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Fifty Years in the Gospel Ministry from 1864 to 1914.
Twenty-seven Years in the Pastorate; Sixteen Years' Active Service as Chaplain
in the U. S. Army; Seven Years Professor in Wilberforce University;
Two Trips to Europe; A Trip in Mexico:

Electronic Edition.

Steward, T. G. (Theophilus Gould), 1843-1924


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Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
2001.

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Source Description:
(title page) Fifty Years in the Gospel Ministry from 1864 to 1914. Twenty-seven Years in the Pastorate; Sixteen Years' Active Service as Chaplain in the U. S. Army; Seven Years Professor in Wilberforce University; Two Trips to Europe; A Trip in Mexico.
(cover) Fifty Years in the Gospel Ministry
Theophilus Gould Steward
521 p., ill.
Phila., Pa.
Printed by A. M. E. Book Concern
[1921?]
Call number BX8449.S74 A3 (Davis Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill)


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Library of Congress Subject Headings, 21st edition, 1998

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Revision History:


        

Illustration


        

Illustration

Chaplain T. G. Steward


        

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Illustration


FROM 1864 TO 1914
FIFTY YEARS
IN THE
GOSPEL MINISTRY


Twenty-seven years in the pastorate; sixteen
years' active service as Chaplain in the U.S.
Army; seven years professor in Wilberforce
University; two trips to Europe; a trip in
Mexico.

In Two Parts, with appropriate illustrations.

Introduction by Rev. Reverdy C. Ransom, D. D., Editor of the A. M. E. Review.

By

THEOPHILUS GOULD STEWARD
Author of "Genesis Re-read," "The Colored Regulars,"
"The Haitian Revolution," and other works.


Page verso

PRINTED BY
A. M. E. Book Concern
631 Pine Street
Phila., Pa.


Page iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page viii

ILLUSTRATIONS


Page errata

        The author regrets that despite his utmost care some errors have crept into this book. The important ones are corrected in the accompanying errata. Minor ones, which do not alter the sense the reader is asked to excuse.

ERRATA

        Page

        68 13th line from top, read filth for "fifth.

        157 14th line from bottom read sociological for "theological."

        175 16th line from top omit the word "no."

        188 14th line from top read thought for "ought."

        322 3rd line from the bottom, read Venido for Unido.

        501 11th line from the bottom read prisons for "persons."


Page ix

FOREWORD

        It is now 1921, and the story told in this book came to an end in fact seven years ago; and now standing upon the seventy-eighth terrace of the highland I have been ascending, I turn to look back and down upon the winding pathway by which I have come. The first flat terrace, so near sea level, seems not far away, and leaping over in vision the rising plateaus, the scenes of my youth, with the bright companions of those hours arise before me. The boys with whom I played ball, hunted, gathered nuts, skated and fished; the girls with their laughing faces whom we bashfully met at the various home parties, when the red apples were ripe; the quiet cheery grandmothers with their frilled caps; the busy mothers and daughters who baked the pies and fried the dough-nuts. Oh, but we were hungry boys then! And eating was a large part of our enjoyment. That was the morning of the day; the spring-tide of the year. I thank God for my youth. The country school; the Sunday school and the church made our triangle, and the circle that inscribed these included our home, family and community life.

        Then next I see the terrace of decision. It is marked about the fifteenth, and stands out with


Page x

its plain sign-board. The dream of the sea with its romance and song; the book, "Jack Halliard," and stories told by sea faring men had set up in my mind a fairy picture. My first step in this direction left a disgusting damp upon my fervor. We were engaged in clearing a swamp; it was August; the days were hot and long; the work irksome; and I complained to my father. Fortunately he was a wise man and in a few days came in, making the announcement, "Theoph, I've got a job for you." "What is it?" "To go on the steamer Express." I should sail; I should see the city which I had never seen; I was happy. I went on board; a white apron was tied around me and I was shown how to stand and wait. The waiter's position then was not what it is now. About six days ended my apprenticeship; I came home, went back into the swamp to work; father never said anything to me nor I to him over the matter. I think he was immensely pleased with the outcome. I never got a cent for my time on the boat, and I do not think I earned any beyond the food I ate. The next year I shipped on a sailing craft, which I liked to a passion; but the John Brown raid had created such excitement that I was obliged to leave my vessel in Annapolis, Maryland, and take passage north on a vessel that had been cleared from a point in the south. I made many efforts to secure protection as a sailor but failed.


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        Then there came into our community Rev. Joseph H. Smith, a man who knew how to interest boys: who was full of life, but an earnest, whole-souled gospel preacher. He had a rich voice, and knew how to use it; preached always with his eyes apparently shut, but never got lost in his sermons. Under his preaching, as he portrayed the love of God, I was deeply convicted; I was also reading "Baxter's Saints' Rest." The clear light of pardon and acceptance came to me on a bright moonlight night as I was coming home from the meeting, walking with my oldest sister. I knew then, and I know now, that God owned me as His child. Praise His name!

        It was probably the next day, certainly soon thereafter, before I had got adjusted to my new life, that a fellow perhaps not knowing of my conversion, rushed into me for something of the bygones, and I found myself engaged in a fight. I had not learned the "other cheek" lesson. When I came to myself I was chagrined, sorry, and in spiritual darkness. I thought I had forfeited my right and should give up at once. My mother saved me from a breakdown here. She was wise and good and while impressing upon me the wrongfulness of my act, gave me encouragement to go to God for forgiveness, and hold on to my profession. I was saved. An unwise counsellor might have driven me away.


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        Not long after this came the distinct and clear call to the gospel ministry. I hesitated; but it finally came to be to me a question of personal salvation. I must preach or become a cast-away. In informed my class-leader, Mr. Abijah Gould, who asked me if I had fully counted the cost, and did I remember that, to use his own words, "the finger of scorn would be pointed at me." I assured him I had made up my mind fully, and was ready to accept whatever might follow. License came, and in 1864 I was ushered into the ministry to begin the story I have just finished. Great have been the mercies of the Lord to me. From the plateau to which I have arrived, I can not only look backward and downward, but I can look forward and upward. What do I see in that upper region toward which I mount? In the sweet and inspiring language of the older and deeper hymnologists I can read:


                         "I see a world of spirits bright,
                         Who taste the glories there,
                         They all are robed in spotless white,
                         And conquering crowns they wear."

        And among them are some whose lives on earth were closely woven in with mine; and their white robes are beckoning me from the heavenly sphere. Only a little while, dear ones, and I too will fly from the mount below to the bending heights above.


Page xiii

INTRODUCTION

        Dr. T. G. Steward has been a voluminous producer of potential literature. His works include pamphlets, and substantial books on theology and history. The book presented here is probably his last and crowning work. It is biographical, covering a most interesting period in the history of the country and the church--the fifty years from 1864 to 1914.

        The reader will find here, revolving about the writer's own career which is portrayed, intimate glimpses of the religious, social and political history of the times. The fifty years' service of our author have not been bounded by the pulpit, the rostrum and library. As a chaplain in the the United States Army he has seen service in tent, in barracks and in the field. Haiti to the south of us, and the Philippines on the border of the Orient are far flung outposts in which our author has served with distinction and honor.

        Dr. Steward will long be a marked figure among us. Since his retirement from the Army, he is one of the few men among us having the leisure together with the culture and ability to lead a literary life. An appreciation of Dr. Steward, written several years ago by that careful observer and


Page xiv

judicious chronicler, Mr. John Wesley Cromwell, lately honored by Howard University with the degree of Doctor of Laws in recognition of his valuable history and literary labors, will show better than any words of mine how our author was regarded at close range when he was at the zenith of activities in church life. Dr. Cromwell says:

        "The career of Rev. Theophilus G. Steward, D.D., as an evangelical preacher closed by his appointment as Chaplain to the 25th U. S. Regiment stationed at Fort Missoula, Montana. Dr. Steward certainly has no superior as a pulpit orator in the A. M. E. Church. Of him the words of Rev. J. C. Embry to me, that he can say what he wants to say better than any other preacher in the A. M. E. Church, will certainly be indorsed by all who have listened to his administrations of the Word during his pastorate of the Metropolitan A. M. E. Church, Washington, D. C. Never seemed a pastor better adapted to the great needs of a people than he. Cultured, genial, pious, eloquent, he continued to attract to the church people who never believed it was possible they could see anything good, anything elevating, in the Methodist Church.

        "By his personal example he won many a soul to an open profession in the belief of a risen Saviour. When the relations of the church and himself were severed in 1888, there were many sad hearts. An experience of three years has shown


Page xv

that he is the best man yet developed for the place. Without going any further into much that has no legitimate place here and now, suffice it, that 1891 found Dr. Steward in charge of a church at Baltimore with his family here where they were located for the increased educational opportunities afforded. Then it was that he was induced to make a formal application for a U. S. Chaplaincy. In this he had the support of Hon. B. K. Bruce and Hon. John R. Lynch, with that of P. M. G. John Wanamaker, who had known him in Philadelphia.

        "Ten years have elapsed. Dr. T. G. Steward is once more here. He is now on leave from his regiment stationed in the Philippine Islands now in possession of the United States as an outcome of the war with Spain. Since he was appointed Chaplain he has been a widower and is now remarried. This time the occasion of his visit to Washington is an engagement to lecture on the Philippines in the Metropolitan A. M. E. Church, Sunday, September 8, 1901, he preached from his pulpit by invitation of the pastor, Rev. D. G. Hill, and the courtesy of former Chaplain (War of the Rebellion) Wm. H. Hunter, the presiding elder, whose service it was. The congregation was an unusually large one. Douglas was not there, neither was Bruce nor Langston, these having all gone to the silent land. One half a generation has passed since he was appointed there as pastor in


Page xvi

1886, yet there were many brought to the church during his pastorate and who worshipped there regularly, to welcome him and his message.

        "It was a service of great spiritual uplift; to those who heard Dr. Steward for the first time it was a revelation of his great oratorical and spiritual power. Prof. Layton gave a solo and after the service hundreds pressed forward to greet their former pastor by the hand. Monday night the Chaplain was entertained by a dinner at Murray's Cafe. Twenty sat down to one of the finest dinners in his honor. Such men as Judge Terrell, R. S. Smith, L. M. Hershaw and Eugene Brooks were among them. It was the first time that Chaplain Steward had been thus honored and he appreciated the occasion accordingly. It was nearly twelve when the party separated with so many pleasant remembrances and with so much instruction and enlightenment on conditions in the Philippines.

