him. Accordingly he sought an assistant in Mr. John Todd, a young preacher from Pennsylvania, who was installed in the upper part of Hanover, November 12, 1752.”

In a letter addressed to a friend and member of the “Society in London for promoting Christian knowledge among the poor,” in the year 1755, he thus expresses himself: “The poor neglected Negroes, who are so far from having money to purchase books, that they themselves are the property of others: who were originally African savages, and never heard of the name of Jesus or his Gospel until they arrived at the land of their slavery in America: whom their masters generally neglect, and whose souls none care for, as though immortality were not a privilege common to them, as with their masters; these poor unhappy Africans are objects of my compassion, and I think the most proper objects of the Society's charity. The inhabitants of Virginia are computed to be about 300,000 men, the one-half of which number are supposed to be Negroes. The number of those who attend my ministry at particular times, is uncertain, but generally about 300, who give a stated attendance; and never have I been so struck with the appearance of an assembly, as when I have glanced my eye to that part of the meeting-house where they usually sit, adorned (for so it has appeared to me) with so many black countenances, eagerly attentive to every word they hear and frequently bathed in tears. A considerable number of them (about a hundred) have been baptised, after a proper time for instruction, having given credible evidence, not only of their acquaintance with the important doctrines of the Christian religion, but also a deep sense of them in their minds, attested by a life of strict piety arid holiness. As they are not sufficiently polished to dissemble with a good grace, they express the sentiments of their souls so much in the language of simple nature and with such genuine indications of sincerity, that it is impossible to suspect their professions, especially when attended with a truly Christian life and exemplary conduct. There are multitudes of them in different places, who are willing and eagerly desirous to be instructed and embrace every opportunity of acquainting themselves with the doctrines of the Gospel; and though they have generally very little help to learn to read, yet to my agreeable surprise, many of them, by dint of application in their leisure hours, have made such progress that they can intelligibly read a plain author, and especially their bibles; and pity it is that any of them, should be without them.” Mr. Davies furnished the Negroes with what books he could procure for them, and requested a supply from the society of Bibles and Watt's psalms and hymns. Having received a supply he distributed them to the great joy of the Negroes. “The books were all very acceptable, but none more so than the psalms and hymns, which enable them to gratify their peculiar taste for psalmody. Sundry of them have lodged all night in my kitchen, and sometimes when I have awaked about two or three o'clock in the morning, a torrent of sacred harmony has poured into my chamber and carried my mind away to heaven. In this seraphic exercise some of them spend almost the whole night. I wish, Sir, you and other benefactors could hear some of these sacred concerts. I am persuaded it would surprise and please you more than an Oratorio or a St. Cecelia's day.” He observes: “The Negroes, above all the human species that ever I knew, have an ear for music and a kind of extatic delight in psalmody, and there are no books they learn so soon, or take so much pleasure in as those used in that heavenly part of divine worship.”

On one sacramental occasion “he had the pleasure of seeing 40 of them around the table of the Lord, all of whom made a credible procession of Christianity, and several of them gave unusual evidence of sincerity, and he believed that more than 1,000 Negroes attended on his ministry at the different places where he alternately officiated.”

Mr. Davies writes Dr. Bellamy, in 1757, “what little success I have lately had, has been chiefly among the extremes of Gentlemen and Negroes. Indeed, God has been remarkably working among the latter. I have baptized about 150 adults; and at the last sacramental solemnity, I had the pleasure of seeing the table graced with about 60 black faces. They generally behave well as far as I can hear, though there are some instances of apostacy among them.” The counties in which Mr. Davies labored were Hanover, Henrico, Goochland, Caroline, and Louisa.

“The Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts,” already noticed, in 1745 established a school in Charleston, S. C., under the direction of Commissary Garden. It flourished greatly and seemed to answer their utmost wishes. It had at one time 60 scholars and sent forth annually about 20 young Negroes well instructed in the English language and the Christian faith. This school was established in St. Phillip's church and some of its scholars were living in 1822, of orderly and decent characters.—Bp. Meade and Dr. Dalcho.