        "At the lecture on the subsequent night nearly three hundred persons were present. As chairman of the committee of arrangements I presided and introduced the lecturer, Bishop Jas. T. Holly being in the audience made the invocation."

        Biography is the richest form of history. It presents an intimate picture of the life and times which it treats. Frederick Dogulass and the late Booker T. Washington have each given us biographies


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which are of consuming interest, and will ever remain among the most treasured productions of the period of American history which they represent. But here is something different. Here we have an American of African descent who is not struggling "Up from Slavery," but a Christian scholar who met the freedmen on the very threshold of their emancipation, and who since with singleness of devotion has been guiding them and their descendants in the paths of knowledge, character and virtue.

        For many years the African Methodist Episcopal Church has had an official historian. But here is something spontaneous and unique. Dr. Steward's painstaking thoroughness, together with his learning and experience, sufficiently guarantee the value and reliability of the contents of this book. We count it an honor to have the pleasure of commending and speeding on its way this book which is in itself a rich treasure garnered from fifty years of the faithful life of Theophilus Gould Steward.

REVERDY C. RANSOM,
Editor A. M. E. Review.


Page 19

CHAPTER I.

        GENERAL CONFERENCE OF 1864:

        Bishop Quinn, Payne and Nezrey. Captain Robert Small; Chaplain H. M. Turner; Rev. James Lynch. Bishops Campbell and Wawman elected; Annual Conference in Salem, N. J. Bishop Wayman preaches; Rev. W. H. W. Winder faints in pulpit; Rev. A. L. Stanford preaches; My first appointment; First visit to New York; Sail to Charleston, S. C.; Organization of South Carolina Conference, Revs. James A. Handy; J.H.A. Johnson, etc. Orgaization of church in Beaufort; First sermon.

        In May, 1864, civil war was still raging in our land, although the Confederacy was then approaching its collapse, emancipation had taken place and the ex-slaves were crowding into the Union army. It was at this eventful time that the General Conference of the African Methodist Episcopal Church met in Philadelphia, assembling in old Bethel Church, on the ground where Allen preached, and where the denomination had its birth. The body was composed of all the traveling elders of the connection of six years standing and over, and of certain local preachers who were admitted in the sense of lay delegates. Rev. Alexander W. Wayman was chief secretary, and the sessions were presided over by Bishops Payne, Nazrey and Quinn alternately. It was a very earnest, orderly and in every way, respectable body of men.

        The chief speakers on the floor were Revs.


Page 20

Charles Burch, W. A. Dove, W. R. Revels, Enos MacIntosh, Elisha Weaver, J. M. Brown, and others, principally from the West. Rev. M. M. Clark, and an Indian minister by the name of Sunrise were conspicuous figures, as were also Rev. James Lynch and Chaplain H. M. Turner. Captain Robert Smalls of "Planter" fame visited this conference. (See note.)

        Perhaps the most impressive session, aside from that of the ordination service, was that held with respect to the memory of Dr. J. J. Gould Bias who had died not long before. Bishop Payne on that occasion delivered an elaborate and very carefully prepared address in which he emphasized especially Dr. Bias' important work in the cause of popular education and temperance.

        As this was the first conference of ministers that I had ever witnessed, and as I then was in the course of preparation to enter the regular ministry, or according to the phrase then in use, was preparing to "join the itinerancy," it was but natural that I should receive lasting impressions of both the subjects discussed and the speakers who took part in the discussion. I can, therefore, remember the speeches made both by Elisha Weaver and J. M. Brown on the subject of divorce and re-marriage; and also much of the discussion relating to the union of the two African Methodist Churches. I attended the convention held by the


Page 21

representatives of these two bodies and was not favorably impressed at the time. I felt that there was mutual distrust and that each side was seeking to test the other. Rev. R. H. Cain appeared to be the leading mind among our men.

        After the adjournment of this conference, the Philadelphia Annual Conference met in Salem, N. J. Bishops Wayman and Campbell who had been ordained in the General Conference of Philadelphia met this conference, although Bishop Nazrey appeared to be in actual charge. At the close of the conference Bishop Nazrey took formal leave and departed to his work in Canada. Bishop Wayman preached a very impressive sermon from the text, "They shall hunger no more" (Rev. 7:16-17). This was the first time I had heard him and I was charmed with his rich voice, his beautiful imagery, and his calm and effective delivery. Rev. A. L. Stanford preached a powerful sermon on "Angelic Agency," taking for his text, "The angel of the Lord encampeth round about them that fear him and delivereth them" (Psa. 34:7). I was sitting near a white minister while Stanford was preaching, and as we were well back in the congregation, I noticed that this minister was pretending not to be giving any attention to the sermon, but was using his pen-knife on his finger nails. A degree of contempt for the pitiable fellow arose in my heart, which I made haste to stifle, that I


Page 22

might enjoy the speaker's masterly discourse. Here also Rev. W. H. W. Winder attempted to preach after having gone through the ordeal of examination for elder's orders, and fainted in the pulpit. Bishop Campbell came to the rescue at once and held the attention of the congregation tion.

        It was at this conference, on June 4, 1864, that I was admitted to the traveling connection on probation. The committee examining me were: on Doctrine, Rev. Peter Gardner; on Discipline, Rev. W. D. W. Schureman; on English and general information, Rev. A. L. Stanford. Each of these ministers was an expert on the subject he took in hand, and the examination was genuine. The beginning of my ministry is coincident with the date of this conference.

        On joining the conference I expressed a desire to go South, but it was not thought best at that time, and I was appointed to a little church in South Camden, called Macedonia. Many years afterward I met a man who had been a class leader in middle age at the time of my pastorate there, and remarked to him that I had at one time been his pastor. He could not recollect me at all. After much explanation he finally called up my ministry by remarking, "O, I do remember; conference sent us a boy one year; are you that boy?"

Illustration

On entering Conference, June 1864


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It was not unpleasant for me to acknowledge the fact.

        At my first quarterly meeting here, my pulpit was supplied by Rev. Elisha Weaver, Bishop Campbell and Rev. W. D. W. Schureman and the ferry boats leaving South Street, Philadelphia, were filled to their capacity with colored people coming over to my meeting. The church was packed and all the open spaces around the church, so eager were the people to hear these great preachers. During the day Mrs. Stidum, a member of our church living in a building near by, received word that her husband, a soldier, had been killed in battle, and her cries of sorrow were heard mingling with the joyous shouts of the people made glad by the gospel.

        Rev. W. D. W. Schureman preached at night as no other man could preach, from the text, "And a man shall be as a hiding place from the wind and a covert from the tempest; as rivers of water in a dry place as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land" (Isa. 32:2). He was a man of fine appearance, well proportioned, graceful and impressive in manner, with a clear flexible and penetrating voice, and wonderfully skilled in elocution. But underneath all was his fine spiritual nature, rich imagination and capacity for sympathy with men, which God used in this servant to the pulling down of the strongholds of the devil. As a preacher,


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and in the administration of discipline as church governor, he was eminently successful. In his private and domestic life he was not happy, and as a pastor he was not satisfactory, yet because of his great powers as a preacher all the churches desired him. On this occasion his accustomed eloquence carried the people beyond themselves, and my quarterly meeting was a high day, indeed. Thus the older preachers helped the "boys" in that day. I remember also the kindly help of the Rev. J. B. Reeves, the ablest of the Presbyterian preachers, who came over from Philadelphila and preached for me from the text, "Oh, that I had wings as a dove," etc.

        Rev. William Moore, who had special oversight of my work, and who was a forceful and earnest preacher, stern for the right and stern against the wrong, but tender and loving toward men who were willing to hear the word of God, like a true father in Israel, guided and defended me during my ministerial infancy. In my revival efforts he was mighty; his words were as nails fastened by the Master of assemblies, as he rehearsed the sins of men from the text, "Against thee, thee only have I sinned," or "How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation?" These great preachers of a past generation! May their sons in the Gospel rise up and call them blessed!


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        *I served in this church with more or less success until the first of May, 1865, not completing a full conference year.

        *When I began my work in Camden in 1864, I laid out the following daily program: From 7 to 9 A. M., Ancient History; from 9 to 10, Thelogy; from 10 to 11, Homiletics; from 11 to 12, Fletcher's Appeal, etc.; from 3 to 4, Composition; from 4 to 5, Reading. This was a very unwise schedule and it was as impossible as unwise. No one but a "boy" unschooled could have conceived a day of seven hours or more spent in books.


        On April 30, 1865, in the evening, I received a note from Bishop Payne to meet him in New York, prepared to embark for Charleston, S. C.; and by 8 o'clock next morning I was on the train, on my way to that city. I arrived there about noon on the first day of May; and the first day of May at that period was the greatest day of the year in New York City. It was "moving day"--the day of general change of domicile. This was the occasion of my first visit to that city, and I was bewildered with what I saw. The streets were crowded with furniture cars, and other vehicles; it was raining violently; anger, greed, and distress were everywhere visible; in a language which

        *On August 7, 1921, I visited Macedonia Church, the Rev. R. B. Smith being pastor at that time, and there met Mrs. Mary Laws, a hale, happy looking elderly lady, who informed me that she joined the church under me in 1864, being at that time twelve years of age. Her name at that time was Mary Painter. She had been a member 57 years.



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sounded decidedly foreign to me, I could distinguish amid the harsh yelling, oaths and cursing in strains more vehement than I had ever heard before.

        With an Irish hackman for pilot and driver, I succeeded in finding the Bishop and lodgings. I remained in New York until May 9th, during which time I visited Greenwood Cemetery, Barnum's Museum, and every other place of public interest that I could reach. In the meantime Rev. James A. Handy and Rev. James H. A. Johnson from the Baltimore Conference had joined our company. Of the latter I can say that I heard him preach for the first time while we were here in New York. It was in Bethel Church on Sullivan Street, and while he was reading his sermon, a sudden current of air swept over the pulpit and carried away some of the loose pages of his manuscript, leaving him in a hiatus, until a kind brother picked up his scattered leaves and replaced them before him, thus relieving his embarrassment.

        On May 9th, about 10 A. M., after much negotiation, Bishop Payne, Brothers Handy, Johnson and myself were permitted to go on board the fine government transport "Arago," bound for Hilton Head, S. C., then the headquarters of the department of the South. By twelve we were steaming out of the harbor. The wind was west; it was raining gently; and the sea was comparatively


Page 27

smooth; but as we were all, except Bishop Payne, most thorough landsmen, we soon began to feel the effect of the ship's motion. *For myself, all I can say is, I was sick, very sick, extremely sick, sick from head to foot, all over sick, completely down and out, willing to become anything or nothing. It was not pain; but, Oh, such nausea, a sickness unknown on land, a sickness that no one inexperienced can understand; it was sea-sickness.

        *Not being used to any such experience, it is now admitted that I was right down scared and considerably agitated. I started out sick, and was sick from Tuesday to Thursday; but was encouraged by a knowledge of the fact that we were on a mission for the Lord. I was not able to eat more than two meals in three days; and as twelve dollars had to be paid for three days in advance, those two meals cost me six dollars a piece, and have been tasting like green backs ever since--Quarto-Centennial address of J. H. A. Johnson, delivered in Charleston, May 16, 1890.


I have had it many times since, but never like that first time. Old Neptune demanded his initiation fee, and he got it--dinner, dumplings and desert. This initiatory ordeal lasted about thirty-six hours, after which we were let off as seamen on probation. We passed Hatteras and our mercury climbed to 76, and on the 12th, three days from New York, an awning had to be spread to protect us from the sun.

        The Honorable Benjamin Brewster was a passenger on this trip, and the conversation carried on by him and Bishop Payne to which the rest of our company were merely listeners, was a great source of enjoyment and profit. We arrived at Hilton


Page 28

Head, about sixty miles from our destination, and were within the military department of the South, commanded at that time by Major-General Q. A. Gilmore.

        We remained at Hilton Head until about 10 o'clock that night, observing while there the numerous government buildings and hotels, and especially the little Freedmen's village named in honor of the astronomer-general, Mitchel, who early gave his life in the cause of the Union. Mitchellville then contained about 1500 inhabitants, and three churches, in which public schools were taught by "Yankee Teachers." Numerous officers appeared to be strutting around in new uniforms; ladies were riding along the beach on horse-back or in ambulances: Hilton Head, though formerly a rebel stronghold, was experiencing on every hand the tread of the "Yankee" foot.

        At ten o'clock P. M. we took the little steamer "W. W. Coit" for Charleston; the moon was shining brightly, the wind was slight, yet the sea was quite rough; but we slept. At five o'clock in the morning we were on deck to view the harbor scenery. Fortunately I made the acquaintance of a gentleman on board, Moore by name, a native of Charleston, familiar with all the features of the harbor. By him I was shown Sullivan's Island, Fort Sumter, and every other place of interest within sight, until the "Battery" came into view.


Page 29

        This so captivated my guide that he forgot all else. The "Battery," or front park of Charleston, is the pride of every resident of that city, and well deserves to be, presenting as it does to the visitor coming by sea a scene of rare picturesqueness and harmony.

        We arrived in Charleston at about 7 A. M., landing at what was then called Accommodation Wharf; and were conducted to the house of Mrs. Williams, a Methodist lady living at that time in Laurel Street. Later Mrs. Williams became the wife of Rev. Richard Vanderhost, a very eloquent preacher in our denomination, who afterward became one of the first two Bishops of the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church. On our way to this residence we passed through Broad, Meeting and King Streets; and there saw the havoc of war. Houses on every hand had been perforated by huge shot and shell from Gilmore's fleet; great fires had swept through the city leaving a vast army of sullen-looking, solitary chimneys; business was generally suspended; grass was growing in the streets; the greater part of the population had fled; and only the beating of drums, the clattering of military horsemen, and the continual promenading of the "boys in blue," many of whom were black boys, relieved the general monotony that prevailed. War, war, what a scourge is war! Man arises to be his own whip-master, and terrible


Page 30

are the blows he inflicts upon himself. Let us hope that the fearful castigations he gives himself from time to time may ultimately result in his enlightenment and correction.

        It was Saturday when we landed, and having arrived at our lodgings, returned thanks to our Kind Preserver, and breakfasted, we organized informally to make preparation for the ensuing Sabbath, and then devoted the day generally to quietness and rest.

        Sunday morning I preached in what was called *"Old Bethel,"

        *The church contained nothing remarkable, except its pulpit. This was very high, cramped, and over it was suspended a kind of sounding board appearing like a huge bell without a clapper, reminding one constantly of a deadfall intended to entrap the preacher. Underneath this apparent man-trap, with a lively sense of insecurity I attempted to preach.--My Diary.


a little frame church situated on Calhoun Street near Pitt Street. Incidentally I noticed that all the women of middle or advanced age wore beautiful turbans instead of bonnets; and that the young ladies universally sported broad-rimmed hats. I noted also, the generally soft expression upon all female faces. Very little gaudiness was visible except in the matter of jewelry, which many wore to excess. The feather fan was in the hand of almost every woman. Following me, Rev. C. L. Bradwell of Savannah delivered a brief exhortation, giving evidence of a good mind and of fine feelings. In the afternoon
Page 31

I preached in St. James Church, corner of Spring and Comings Streets. At four o'clock Bishop Payne preached to an enormous congregation in Zion Presbyterian Church.

        On Monday morning, May 15, 1865, the first conference held by our church within the territory of the South Atlantic and Gulf States began its sessions in the Zion Presbyterian Church in Charleston, S. C., Bishop Payne presiding. The great building was crowded with spectators, and there was much more in the way of explanations, preaching, singing and prayer, than of business. The sessions continued from the 15th to the 22nd, a full week. During the session, Major Martin R. Delaney delivered a very important lecture on the "Unity of the Races," bringing into view the teachings of anthropology up to that date, and sustaining his own position with abundant forceful argument. Brother J. H. A. Johnson and myself were ordained deacons and elders during this conference, so great was the emergency. We were ordained in Trinity Methodist Church, the property of the M. E. Church, South. At that time all of the churches were in the hands of the military authorities. Our conference at its close numbered twelve members, classified as follows: elders, six: Deacons, four; Licentiates, two; the old apostolic number. The elders actually present were: James A. Handy, James H. A. Johnson, James Lynch


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and myself; but R. H. Cain and A. L. Stanford arrived soon after the adjournment of the conference and took up the work assigned them, the former at Charleston, the latter at Savannah.

        In this conference, which met in Charleston May 16, 1865, beside the men who came from the North, and whose names have been given in the preceeding pages, there were present from the cities of Charleston and Savannah the following brethren: Charles L. Bradwell, William Bently, James Hill, Gloucester Taylor, Robert M. Taylor, Richard Vanderhost and John Graham. These were all leaders or exhorters, or, in case of one at least, local preachers; and were of much experience, character and talent, having been recognized as such by the ministry of the church to which they belonged. Charles L. Bradwell, however, was the only one among them who was prepared at that time to leave all and enter upon the work of the ministry, although he was then a prosperous mechanic with a business of his own.

        I have a very distinct recollection of *John Graham,

        *He was a Christian spiritual giant of many cubits, leading a mighty host of Christian followers in and out of this grand old city by the sea. In physique he was well proportioned; in moral courage and Christian fortitude, he was a fac-simile of St. Paul; in natural ability and far sightedness into future developments as the result of well laid plans, he had few equals and certainly no superiors; in acquired literary attainments he ranked generally with the men of his day. This grand old man and Christian hero, at the time he entered the ministry of the A. M. E. Church, had passed his meridian of life in the flesh by twenty-two years, yet his spiritual life was just at its zenith, hence of all the galaxy of men who began this glorious church work in those days, the brightest among them was John Graham.--Address of J. E. Hayne, Quarto-Centennial. Charleston, May, 1890.


who was the class leader of the lady whom I married while in Charleston. He was
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then about sixty years of age; a very sincere, earnest, intelligent and devout Christian man. He had served many years as class leader in Bethel Church, and as such was a very honored leader of the Sunday morning prayer meetings. Rev. Charles L. Bradwell was received on probation, as were also Gloucester Taylor, Robert M. Taylor and Cornelius Murphy; but these latter three did not take work. William Bently and James Hill were ordained deacons and were left to work in a local capacity in and around Savannah, to meet the appalling need of the thousands of freedmen who were in that vicinity, devoid of the services of a Christian ministry.

        This whole section, with its hundreds of thousands of men, women and children just broken forth from slavery, was, so far as these were concerned, lying under an almost absolute physical and moral interdict. There was no one to baptize their children, to perform marriage, or to bury the dead. A ministry had to be created at once--and created out of the material at hand. The courage of the leaders of our church is to be commended in that, in the face of the great crying need, so


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apparent to all, they dared to lay hands on men, not fearing the criticism of those who openly proclaimed in Charleston in 1865 that the A. M. E. Church had "neither the men nor the money" to carry on work in the South. These critics forgot that God could call the men; and that the A. M. E. Church had the authority to commission them when thus called. To the six ordained men brought on the ground from the North, the church added by ordination in 1865 five more, including the Rev. William Gaines who was ordained by Bishop Payne by authority of the conference, at Hilton Head after conference had adjourned.

        Later there came into the field from the North, Rev. George. W. Brodie and Rev. Charles H. Pearce from Canada, and Rev. George A. Rue. Rev. George A. Rue was assigned to Newberne, N. C., and Rev. George W. Brodie to Raleigh, N. C. North Carolina was thus pretty well manned: Handy at Wilmington, Brodie at Raleigh, Rue at Newberne, all experienced, able and efficient ministers. Pearce had been assigned to Tallahassee, Fla., where he found such worthy assistants as William G. Stewart, the one-armed preacher; and T. M. Long, the ex-soldier, a strong organizer and a man of extraordinary sagacity and sound judgment.