The year 1747 was marked in the Colony of Georgia by the authorized introduction of slaves. Twenty three representatives from the different districts met in Savannah, and after appointing Major Horton president, they entered into sundry resolutions the substance of which was “that the owners of slaves, should educate the young and use every possible means of making religious impressions upon the minds of the aged, and that all acts of inhumanity should be punished by the civil authority.”

1764. The Rev. Ezra Stiles, D. D., afterwards president of Yale College, and Dr. Samuel Hopkins, undertook the education of two apparently promising Negroes with a view to the ministry; but it was finally a failure. Dr. Plumer's Report.

1770 While Dr. Stiles was pastor in Newport, R. I., there were many African slaves in that town. “Of 80 communicants in his church in that town, 7 were Negroes These occasionally met, by his direction, for religious improvement in his study.”

Methodism was introduced into this country in New York, 1766 and the first missionaries were sent out by Mr. Wesley in 1769. One of these, Mr. Pillmore, in a letter to Mr. Wesley, from New York, in 1770, says, “the number of blacks that attend the preaching affects me much.” The first regular conference was held in Philadelphia, 1773. Number of ministers 10 and of members 1,160. From this year to 1776 there was a great revival of religion in Virginia under the preaching of the Methodists, in connection with Rev. Mr. Jarratt of the Episcopal Church, which spread through 14 counties in Virginia and 2 in North Carolina. One letter states, “the chapel was full of white and black;” another “hundreds of Negroes were among them with tears streaming down their faces.” At Roanoke another remarks, “in general the white people were within the chapel and the black people without.”

1780. At the 8th conference in Baltimore the following question appeared in the minutes. “Ques. 25.— Ought not the assistant to meet the colored people himself and appoint as helpers in his absence proper white persons, and not suffer them to stay late and meet by themselves? Ans.—Yes.” Under the preaching of Mr. Garretson in Maryland, “hundreds both white and black expressed their love of Jesus.”

1786. The first return of colored members distinct from white occurs in the minutes of this year, and then yearly afterwards, white 18,791, colored 1,890. “It will be perceived from the above,” says Dr. Bangs in his history of the Methodist Episeopal Church, “that a considerable number of colored persons had been received into the church, and were so returned in the minutes of conference. Hence it appears that at an early period of the Methodist ministry in this country it had turned its attention to this part of the population.”

Mr. Rankin writing on the general state of Methodism in the Colonies at the the commencement of hostilities, observes, “in May 1777 we had 40 preachers in the different circuits and about 7000 members in the society, besides many hundreds of Negroes, who were convinced of sin, and many of them happy in the love of God.” Life of Coke, p. 53.

In the year 1786 the following case of conscience was overturned from Donegal Presbytery, in the Synod of New York and Philadelphia; namely,

“Whether Christian masters or mistresses ought in duty to have such children baptized, as are under their care though born of parents not in the communion of any Christian church?”

Upon this overture “the synod are of opinion that Christian masters and mistresses whose religious professions and conduct are such as to give them a right to the ordinance of baptism for their own children, may and ought to dedicate the children of their household to God, in that ordinance, when they have no scruple of conscience to the contrary.”—Min. p. 413, and Min. of Gen'l Assem, p. 97.

And on the next page (414) it was overturned “whether Christian slaves having children at the entire direction of unchristian masters, and not having it in their power to instruct them in religion, are bound to have them baptized; and whether a Gospel minister in this predicament ought to baptize them?” The synod determined the question in the affirmative.

1787. The minutes of the Methodist conference for this year, furnish the following question and answer, indicative of continued interest in the colored population. “Ques. 17.—What directions shall we give for the promotion of the spiritual welfare of the colored people? Ans.—We conjure all our ministers and preachers by the love of God and the salvation of souls, and do require them by all the authority that is invested in us to leave nothing undone for the spiritual benefit and salvation of them, within their respective circuits or districts; and for this purpose to embrace every opportunity of inquiring into the state of their souls, and to unite in society those who appear to have a real desire of fleeing from the wrath to come; to meet such in class, and to exercise the whole Methodist discipline among them.” Number of colored members 3,893.