        But to return to the personal narrative. On Thursday, May 28, 1865, in company with Bishop


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Payne, Brothers Lynch, Handy and Johnson, I secured passage on the little steamer "Loyalist" for Hilton Head. The weather was threatening, but the captain decided to take the outside passage although it is possible for steamers of the size of our vessel to make the trip from Charleston to Hilton Head and even to Savannah without risking the perils of the sea. The British Colonel Maitland made use of these inland waters in conveying his troops from Beaufort to Savannah in 1779, guided by some Negro fishermen, and thus prevented the French and American forces from capturing that city. Before embarking I had eaten a quantity of South Carolina peanuts, as of course, there was nothing in the way of food to be had on the boat; indeed accommodations on the boat were as bad as they could be. We left Charleston at four o'clock in the afternoon, the wind was from the southeast and blowing strongly. Later it increased in violence, accompanied with thunder and lightning. It was my first experience with a storm at sea, and the awful grandeur of the scene affected me greatly. Our little boat was tossed by the waves as a thing without significance. When off Stono Inlet an effort was made to change our course so as to enter the inlet, and the boat which had been until then kept head to the sea, was swung around sufficiently for the sea to strike her on the side of the bow; the rolling was fearful;


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all loose stuff was thrown overboard by the violent pitching of the vessel; passengers became alarmed and the cry started, "She is going down." I awoke Bishop Payne who was until then asleep, and told him of the horrors of the situation. I said to him, "Bishop, it is reported the vessel is going down." He lifted his head and said, "Nothing but the power of the Almighty can save us," and calmly lay down again, his action corresponding exactly to the prodigious sublimity of the occasion and filling me with admiration and wonder. Our vessel, leaking badly, coal running low, was compelled to keep head to the storm until about 11 A. M., when it pleased the Almighty to cause the wind to shift, accompanied by a heavy downpour of rain, which served to beat down the sea, and by three o'clock we were entering the roadstead at Hilton Head. Anxiety for our safety had become so great that another boat had been despatched from the Head to search for us. I said I had eaten a quantity of peanuts before embarking, but during the storm these had all come up de profundis and gone to feed the fishes.

        Here at Hilton Head the pious and accomplished *James H. A. Johnson

        *Rev. J. H. A. Johnson, than whom a man more devoted to truth never lived, recounts the experiences of that night as follows: "When they got to the pier they found nothing but a little nisignificant propeller called The Loyalist, that was not suitable for either river or sea. And then the wind was blowing a perfect gale, but aboard this frail craft we had to go; and so Bishop Payne, Lynch, Handy, Steward and I passed down the gangway on to the contracted deck. There we awaited the signal for the casting loose of hawsers; after some delay it was given and we moved out toward the Atlantic. The trip we were to make required only seven or eight hours, but as we progressed and night came on the glooming gale turned into a raging storm. The wind howled. With the down pouring rain and billows rolling high, it was a fearful storm. In that frail craft, groaning and creaking, careening, and trembling, beaten about by that angry sea, surging sea, we were from evening until morning and until every heart had given up in despair. I said to Bishop Payne while he was lying upon some freight, "Bishop, do you think there is any danger?" He calmly replied, "Nothing but God can save us." We all then silently prayed and waited for results. We should have been to the landing about 11 o'clock on Thursdays night, but Friday morning, May 26th, dawned and found us still being tossed about in that raging storm; and we continued to be until the morning was pretty well spent. Finally an abate ment came and we were able to make headway towards land. As we were doing so a steamer hove in sight and we found it to be one that had left Hilton Head to see what had become of us. Without her assistance The Loyalist made port at 3 o'clock on Friday afternoon. When we landed we felt as though we had escaped from the jaws of death, and that God himself had saved us."

        The reader will note the apparent discrepencies in these accounts as to calling Bishop Payne. We were together, Johnson and I, and each so excited as not to note what the other did. I reported the rumor that the boat was going down, I am sure; and Brother Johnson is just as sure that he asked as to danger; and the reply of the Bishop came to us both.


was to begin his labors. He
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was a man of most engaging manners, artistic tastes, and scrupulous correctness in language, dress and deportment. As a writer he was very painstaking and explicit, leaving nothing for the reader to be in doubt of as to the meaning intended. As a speaker he was very deliberate and emphatic. As a preacher, soundly orthodox and evangelical. A psychometrist who had never seen him, and had no other knowledge of him save what he obtained through occult means gave, in my presence, the following reading: "He is a person of decided character. He formed his opinions quite early in life and it is hard for him to adopt new views. One would take him to be a little too positive to hear him talk; and yet he is willing to weight the arguments of those who hold opposite views and to weigh the subject. He does not, however, give up his own notions until he has the most indubitable proof to the contrary. When he


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does change his views, he will be equally as positive in his new position. He acts from principle in every move he makes. His phrenological character is conscientiousness, firmness, hope; the intellectual faculties are well developed. His reverence is more for principles than for persons. I should think him qualified for a minister of the gospel. His intellectual attainments qualify him to fill any position requiring brain work, mercantile or educational. He would be well qualified to fill the editorial chair--well qualified. He is very self-balanced, has perfect control over himself. I should take him to be about five feet eight inches in height; light complexion; a great deal of expression in his eyes. His countenance is quite expressive, especially when interested in conversation; not very heavy nor very light-built--about


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medium; his weight might be 145 pounds, perhaps a little more; he takes hold of any work as if he meant to accomplish something. There is a great deal of energy in him. His tastes are intellectual." I have quoted this reading in full not only as a matter of curiosity (as the man who gave it was aged and blind), but also because it gives a most accurate description of the man whom I count among the best of men I have met, and who was to me a friend in whom my soul confidently trusted--a cultivated Christian gentleman.

        From Hilton Head I proceeded to Beaufort, about 16 miles distant from the "Head" (as we soon learned to call the headquarter post), situated on Beaufort River, landing there Saturday, May 27, 1865. Here, inexperienced, unaccustomed to the climate, and entirely unprepared to cope with the topsy-turvey conditions I met, I began my work. *

        * It was thought that the American Missionary Association would assume a part of the support of the missionaries whom Bishop Payne took with him from New York. The following letter received by me acknowledging receipt of my report, confirms this view; but for myself, I can say that I never received any support from that association.

New York, July 25, 1865.

Rev. T. G. Steward, Beaufort, S. C.
Dear Brother:

        Yours is received. We thank you for promptly filling and returning our circular. You are right in the part we assume in your support. We shall remember you with great interest as we see you toiling for the spiritual good of those whom we hope will gladly receive the Word of life at your hands, and be made rich with imperishable riches. A glorious mission is yours. May God grant you grace to fill it, so as to honor the Master.

        We hope you will remain in health of body and mind. We shall ever be glad to hear from you.

Yours very truly,

GEO. WHIPPLE,
Cor. Sec. A. M. A.



I began at the beginning; by securing board temporarily with a Mrs. Bram who kept a kind of officers' mess where were boarding Major Augusta,
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chief surgeon of one of the colored regiments, and who was in fact the first colored man to put on officers' uniform in the Union Army during the civil war and from whose shoulders ruffians tore the straps in Baltimore; Captain O. S. B. Wall, and a number of colored civilians. I did not remain in this public house long, but soon after found board with a lady named Cruz from Palatka, Fla. She and her daughter kept a very pleasant home and here I and Major Martin R. Delaney boarded. I visited the sick and buried the dead, and finally got together and organized a church. A brother had been preaching there before, under the supervision of our missionary, Rev. James Lynch, but the church had not been organized. Hence I did not begin my formal work as pastor of a mission church until June 18, 1865.

        It is probable that I had heard of Bishop Wayman's popular sermon on the text, "I seek my brethren," which he had preached in so many places directly after the war, although I had never heard


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the sermon nor seen any notes of it in print. But recognizing that the Bible is a free book for all preachers, and that no man can take out a patent right on any particular passage of God's book, I determined to employ the same text. Accordingly my first sermon in Beaufort was from the text, "I seek my brethren." I have preserved these notes and now present them to the reader with the explanation, that I did not then, and do not now, preach from manuscript; nor do I memorize my discourses. Thus it is not at all probable that I used the exact words as written. My custom has been during my half century of preaching, to work out all of my ideas, writing them out in the order in which I intend to present them, and trust to the occasion for the language. In my earlier days in writing my sermons, the following passage from one of my brother's poems often gave me stimulus:


                         "A ship at anchor in the distance shows
                         By the wan gleam of starlight, and the crew,
                         Pull a small boat towards the breaking shore,
                         Where none but madmen dare to risk their lives;
                         But at the heldm, a swearing steersman sits,
                         Who knows the path--has traversed it before."

        I have always felt that the preacher should know the path over which he pilots his thoughts, and


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know it because he has traversed it before

Inaugural Sermon, Beaufort, S. C., June 18, 1865

        Text--"I seek my brethren" (Gen. 37:10.

        Jacob, the patriarch, sometimes called Israel, had twelve sons. Next to the youngest was Joseph, who was very much beloved by his father and others; and several dreams that he had showed that God loved him also, and that He had raised him up for a special purpose. One night Joseph dreamed that he and his brothers were all binding wheat in the fields, and it came to pass when he had bound a sheaf and stood it up, that the sheaves that his brothers had bound all fell down before his sheaf. He told this dream in the presence of his brothers and his father and mother. His brothers became jealous of him and hated him.

        A few days thereafter the older boys took the flocks of sheep and cattle several miles away from home to pasture and staid by them to watch them night and day for several days. Now after they had been gone some time, a fortnight perhaps, the father wanted to know how they were getting along--if they were well, if the flocks were all right; so he called Joseph who was a little lad of a boy, saying, "Joseph!"

        The lad answered, "Here am I."

        "I will send you to see how are thy brethren.


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        Go, I pray thee, see whether it be well with thy brethren and well with the flocks and bring me word again."

        So the little fellow started out and went to the place where he had heard his brothers were keeping their flocks; but when he got there, he could not find either his brothers or the flocks. He, as any other sensible boy would do, commenced wandering in search of them. While thus doing a man met him and asked him what he was looking for; and he answered in the words of our text, "I seek my brethren."

        As this is the first time I have ever had the privilege to meet you, I have thought I could not better tell you my business than to quote this language of Joseph and claim it as my own--I seek my brethren. I come from New Jersey to South Carolina in search of, or hunting for, my brethren. First let me give you the object sought, or tell you who are my brethren.

        1. Those whom Joseph sought as his brethren were all the sons of one father, but of different mothers. For instance, there were Reuben, Simeon, Levi and Judah born unto Jacob by his first wife, Leah; then there were Dan and Naphtali, sons of Rachel's maid, Bilpah; and Gad and Asher born of Leah's maid, Zilpah; but these Joseph calls brethren because all of one father. With this same feeling have we come here to


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preach the Gospel--to find our brethren. And in one sense we look upon all men as our brethren; for, though they may be born of different mothers, that is, may belong to different races and nations, yet they are of one Father who is the source of all life; and who of one blood has made all nations to dwell upon the face of the earth; and like Jacob acknowledges them all his sons. We, therefore, like Joseph, acknowledge them all as brethren. All mankind is the object of our search.

        2. But more expressly have we come to seek those who are our brethren by virtue of race; not because we care anything for races or nations, but because they have been and are yet in a great measure our brethren in affliction. And that very affliction has served to bind us together by the two-fold cord--sympathy, for the oppressed, and love of man. Our fathers have passed through the fiery furnace of slavery and escaped to the North, where a nominal or partial freedom reigns; they have taught us in infancy to remember those in bonds as being bound with them; and from our churches, our firesides and our closets have gone up the petition: "Oh Lord, remember those that are bound down under hard task masters, our brethren in affliction! Break every yoke, snap in sunder every chain, and let the oppressed go free!"

        God has heard; Glory to His name! Answered the prayers of His people, and so to speak, has


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come down to deliver them. The yoke is cast off, the chains are broken and we come in search of our brethren, the Freedmen.

        3. We come to seek those who are our brethren by adoption--those who have drunk the wormwood and the gall of conviction of sin, and who have at last heard the welcome words of Jesus saying unto them, "Thy sins beforgiven thee. Arise, shine for thy light has come and the glory of the Lord is risen upon thee." Those who have passed from death unto life and know that their Redeemer lives; who can appeal to high heaven to witness their acceptance with God; who can say, "My witness is in heaven; my record is on high." All who can say "Abba--Father--the Holy Ghost," bearing witness with their conscience that they are the adopted and heaven-born sons of the Most High. We are seeking them.

        4. Lastly, we seek those that love our church government best. I mean Methodists. Not that we would be supposed to have the least taint of prejudice to any evangelical denomination or church--God forbid! But as there are Baptist, Presbyterian, and other missionaries here on the ground to look after those who are accustomed to their respective modes of worship and church government, we feel our mission with regard to Christians, to be directed to those who are or have been Methodists. We come as brother Methodists


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to seek our brother Methodists.

        II. How do we seek them.

        1. I think from reading this story of Joseph seeking his brethren and also from experience in country manners and customs that Joseph, when he did not find his brethren where he expected to, looked anxiously for some track or traces of the flock that he might learn the direction they had taken; and this "seeking" in all probability gave rise to the question, "Whom seekest thou?" We look first for the track of man, for his house, his fields, his churches, that we may find our brethren. We desire to find men of whatever class they may be; if they are of European, African or Asiatic mothers, we do not care; they are our Father's children.

        2. We look for the traces of that afflicted people, the people who were as the Apostle says, "Killed all the day long;" we look for the cotton fields which they cultivated; the rice swamps they watered and watched; the little huts wherein they dwelt; the blood-hounds that chased them; the swamps in which they, terrified and exhausted, took refuge. We find all these; but still we seek our brethren. At last the welcome sight is obtained. From every direction I see them coming. Thank God! The nation, scattered and peeled, is coming stretching out its hands unto God. They are our brethren!--hair, skin and eyes say so.


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        3. But how do we seek these our brethren in Christ? We look for the marks; we see great church edifices and are told they are often built almost entirely by the African or colored children, or sons of God by adoption. We see their mark as among the multitude we listen to their songs of praise and their fervent prayers to Almighty God, and we know they are here somewhere. Yes; Brethren of that Spiritual Family, we feel you are here, some in this congregation, who know Christ after the spirit and who have tasted the good word of life and the powers of the world to come. Another method: The Gospel of peace and reconciliation is opened, Aye! The fountain for the support of Christians, whose waters like those of Marah, are bitter to any except the brethren in the Lord--I mean the sacrament of the Lord's supper. I see them come to the feast with joy and humble thanksgiving, and I believe I have found my brethren in Christ. And as brethren may we journey together to the land of promise where none are sick or oppressed, where drivers, hounds, whips and thumbscrews are no more known, forever.

        4. As to the method of seeking those of our faith, viz., Methodists, from among others we only intend to declare this an A. M. E. Church, and receive all who make application to join with a desire to flee the wrath to come.


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        III. Wherefore do I seek my Brethren?

        1. It was the design of Joseph in seeking his brethren to learn if it was well with them and with their flocks that he might, when he should return to his father, cheer his spirit with news from his sons who were first in his heart and first in his command to Joseph; and also with news from his flocks. But somewhat more comprehensive is our design. Not only do we wish to learn the spiritual and temporal condition of all men we chance to meet, but we desire to do them good; to preach to them Jesus crucified, dead and buried Saviour, and a risen, living Redeemer.

        2. To tell to our brethren in affliction that deliverance has come through the wisdom and works of the Most High Yes, my brethren, I have sought you to rejoice with you in your newly gained freedom; to shout with those that shout; to unite heart and voice with you in singing to the Lord who hath triumphed gloriously in overthrowing that horse and his white rider that used with whip in hand ride so lordly over these cotton plantations. I have come to say with you, "The Lord is a man of war, and the Lord God is His name. His right arm doeth marvelous works. Let the redeemed of the Lord bless His holy name." For this have I come, and may God give us a spirit of union, harmony and brotherly love.

        3. I seek my brethren in Christ to hear if it is


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well or ill with them, that I may present their case to Our Father who dwells in the high and holy places, and also to assist them as much as God shall place it in my power so to do in working out their souls' salvation by fearing and serving the Lord with a willing mind and a perfect heart. But, above all, to tell of Jesus who lives on high forever to make intercession for all that come to God by Him. And my Christian brother, there is none able to pluck you out of His hand. If you ever fall it must be by your own will. The devil is not able with all his angelic strength and skill to pluck you from the hand of God. Unless you first consent and say, "I will go." He cannot make us lie, steal, drink rum or swear gainst our will while God is our refuge and strength.

        4. I seek Methodists to organize them into churches or societies in accordance with the Methodist Discipline, and under the banner of the African Methodist Episcopal Church of the United States for the sole purpose that they may do more good in the world than possibly could be done by the same number if not properly united together. I come to form you into classes, to give you leaders to reprove or exhort you as the case may require; to instruct you in all the doctrines and rules of government of our church, that God may be glorified in and by us. I come to administer the sacraments


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of the church to you that you may eat angelic, aye, heavenly food, the precious body and blood of Jesus Christ the Son of God--not really, temporally, but spiritually, by faith.

        Lastly, to all peaceably, yet earnestly do I seek you to tell of Jesus who was born in Bethlehem of Judea, lived a life of misery and discomfort, taken by wicked hands, crucified on Calvary's top to purchase for all men, redemption from the consequences of sin; deliverance from the power thereof; a right to the joys of heaven, and actual indwelling peace with God while living in this world. Will you receive me as such a person? Or, will you, like Joseph's brethren, sell me to the Ishmaelites? *

        *At this time I was altogether unacquainted with the people, and sought the plainest speech I knew. Not knowing anything of their habits or their thoughts, my effort was to make myself understood.


Will you stand by me as brethren, or will you flee from me and say, "We desire no knowledge of your ways." I am at your mercy. You can support me or you can starve me. But I trust you, I believe you will not leave nor forsake me while I shall be able to present to you an upright character.

        May the God that was with Joseph, be with us in every good effort. And to Him be all honor and praise forever. Amen.


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ROBERT SMALLS

        January 12, 1898--Committed to the Committee of the Whole House and ordered to be printed.

        Mr. Otjen, from the Committee on War Claims, submitted the following report (to accompany H. R. 1333).

        The Committee on War Claims, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. 1333) for the relief of Robert Smalls, submit the following report:

        The facts out of which this bill for relief arises will be found stated in a report from the Committee on War Claims of the Fifty-fourth Congress, a copy of which is hereto attached and made a part of this report.

        Your committee recommend the passage of the bill.

        (House Report No. 3595, 49th Congress, 2nd Session)

        The Committee on War claims, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. 1866) authorizing a reappraisement of the steam transport boat Planter, captured by Robert Smalls, and for a distribution of proceeds thereof, submit the following report:

        The facts out of which this claim for relief arises will be found stated in House report of the Committee on War Claims, No. 3595, second session Forty-ninth Congress, on file with the papers in the case.

        The examination of the claim by your committee leads them substantially to the same conclusions as those reached by the committee of the Forty-ninth Congress. It is therefore deemed unnecessary to recapitulate the facts set forth in that report, a copy of which is hereto attached for information.

        Your committee recommend the passage of the bill.


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        (House Report No. 688, 54th Congress, 1st Session)

        The Committee on War Claims, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. 10323) for relief of the pilot and crew of the steamer Planter, beg leave to report as follows:

        The facts on which this claim is based were investigated by the Committee on Naval Affairs of the Forty-seventh Congress, and were as follows, as embodied in the report of that committee (No. 1887, second session of Forty-seventh Congress):

        This claim is rested upon the very valuable services rendered by Robert Smalls to the country during the late war. The record of these has been very carefully investigated, and portions of it are appended as exhibits to this report. They show a degree of courage, well directed by intelligence and patriotism, of which the nation may well be proud, but which for twenty years has been wholly unrecognized by it. The following is a succinct statement and outline of them:

        On May 13, 1862, the Confederate steamboat Planter, the special dispatch boat of General Ripley, the Confederate post commander at Charleston, S. C., was taken by Robert Smalls under the following circumstances from the wharf at which she was lying, carried safely out of Charleston Harbor, and delivered to one of the vessels of the Federal fleet then blockading that port:

        On the previous day, May 12, the Planter, which had for two weeks been engaged in removing guns from Coles Island to James Island, returned to Charleston. That night all the officers went ashore and slept in the city, leaving on board a crew of eight men, all colored. Among them was Robert Smalls, who was virtually the pilot of the boat, although he was only called a wheelman, because at that time no colored man could have, in fact, been made a pilot. For some time previous he had been watching for an opportunity to carry into execution a plan he


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had conceived to take the Planter to the Federal fleet. This, he saw, was about as good a chance as he would ever have to do so, and therefore he determined not to lose it? Consulting with the balance of the crew, Smalls found that they were willing to co-operate with him, although two of them afterwards concluded to remain behind. The design was hazardous in the extreme. The boat would have to pass beneath the guns of the forts in the harbor. Failure and detection would have been certain death. Fearful was the venture, but it was made. The daring resolution had been formed, and under command of Robert Smalls wood was taken aboard, steam was put on, and with her valuable cargo of guns and ammunition, intended for Fort Ripley, a new fortification just constructed in the harbor, about 2 o'clock in the morning the Planter silently moved off from her dock, steamed up to North Atlantic Wharf, where Smalls' wife and two children, together with four other women and one other child, and also three men, were waiting to embark. All these were taken on board, and then, at 3:25 A. M., May 13, the Planter started on her perilous adventure, carrying nine men, five women, and three children. Passing Fort Johnson, the Planter's steam whistle blew the usual salute and she proceeded down the bay. Approaching Fort Sumter, Smalls stood in the pilot house leaning out of the window, with his arms folded across his breast, after the manner of Captain Relay, the commander of the boat, and his head covered with the huge straw hat which Captain Relay commonly wore on such occasion.