1790. Again: “Ques.—What can be done in order to instruct poor children, white and black, to read? Ans. Let us labor as the heart and soul of one man to establish Sunday schools in or near the place of public worship. Let persons be appointed by the bishops, elders, deacons, or preachers, to teach gratis all that will attend and have a capacity to learn, from 6 o'clock in the. morning till 10, and from 2 P. M. till 6, where it does not interfere with public worship. The council shall compile a proper school-book to teach them learning and piety.” The experiment was made, but it proved unsuccessful and was discontinued. Number of colored members this year 11,682.

The Methodist is the only denomination which has preserved returns of the number of colored members in its connection. I find it impossible to make any estimate of the number in connection with the other denominations. The Methodists met with more success during this period in the Middle and Southern States than in the Northern, and as they paid particular attention to the Negroes large numbers were brought under their influence.

The first Baptist church in this country was founded in Providence, R. I., by Roger Williams, in 1639. Nearly one hundred years after the settlement of America, “only 17 Baptist churches had arisen in it.” The Baptist church in Charleston S. C., was founded in 1690. The denomination advanced slowly through the Middle and Southern States and in 1790 it had churches in them all. Revivals of religion were enjoyed, particularly one in Virginia which commenced in 1785 and continued until 1791 or 1792. “Thousands were converted and baptized, besides many who joined the Methodists and Presbyterians.” A large number of Negroes were admitted to the Baptist churches during the seasons of revival, as well as on ordinary occasions; they were however, not gathered into churches distinct from the whites south of Pennsylvania except in Georgia. Brief notices of churches composed exclusively of Negroes will be given in the second period of this Sketch. Before the Revolution the Negroes in Virginia attended in crowds the Episcopal church, there being no other denomination of Christians of consequence in the State; but upon the introduction of other denominations they went off to them. Old Robert Carter, or Counsellor or King Carter, as he was commonly called, among the richest men in the State, owning some 700 or 800 slaves and large tracts of land; built Christ's Church in Lancaster county, Va., and reserved one-fourth for his servants and tenants. He was himself baptized, and afterwards emancipated a large number of his Negroes and living fourteen or fifteen years a Baptist, embraced and died in the faith of Swedenborg.

The independence of the American Colonies was acknowledged and peace established in 1783. The articles of confederation of 1778 were superseded by our present Constitution in 1787, from the ratification of which to the present time our country has been rapidly advancing in prosperity.

From the beginning of our controversies with the mother country to the breaking out of the revolutionary war; throughout the period of that arduous struggle; and from its close, throughout the period of national exhaustion, loss of public credit, derangement in trade, political excitements, and conflicting opinions, to the ratification of the constitution, a period of near 20 years, the colonies suffered immeasurably in a moral and religious point of view; and the notices during this period of the state of the churches and of the progress of the Gospel, are gloomy, and some of them of the gloomiest character. Of course the Negroes suffered in common with the rest of the population.

A few remarks suggested by the facts embraced in this first period of our Sketch, shall bring it to a conclusion.

The religious condition of the colonies up to the period of the revolution, taken on the whole, was not one remarkable for its prosperity, notwithstanding there had been some revivals of religion. The New England Colonies were in respect to a supply of ministers and religious privileges and improvement beyond all the rest. But the whole country was in a forming state: but recently settled; every year receiving fresh colonists from abroad, and the older settlers pushing their way into new and unexplored regions; while repeated wars with the Indians, and wars with the French, the Dutch, and the Spaniards, threw different portions into protracted, distressing, and injurious commotions. Agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and the arts, were but in their infancy; and the general conduct of the mother country in regard to the government of the colonies and the policy to be pursued towards them, was wretched; sometimes contradictory, frequently oppressive and injurious, and contrary to the wishes of the colonists.