        The signal required to be given by all steamers passing out was blown as coolly as if General Ripley was on board, going out on a tour of inspection. Sumter answered by signal, "All right," and the Planter headed toward Morris Island, then occupied by Hatch's light artillery, and passed


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beyond the range of Sumter's guns before anybody suspected anything was wrong. When at last the Planter was obviously going toward the Federal fleet off the bar, Sumter signaled toward Morris Island to stop her. But it was too late. As the Planter approached the Federal fleet, a white flag was displayed, but this was not at first discovered, and the Federal steamers, supposing the Confederate rams were coming to attack them, stood out to deep water. But the ship Onward, Captain Nichols, which was not a steamer, remained, opened her ports, and was about to fire on the Planter, when she noticed the flag of truce. As soon as the vessels came within hailing distance of each other, the Planter's errand was explained. Captain Nichols then boarded her, and Smalls delivered the Planter to him. From the Planter Smalls was transferred to the Augusta, the flag ship off the bar, under the command of Captain Parrott, by whom the Planter, with Smalls and her crew, were sent to Port Royal to Rear-Admiral Du Pont, then in commond of the Southern squadron.

        Captain Parrot's official letter to Flag Officer Du Pont and Admiral Du Pont's letter to the Secretary of the Navy are appended hereto.

        Captain Smalls was soon afterwards ordered to Edisto to join the gunboat Crusader, Captain Rhind. He then proceeded in the Crusader, piloting her and followed by the Planter, to Simmon's Bluff, on Wadmalaw Sound, where a sharp battle was fought between these boats and a Confederate light battery and some infantry. The Confederates were driven out of their works, and the troops on the Planter landed and captured all the tents and provisions of the enemy. This occurred some time in June, 1862.

        Captain Smalls continued to act as pilot on board the Planter and the Crusader, and as blockading pilot between Charleston and Beaufort. He made repeated trips up and


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along the rivers near the coast, pointing out and removing the torpedoes which he himself had assisted in sinking and putting in position. During these trips he was present in several fights at Adam's Run, on the Dawho River, where the Planter was hotly and severely fired upon; also at Rockville, John's Island, and other places. Afterwards he was ordered back to Port Royal, whence he piloted the fleet up Broad River to Pocotaligo, where a very severe battle ensued. Captain Smalls was the pilot on the monitor Keokuk, Captain Ryan, in the memorable attack on Fort Sumter, on the afternoon of the 7th of April, 1863. In this attack the Keokuk was struck ninety-six times, nineteen shots passing through her. She retired from the engagement only to sink on the next morning, near Light-House Inlet. Captain Smalls left her just before she went down, and was taken with the remainder of the crew on board of the Ironsides. The next day the fleet returned to Hilton Head.

        When General Gillmore took command Smalls became pilot in the quartermaster's department in the expedition on Morris Island. He was then stationed as pilot of the Stono, where he remained until the United States troops took possession of the south end of Morris Island, when he was put in charge of Light-House Inlet as pilot.

        Upon one occasion, in December, 1863, while the Planter then under Captain Nickerson, was sailing through Folly Island Creek the Confederate batteries at Secessionville opened a very hot fire upon her. Captain Nickerson became demoralized and left the pilot house and secured himself in the coal bunker. Smalls was on the deck, and finding out that the captain had deserted his post, entered the pilot house, took command of the boat, and carried her safely out of the reach of the guns. For this conduct he was promoted by order of General Gillmore, commanding the Department of the South, to the rank of captain,


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and was ordered to act as captain of the Planter, which was used as a supply boat along the coast until the end of the war. In September, 1866, he carried his boat to Baltimore, where she was put out of commission and sold.

        Besides the daring enterprise of Captain Smalls in bringing out the Planter, his gallant conduct in rescuing her a second time, for which he was made captain of her, and his invaluable services to the Army and Navy as a pilot in waters where he perfectly knew not only every bank and bar, but also where every torpedo was situated, there are still other elements to be considered in estimating the value of Captain Smalls' service to the country. The Planter on the 13th of May, 1862, was a most useful and important vessel to the enemy. The loss of her was a severe blow to the enemy's service in carrying supplies and troops to different points of the harbor and river fortifications. At the very time of the seizure she had on board the armament for Fort Ripley. The Planter was taken by the Government at a valuation of $9,000, one-half of which was paid to the captain and crew, the captain receiving one-third of one-half, or $1,500. Upon what principle the Government claimed one-half of this capture can not be divined, nor yet how this disposition could have been made of her without any judicial proceeding. That $9,000 was an absurdly low valuation for the Planter is abundantly shown by facts stated in the affidavits of Charles H. Campbell and E. M. Baldwin, which are appended. In addition thereto their sworn average valuation of the Planter was $67,500. The report of Montgomery Sicard, commander and inspector of ordinance, to Commodore Patterson, navy-yard commandant, shows that the cargo of the Planter, as raw material, was worth $3,043.05; that at antebellum prices it was worth $7,163.35, and at war prices $10,290.60. For this cargo the Government has never paid one dollar. It is a severe comment on the


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justice as well as the boasted generosity of the Government that, while it had received $60,000 to $70,000 worth of property at the hands of Captain Smalls, it has paid him the trifling amount of $1,500, and for twenty years his gallant, daring, and distinguished and valuable services which he has rendered to the country have been wholly unrecognized.

Report of Flag Officer Du Pont

Flagship Wabash,
Port Royal Harbor, S, C., May 14, 1862.

        Sir: I inclose a copy of a report from Commander E. G. Parrott, brought here last night by the late rebel steam tug Planter, in charge of an officer and crew from the engineer department at Charleston, under Brigadier-General Ripley, whose barge, short time since, was brought out to the blockading fleet by several contrabands.

        The bringing out of this steamer, under all the circumstances, would have done credit to anyone. At 4 o'clock in the morning in the absence of the captain, who was on shore, she left her wharf close to the Government office and headquarters, with Palmetto and Confederate flags flying passed the successive forts, saluting as usual by blowing her steam whistle. After getting beyond the range of the last gun she quickly hauled down the rebel flags and hoisted a white one.

        The Onward was the inside ship of the blockading fleet in the channel, and was preparing to fire when her commander made out the white flag. The armament of the steamer is a 32-pounder, or pivot, and a fine 24-pounder howitzer. She has, besides, on her deck four other guns, one 7-inch rifled, which were to have been taken the morning of the escape to the new fort on the middle ground. One of the four belonged to Fort Sumter, and had been struck in the rebel attack on the fort on the


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muzzle. Robert, the intelligent slave and pilot of the boat, who performed this bold feat so skillfully, informed me of this fact, presuming it would be a matter of interest to us to have possession of this gun. This man, Robert Smalls, is superior to any who have come to our lines, intelligent as many of them have been. His information has been most interesting and portions of the utmost importance.

        The steamer is quite an acquisition to the squadron by her good machinery and very light draft. The officer in charge brought her through St. Helena Sound and by the inland passage down Beaufort River, arriving here at 10 o'clock last night.

        On board the steamer when she left Charleston were 8 men, 5 women, and 3 children.

        I shall continue to employ Robert as a pilot on board the Planter for the inland waters, with which he appears to be very familiar. I do not know whether, in the views of the government, the vessel will be considered a prize; but, if so, I respectfully submit to the Department the claims of this man Robert and his associates.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

S. F. DU PONT,
Flag Officer, Commanding, etc.

HON. GIDEON WELLES,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.


United States Steamship Augusta,
Off Charleston, May 13, 1862.

        Sir: I have the honor to inform you that the rebel armed steamer Planter was brought out to us this morning from Charleston by eight contrabands, and delivered up to the squadron. Five colored women and three children are also on board. She carried one 32-pounder and one 24-pounder howitzer, and has also on board four large guns, which she was engaged in transporting.


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        I send her to Port Royal at once, in order to take advantage of the present good weather. I send Charleston papers of the 12th, and the very intelligent contraband who was in charge will give you the information he has brought off.

        I have the honor to request that you will send back, as soon as convenient, the officer and crew sent on board.

I am, respectfully, etc., your obedient servant,

E. G. PARROTT,

Flag Officer S. F. DU PONT,
Commanding South Atlantic Blockading Squadron.


War Dept., Quartermaster-General's Office,
Washington, D. C., January 3, 1883.

        Sir: Your communication of the 26th, ultimo, in relation to your services on the steamer Planter during the rebellion, and requesting copies of any letters from General Gillmore and other officers on the subject, has been received.

        The records of this office show that the name of Robert Smalls is reported by Lieut. Col. J. J. Elwell, Hilton Head, S. C., as a pilot, at $50 per month, from March 1, 1863, to September 30, 1863; and from October 1, 1863, to November 20, 1863, at $75 per month.

        He was then transferred to Capt. J. L. Kelly, assistant quartermaster, November 20, 1863, by whom he was reported as pilot from November 21 to November 30, 1863. He is reported by that officer in same capacity from December 1, 1863, until February 29, 1864, at $150 per month.

        The name of Robert Smalls is then reported by Captain Kelly as captain of the steamer Planter, at $150 per month, from March 1, 1864, until May 15, 1864, when transferred to the quartermaster in Philadelphia.

        He is reported by Caps. C. D. Schmidt, G. R. Orme,


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W. W. Van Ness, and John R. Jennings, assistant quartermasters, at Philadelphia, as captain of the Planter, at $150 per month from June 20, 1864, to December 16, 1864, when transferred to Capt. J. L. Kelly, assistant quartermaster, Hilton Head, S. C., by whom he is reported to January 31, 1865.

        From February 1, 1865, he is reported as a "contractor," victualing and manning the steamer Planter.

        I respectfully inclose herewith a copy of a letter, dated September 10, 1862, from Capt. J. J. Ellwell, chief quartermaster, Department of the South, in relation to the capture of the steamer Planter, which is the only one found on file in this office on the subject.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

ALEX. J. PERRY,
Deputy Quartermaster General, U. S. A.,
Acting Quartermaster-General.

HON. ROBT. SMALLS,
Member of Congress, Washington, D. C.


        Upon inquiry as to the outcome of this bill, I received the following letter from the son of Robert Smalls.

December 15, 1920.
Chaplain T. G. Steward,
Wilberforce, Ohio.

Dear Sir:

        I have before me Bill H. R. 1333, Report No. 120 on same, which I am enclosing for your benefit. As to the final outcome of the report, I cannot at this time state, but if I remember correctly, I do not think that this bill was ever passed, as I feel sure that my father never received any of the money provided for in this report and recommended by committee.

Yours very truly,

W. ROBT. SMALLS.



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CHAPTER II.

SECOND TRIP SOUTH:

        Captain Walls; Miss Jennie Lynch; Experience with a discharged soldier--Georgetown; Rev. A. T. Carr; Summerville, Mrs. Parker; Col. Thos. K. Beecher--Courtship and marriage. Experiences in Marion, S. C. A fight between an ex-slaveholder and a freedman; New England Provost Marshal--Organize a Church; criminal in jail calls me; Haunted house; Illiteracy; Second Conference in Savannah; Native preachers; Rev. W. J. Gaines; Andrew Brown. Revs. H. M. Turner and R. H. Cain. Extract from sermon and address at Marion, S. C., 1866.

        We began our work in South Carolina at the wrong time of the year, and the results which followed might have been foreseen. By the latter part of July I was very sick, and embarked on the 28th of that month for New York on the steamer "Empire City." Although the passage occupied but three days, there were two deaths on the trip, and when I reached my home in New Jersey on August 1st, I was greatly emaciated and shaking with chills. I was confined to my bed fifteen days, and on the first of September was barely able to travel. However, I made my way to Washington, D. C., and secured an order from the War Department granting me permission to return and furnishing me transportation from New York to Charleston. Revs. A. L. Stanford and James A. Handy had also come North, and we all met in Washington and preached in the churches there.

        It was October when I sailed South on my second


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trip on the same steamer which had brought me North, the "Empire City." For traveling companions I had Miss Jennie Lynch and a Miss Alexander, teachers; and Mrs. Wall, wife of Captain O. S. B. Wall. The passage was pleasant, although we experienced some bad weather. On this trip while between Beaufort and Charleston a discharged soldier and his wife who had no money were on the small steamer to which we had been transferred, and the captain was preparing to send them ashore. I tried to raise their fare among the passengers, but met with no response. I then paid their fare under promises on their part to reimburse me after their arrival in Charleston. I

WAR DEPARTMENT
Bureau of Refuges, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands,
Washington, D. C., Sept. 20, 1865.
SPECIAL ORDERS, NO 71


QUARTER MASTER'S OFFICE,
New York, City, Oct. 23, 1865.
Transportation furnished
To Hilton Head, S. C.
October 6th.

        In accordance with the provisions of Sec. 2, G. O. No. 138, Current series, A. G. O. the following named person, laboring voluntarily in behalf of Refugees and Freedmen, will be furnished free transportation on Govt. transports and U. S. Military Railroads, from Washington City to such points in the South as are set opposite their names respectively. X X X X

        Rev. Theophilus Steward to Beaufort, S. C.

By order of

Major General O. O. Howard, Commissioner, by
Asst. Adj. Gen'l

Rev Theophilus Steward.


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have never seen either the man or his wife since. My intention was good; his might have been also.

        It was Saturday, the 13th of November, 1865, when I arrived in Charleston the second time. I was given a pleasant welcome by Brother R. H. Cain and his amiable wife. He was then pastor in charge of our church in Charleston, and superintendent of all our missions in South Carolina. I held an appointment from Bishop Payne directing me to labor either in Columbia, S. C., or in Georgetown, S. C., as the superintendent should think best. The latter decided that I should try Georgetown; and so, after a few days of preparation, I sailed to that point, making a smooth passage of about twelve hours. Enroute I noted Cape Romain and Winyaw Bay. As I had read the interesting life of Francis Marion in my boyhood days, I was stirred not a little to find myself in his birthplace, Georgetown; but what stirred me more was to find Rev. Augustus T. Carr on the ground with an appointment to the same work to which I had been commissioned, well established, and beloved by the people. He was well-known, long a resident of the place, and deservedly respected and honored. A mistake had been made, and there was nothing for me to do but to return to Chaleston, with as good grace as possible, which I did, after having been admirably treated by Brother Carr.


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        Shortly after this I was despatched to Summerville, about twenty miles from Charleston on the South Carolina Railroad. Here I found Col. Thos. K. Beecher's colored regiment, and quite a number of freedmen; but I had no means of support, and the people were but one day's rations ahead of starvation. A Mrs. Parker from Charleston was there engaged in teaching, and she was the only one who could offer me asylum. I could not endure to live at her expense, and I had not money enough to get away. I went to the only business place I could find, and offered my watch as collateral for a small sum of money, obtaining which I left the place and my watch, and never returned.

        It was now December, 1865, and I had neither work nor money, and was nearing my twenty-third birthday. As I had been brought up with the idea that early marriage was best, I was thinking in that direction. Passing over much that is of intense personal interest, but of no public importance, I will invite my readers to a brief rehearsal of what may be regarded as the exoteric parts of the drama of my courtship and marriage. On a Saturday evening I entered a grocery store which was managed by a company of colored men on a semi-co-operative plan. I saw, acting as cashier, a young lady, whose self-possession, frankness of manner, and dignity of bearing impressed me very much. Every movement proclaimed her a full-orbed

Illustration

ELIZABETH GADSDEN-STEWARD
T. G. STEWARD Embarking To Charleston


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woman. Her neatness of dress, reposeful countenance and ease of manners gave assurance at once of genuine womanhood. I soon found that she was the idol of devoted brothers, and the cherished daughter of a most thoroughgoing Christian, Methodist mother. After a brief courtship we were married. Her name was Elizabeth Gadsden, daughter of Charles Gadsden, lost at sea, and Martha Gadsden, a lady well-known in Methodist circles in Charleston a half century ago. Pure as the driven snow, lovely as an angel of light, of a worth far above rubies! If my mission to South Carolina in 1865 brought me nothing more than this companion of my earlier manhood and this amply endowed mother of my sons, I have been well repaid. Her heart and mind have given to the sons who bear my name elements of character which will cause us all to remember her with gratitude to our dying day.

        Directly after my marriage I went to Marion, S. C. Through the kindness of Rev. B. F. Whittemore, then chaplain in the United States Army, and serving as superintendent of education among the freedmen, representing especially the New England Branch of the Freedmen's Aid Society, and through aid from Mr. Arthur Sumner of New England, I was furnished with fair support. Soon after arriving there a great meeting was held, at which Rev. R. H. Cain and Chaplain Whittemore


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spoke, and from that start both the church and school were organized. Here, in the gallery of the Methodist Church, South, after having listened to a very good sermon by the pastor, a certain Dr. Boyd, I made my first little address to the freedmen of that vicinity. The white people had all been dismissed and Dr. Boyd spoke to the colored people as to the burdens of freedom which had now fallen upon them, and then called upon me to say a word. I countered as to what the doctor had said, by referring to freedom as a crown of glory and a diadem of beauty, using the prophet's language. In the afternoon, with the consent of the pastor I administered communion to the colored members of his congregation, which I grant was rather impudent when I was preparing to lead them all away from his care. The progress of our organization here will be shown in the extracts from an address delivered within two months from the time I arrived on the ground.

        Here in Marion I witnessed the first physical encounter between a freedman and ex-slave-holder which took place in that section. A man named Isaac Baker was bringing me a load of wood; he was accused by a preacher of the Southern persuasion of having stolen his rails. Baker replied that he was not a thief. This was too much impudence for the ex-lord to stand, and he struck Baker; but no man can measure his astonishment


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when Baker's fist flew out with such effect that his lordship gave his measure to earth. Springing up at once he rushed his man, just in time to meet the second return of the black battering ram, and again he went down, but not for the count, but to call for his gun. Baker, seeing this turn, fled and reported the case to the Provost Marshal, one Lieutenant Redlon, of good New England stock. Redlon asked of Baker, "Did you hit him hard?" to which Baker replied, "I struck him as hard as I could," and the provost marshal, to the honor of his character and calling as a soldier, rejoined, "That was right;" and nothing came of the affair.

        The white planters of this neighborhood were generally wealthy and kind. One Major Gibson donated land for our church; another, Colonel Durant, I think, gave timber for the frame; and many contributed in money and material in aid of the building. There were of course, some who were not pleased with the new conditions and who tried to impede my work. An old building was granted us for use as church and school house; but we had not occupied it long before it was


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burned down, those opposing us determining not to have near them the nuisance of a colored church and colored school.*

CERTIFICATE OF COMMISSION.
AMERICAN FREEDMEN'S AID COMMISSION,
EASTERN DEPARTMENT.

New York City, April 2, 1866.

        THIS IS TO CERTIFY That The American Freedmen's Aid Commission has appointed Theophilus G. Steward.....a TEACHER of Freedmen for the term of.....from the date hereof, and accordingly commends ..him..to the confidence and assistance of all persons to whom these presents may come.

        Attest:

W. Simpson, President.

J. R. Shepherd, Associate Sec'y.

Countersigned, W. M. Kim
Secretary of the Eastern Department. (My wife had a similar commission but I am unable to find it.)