Such being the state of affairs, we ought not to anticipate any remarkable degree of attention, to the religious instruction of the Negroes, within the Colonies, as an independent class of population. Especially too, as the effect of the slave trade, during its existence, was to harden the feelings against the unfortunate subjects of it, while their degraded and miserable appearance and character, their stupidity, their uncouth languages and gross superstitions, and their constant occupation, operated as so many checks to benevolent efforts for their conversion to Christianity. And thus, those who advocated the slave-trade on the ground that it introduced the Negroes to the blessings of civilization and the Gospel, saw their favorite argument losing its force, in great measure, from year to year.

The fact, however, is worthy of remembrance, that while the Indians—some of whom received us as guests and sold us their lands at almost no compensation at all, and others were driven back to make us room; and with whom we had frequent and bloody wars, and we became from time to time, mutual scourges—received some eminent missionaries from the colonists, and had no inconsiderable interest awakened for their conversion; the African who were brought over and bought by us for servants, and who wore out their lives as such, enriching thousands, from Massachusetts to Georgia and were members of our households, never received from the colonists themselves a solitary missionary exclusively devoted to their good; nor was there ever a single society established within the Colonies, that we know of, with the express design of promoting their religious instruction!

The conclusion, however, would be unwarrantable, that they were wholly neglected. The language of President Davies, “that no man cared for their souls,” must be received with abatement. For they had attracted the serious attention of societies in Europe, and of men eminent for wisdom, learning, and piety; and able appeals were written to promote their religious instruction: and some attempts were made to send over missionaries and also to engage the services of the settled clergy in their behalf, the Church of England in this good work taking the lead.

We are certified also, that efforts were made for their instruction, especially in the Southern Colonies, where their numbers were greater; and that owners did to some small extent desire and attempt the instruction of their households; and that the settled as well as itinerant ministers did not wholly neglect them. Many Negroes were received into the churches from one end of the Colonies to the other, and the rest and privileges of the Lord's day were secured to them either by custom or law. We see them occasionally noticed in the proceedings of ecclesiastical associations. There were catechetical schools and schools for teaching them to read, in a few places. The Negroes were allowed to read, and books were, upon occasions, distributed to them; but the privileges of education were gradually discouraged and withheld, more particularly in those Colonies and States containing a large population of them, and whose policy it was to perpetuate the system of slavery.

Were it possible for us to obtain from all the ministers of various denominations throughout the Colonies, who flourished during these 170 years, a report of their regular pastoral labors such as have been furnished by a few, it might possibly appear that the Negroes received a larger share of religious instruction than, upon a consideration of the facts now before us, many would be led to imagine.

 CHAPTER II THE SECOND PERIOD—From the first Census in 1790, to 1820, a Period of 30 years.

1790. The interest awakened in Virginia, by the labors of President Davies, continued throughout this period, as appears by the following letter from the venerable Dr. Alexander of Princeton.

“In addition to the efforts made by the Rev. Mr. Davies of Hanover, I would mention the name of a faithful coadjutor in this field, the effects of whose labors are still apparent in Cub-creek congregation, in Charlotte county, Va. The minister to whom I allude was the Rev. Robert Henry, a native of Scotland, who was for many years the pastor of Cub-creek and Briery congregations united, although their distance apart was not less than twenty miles. This gentleman possessed very humble talents as a preacher; blundered much, and sometimes lost himself, so that be had to conclude abruptly. He was so absent that on one occasion after preaching, finding the horse of another person hitched where he commonly left his own beast, he mounted and rode home without noticing the mistake. He was notoriously a man of prayer; for when he turned out of the public road to go to the house where he usually lodged the evening before he preached at Briery, he could be heard praying aloud long before he was in sight, and sometimes he became so much engaged that his old bald horse would come up and stop at the gate whilst he was still in earnest supplication.

This man judiciously turned much of his attention to the Negroes; and to them his ministry was attended with abundant success. Many were converted and gathered into the church at Cub-creek. As this congregation was situated on the northern bank of Staunton river, where the land is very fertile, there were several large estates, possessing many slaves, within reach of the house of worship where he preached.”

The Rev. Henry Lacy succeeded Mr. Henry; during whose ministrations at Cub-creek about 200 were added to the church. There were 60 belonging to the church under the care of Mr. Cob.—Rev. W. S. Plumer's Report.

Dr. Alexander proceeds: “Many years after Mr. Henry's death, I was settled for several years in this county, and preached at the same places where Mr. Henry had labored. At Cub-creek I found about 70 black communicants, twenty-four of whom belonged to one estate. They were, in general, as orderly and as constant in their attendance on the word preached as the whites. Some of them had been received in Mr. Henry's time, but others afterwards. The session of the church appointed two or three leading men among them to be a sort of overseers or superintendents of the rest, and we found that they performed their duties faithfully.

It was in this same county and very much to the large colored congregation at Cub-creek, that Dr. Rice labored after I left the place. He was when first settled pastor of Cub-creek and Bethesda, a new congregation which grew out of the former. As he was willing to bestow a part of his time entirely to the blacks, the Committee on Missions of the general Assembly, appointed him for about three months in the year to labor among them, and I know that he was much encouraged in his work; had some very promising young converts; and the number of communicants was not diminished in his time. The present pastor (1840) is the Rev. Clement Read, a native of the county. He has labored there and at Bethesda for many years past. In general the Negroes were followers of the Baptists in Virginia, and after a while, as they permitted many colored men to preach, the great majority of them went to hear preachers of their own color, which was attended with many evils. In some parts of the state the Methodists also paid much attention to the Negroes and received many of them into their society; but still professors among the Baptists were far more numerous. In many instances those who had been brought into the Presbyterian church were swept off by one or the other of these sects. But as long as I was acquainted with the congregation at Cub-creek, I never knew one of them to leave their own communion for another. We had the testimony of their masters and mistresses, to their conscientiousness, fidelity, and diligence. The lady who owned 25 of the communicants, selected all her house servants from the number, though not herself a communicant in the Presbyterian church. And on several estates instead of overseers, some of these pious men were appointed to superintend the labor of the other field servants.”

The Rev. Henry Patillo, pastor of the Grassy Creek and Nutbush churches in Greenville county, North Carolina, labored successfully among the Negroes about this time; the good effects of whose efforts continued to be felt for many years after.—Dr. Plumer's Report to Synods of N. Carolina and Virginia.

1792. Towards the close of this year the first colored Baptist church in the city of Savannah, began to build a place of worship. The corporation of the city gave them a lot for the purpose. The origin of this church— the parent of several others—is briefly as follows: George Leile, sometimes called George Sharp, was born in Virginia about 1750. His master sometime before the American war, removed and settled in Burke county Georgia. Mr. Sharp was a Baptist and a deacon in a Baptist church, of which Rev. Matthew Moore was pastor. George was converted and baptized under Mr. Moore's ministry. The church gave him liberty to preach. He began to labor with good success at different plantations. Mr. Sharp gave him his freedom not long after he began to preach: for about three years he preached at Brampton and Yamacraw in the neighborhood of Savannah. On the evacuation of the country, (1782 and 1783,) he went to Jamaica. Previous to his departure he came up from the vessel lying below the city in the river, and baptized an African woman by the name of Kate, belonging to Mrs. Eunice Hogg, and Andrew, his wife Hannah, and Hagar, belonging to the venerable Mr. Jonathan Bryan.

The Baptist cause among the Negroes in Jamaica, owes its origin to the indefatigable and pious labors of this worthy man George Leile. It does not come within my design to introduce an account of his efforts in that island; I shall add only that in 1784 he commenced preaching in Kingston, and formed a church, and in 1791 had gathered a company of 450 communicants and commenced the erection of a commodious meeting house. It finally cost with steeple and bell 4,000l. He was alive in 1810 and about sixty years of age.

About nine months after George Leile left Georgia, Andrew, surnamed Bryan, a man of good sense, great zeal, and some natural elocution, began to exhort his black brethren and friends. He and his followers were reprimanded and forbidden to engage further in religious exercises. He would however pray, sing, and encourage his fellow worshippers to seek the Lord. Their persecution was carried to an inhuman extent. Their evening assemblies were broken up and those found present were punished with stripes! Andrew Bryan and Sampson his brother, converted about a year after him, were twice imprisoned, and they with about fifty others were whipped. When publicly whipped, and bleeding under his wounds, Andrew declared that he rejoiced not only to be whipped, but would freely suffer death for the cause of Jesus Christ: and that while he had life and opportunity, he would continue to preach Christ. He was faithful to his vow, and by patient continuance in well-doing, he put to silence and shamed his adversaries; and influential advocates and patrons were raised up for him. Liberty was given Andrew by the civil authority to continue his religious meetings under certain regulations. His master gave him the use of his barn at Brampton, three miles from Savannah, where he preached for two years, with little interruption.

Not long after Andrew began his ministry he was visited by the Rev. Thomas Barton, who baptized eighteen of his followers on profession of their faith. The next visit was from the Rev. Abraham Marshall of Kioka, who was accompanied by a young colored preacher, by the name of Jesse Peter, from the vicinity of Augusta. On the 20th of January 1788, Mr. Marshall ordained Andrew Bryan, baptized forty of his hearers, and constituted them with others, 69 in number, a church, of which Andrew was the pastor. Such was the origin of the first colored Baptist church in Savannah.—Holcombe's Letters; Analytical Repository; and Benedict's Hist. of Baptists: from which the preceding account has been taken.

Before dismissing this notice, I cannot forbear introducing the remarks of Dr. Holcombe on Andrew Bryan, written in 1812.

“Andrew Bryan has, long ago, not only honorably obtained liberty, but a handsome estate. His fleecy and well-set locks have been bleached by eighty winters; and dressed like a bishop of London, he rides, moderately corpulent, in his chair, and with manly features, of a jetty hue, fills every person to whom he gracefully bows, with pleasure and veneration, by displaying in smiles even rows of natural teeth, white as ivory, and a pair of fine black eyes, sparkling with intelligence, benevolence, and joy. In giving daily thanks to God for his mercies my aged friend seldom forgets to mention the favorable change that has of late years appeared through the lower parts of Georgia, as well as of South Carolina, in the treatment of servants.”—Let. 17.

1793. The African church in Augusta, Ga., was gathered by the labors of Jesse Peter, and was constituted this year by Rev. Abraham Marshall and David Tinsley. Jesse Peter was also called Jesse Golfin on account of his master's name—living twelve miles below Augusta.

The number of Baptists in the United States this year was 73,471, allowing one-fourth to be Negroes the denomination would embrace between eighteen and nineteen thousand.

1795. The returns of colored members in the Methodist denomination from 1791 to 1795, inclusive, were 12,884, 13,871, 16,227, 13,814, 12,170.

Several annual conferences recommended a general fast, to be held March 1796, and in the enumeration of blessings to be invoked the last mentioned was “that Africans and Indians may help to fill the pure church of God.” And in the matters recommended as subjects of grateful remembrance in the day of thanksgiving for the last Thursday in October 1796, the last mentioned is— “And for African liberty; we feel grateful that many thousands of these poor people are free and pious.”

1797. The Methodists reported in 1796, 11,280 colored members. The recapitulation of the numbers for 1797 is given by States, and as it is a most interesting document I insert it entire, so far as it relates to the Negroes.

Mass. . . . . . 8 R. I. . . . . . 2 Conn. . . . . . 15 N. Y. . . . . . 238 N. J. . . . . . 127 Penn. . . . . . 198 Del. . . . . . 823 Md. . . . . . 5 106 Va. . . . . . 2 490 N. C. . . . . 2 071 S. C. . . . . . 890 Ga. . . . . . 148 Tenn. . . . . . 42 Ky. . . . . . 57

Making a total of 12,215; nearly one-fourth of the whole number of members, were colored. There were three only in Canada.

Dr. Bangs adds: “It will be seen by the above enumeration that there were upward of 12,000 people of color attached to the Methodist Episcopal Church. These were chiefly in the Southern States, and had been gathered principally from the slave population.

At an early period of the Methodist ministry in this c