        Passing the jail one day a very distressed looking white man called to me from behind the barred window, asking if I would not please come in and see him. Getting permission I went; and such a place of confinement I had never seen before. The poor man was condemned to death as a murderer, and was awaiting execution. And the condition under which he was passing his days was such as to make the ordinary individual welcome almost any form of death as a release. Fifth, discomfort, wretchedness concentrated and condensed, filled to the full the little barbaric cell he occupied. I read and prayed with him, and continued to do so until his execution, but I did not attend the hanging, or make any note of it in my diary.

        A white lady in this vicinity, her sister, and sister-in-law, came to me stating that their house was troubled by spirits and they could not sleep in it at night--a man had recently died in it as a result of a gunshot wound. They desired me to come and hold prayers in the room which seemed to be troubled most. I did so; reading the Bible


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and praying. These people believed in me; and the ghosts never returned so far as I was kept informed. Another white lady lamented to me her ignorance in the following language, which I believe is exact: "I'd be so glad if I jest knowed enough to be able to read the Bible." The little learning I possessed, being able at that time to converse quite easily in German, seemed to them--the poor whites--almost marvelous.

        When I assembled nearly one hundred children of school age, I found only two who knew the alphabet; these had been servants of Major Gibson, I think, and went by the name of McQueen, a girl and a boy. A few years ago I met the "boy," then a minister in one of the South Carolina Conferences, and who is probably living at the present time. At the close of the school in June, practically all of the one hundred school children could read and many could write. If these pages should fall under the eye of any one who was a member of my school in Marion in 1866, I would be very grateful to receive a letter from any such person.

        Early in the month of May, 1866, the South Carolina Conference held its second session in Savannah, Ga. On my way from Marion to Charleston I was fortunate to fall in company with Bishop Payne, Brothers James A. Handy, G. W. Brodie, James F. A. Sission, and others. This latter named, Rev. James F. A. Sission, was a white


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man from New England, a pharmacist by profession, who chose our church because of its universality, or cosmopoltanism in practice. Despite that part of its name which seemed to indicate a race church, it was according to Brother Sisson's observation, the only church he could find in the land where no race was barred and where all shared alike in its privileges. It was the African Church; but it was open to all, of whatever race or clime. Bishop Payne contended it is less objectionable to have the odious name without the odious thing, than to have the odious thing without the odious name. He was anxious, as many others were at that time, to see some way open through which the prefix African might give place to a broader term. Alas! Such a day has not come as yet, nor does it appear likely to do so soon. Christianity and Methodism are still dominated by a clan idea, enthroned above the wearer of the Royal Diadem.

        On Monday morning, May 14, 1866, the conference opened, presided over by Bishop Payne. It continued in session nine days, the longest annual conference I have ever attended. North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida and Alabama were represented in the gathering. George W. Brodie and myself were chosen secretaries. Chaplain H. M. Turner, who was not present at the first conference, brought a host of new preachers from middle and upper Georgia. Several representatives


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were there from Alabama, including especially one Rev. Harry Stubbs. The Baptists of Savannah who had at that time two colored churches, well established, were very cordial in their treatment of us, and the large body of ministers who composed the conference were entertained during this long session without charge.

        The membership of the church had gone up to over twenty thousand and the preachers of all classes ran into the hundreds. I shall never forget the scene which presented itself at the ordination of this great host of new men to the Christian ministry, as Bishop Payne with streaming eyes and tremulous voice pronounced the solemn words of the service. The number of appointments had been increased in geometrical progression; instead of twelve, there were now over one hundred.

        Among those admitted at this conference must be mentioned Andrew Brown, Wesley J. Gaines, afterward Bishop Gaines; Joseph A. Wood and Henry Strickland. Many others whom I learned to honor and respect ought to be named. Several of these were examined by me as to their fitness to enter the work; especially do I remember examining Wesley J. Gaines. Andrew Brown I remember as a man of originality and strong character, and a preacher of marked force. In a sermon on the camp ground I once heard him make a most effective climax while reciting the story of


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Joshua and the standing still of the sun. He was recounting the victories of prayer and was in a happy mood and had his audience in full sympathy with his delineation. Describing the results of Joshua's sublime appeal, he suddenly flashed out the sentence, "God Almighty blowed 'Down brakes' on the sun!" The people were familiar with the railroad term and the effect was prodigious. After this sermon Brown was known by many as "Down Brakes Brown." Joseph Wood was a very successful minister, especially strong in winning young people; Henry Strickland was a modest but thoughtful and earnest preacher; Robert Anderson was out of the ordinary in many ways--a strictly temperance man, a constant user of peppermint, and at the time of the session of the Conference in Savannah was selling a remedy for small-pox. His remedy consisted chiefly of epsom salts and coffee; the former given in large doses, to be followed by the coffee made strong.

        Up to the close of the Civil War we had no presiding elders in the church; but within this new work certain men were appointed as superintendents, with almost unlimited ecclesiastical power in the districts they were supposed to oversee. In Georgia, Chaplain Turner was the unordained Bishop with headquarters at Macon; Stanford in a lesser degree held the work in and around Savannah; and Drayton at Augusta. In South Carolina,


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R. H. Cain was supreme. The two men, Turner and Cain, were by far the most influential in this new field. Both were very able speakers, the former a strong preacher, while Cain was a versatile orator, well skilled in all the arts of popular elocution, blest with a clear and penetrating voice and having at hand a good stock of captivating words. He was witty and at times eloquent; always interesting and shrewd. Of course my readers are already aware that both these men by necessary sequence became Bishops in the church.

        Conference adjourned and I was appointed to a church partially organized in Charleston called the Morris Brown Church. The name seemed to fit in well with its surroundings and history, as the building was situated on Morris Street, and as Bishop Morris Brown had been born in that city. My appointment had been arranged by R. H. Cain. I had been doing well at Marion and really did not want to leave. My wife and myself had both been employed by the New England Freedmen's Aid Society as missionary teachers and we both liked the work. I had opened a second school and had brought into the service a young man from Charleston by the name of Hayne, who afterwards figured in South Carolina politics. Acting on Brother Cain's advice, I did not immediately


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go to my work in Charleston, but with my South Carolina bride, took a trip North.

        In reviewing my work in Marion I shall present my readers with an extract from a sermon delivered there in March, 1866, on the "Mischief of the Lack of Confidence." The text was Numbers 14:2, "And all the children of Israel murmured against Moses and against Aaron and the whole congregation said unto them, would God that we had died in Egypt or would God that we had died in the wilderness." The extract shows the cure brought out to overcome the tendency to give way to despondency, and complain of one's surroundings.

Extract from Sermon Delivered in Marion, S. C.,
March, 1866

        I am glad to know that this spirit is possessed but by few of our people in this section of the country, but that we are favored with a large share of that go-aheaditiveness among us; and, trusting in God, we will pursue the course on which we have started. But yet, I find a few both among us and around us, who are troubled with the painful rheumatics of doubt. They don't make themselves believe that a church will be erected, and completed, all by, and for colored people; that we shall be able to worship under our own vine and fig tree, and according to the dictates of our own


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consciences. They can see in ourselves only weakness and poverty. They say our number is small and our means are limited. Their eyes are closed to the spirit and they see only the arm of flesh.

        They forget that God can make one chase a thousand, and that the earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof--the silver and gold belong to Him--and that the work is the Lord's. And as we work on, and for it, He will repay in blessings. God gives us all we possess. Paul may plant and Apollos may water, but if there comes any increase God must bestow it. I say, and I know many of my brethren will say as Caleb did, "We be fully able to accomplish the work." I think the safest way of judging the future is by the past; and by estimating what we can do by considering what we have done. Let us therefore briefly reconsider the progress we have already made towards the completion of the work in the one short month we have been engaged as an organized body.

        On the 21st of last January, twenty days after the birthday of freedom to the colored race in this and other parts of the sunny South, in the woods, we first established and opened the doors of the African Methodist Episcopal Church here, and one hundred and twenty rallied around its standard. On February 11th the doors were again opened and forty more came over on her side. February


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18th, the banner was unfurled at Springfield and twenty-eight added their names; February 25th, her case was again presented and six more came to the rescue and still they come. From the North, the South, the East and the West, until now in this vicinity, in a little over one month from the commencement of work our army has increased to nearly two hundred active, zealous and faithful soldiers. Is there no strength in this number united and engaged in a work that will bring blessings upon their children's children? Their strength is increasing; the Ark of the Covenant is moving, and soon in our own temple, dedicated to the Most High shall be heard the gladsome song of praise, as fathers, mothers, brothers and children tread its courts. Lord God Almighty, hasten the day.

        Now, let us review our work. As soon as we had withdrawn from the old church and become our own master, we determined to have a home. Oh, how ready and willing were our hearts to enter upon the work. We desired to add another temple to the number of God's earthly dwelling houses, to provide a place where we might worship as loud, long, and often as we pleased. In God's name, and trusting in Him for help we began the work. God worked for us, and in answer to our prayers put it in the heart of a benevolent gentleman to give us the land. Next came


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the frame. God helped us and we got that at a trifling cost. Then the hewing is all being done by our own men, very well, at a low price, only a cent a foot; the hauling so far we have been able to pay for; and now behold what you never saw before; nearly 3000 feet of excellent lumber ready, paid for, and on our own ground for the purpose of building our own church. Can't we do something for ourselves if through the assistance of God we have been able to go thus far in one short month? Can we not, by the help of the same God, go on to the end? It is only this lack of faith in the Eternal God, that makes us appear so weak and our means and money so limited and scarce.

        We are strong while we are in the right God and good men help those who strive to help themselves.

        The address presented now was delivered perhaps a few weeks later than the sermon, but certainly in March or April of the same year. The reader will remember that at this time I was not twenty-four years old and consequently knew very little of life by experience; yet much of the advice I then gave I would consider good today


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"How to Get and Save Money"--Delivered to the
Freedmen of Marion, S. C., March, 1866

        I suppose the most interesting subject that can be presented to us at this time is How to Get and Save Money; all of us being both in want and need of more things to make us comfortable and perhaps nearer satisfied. For although we are away behind in the race of social life, yet we are advancing. We are not content to remain in one condition forever and a day. We wish to improve and advance from the condition and position of slaves, to the condition and position of worthy freemen.

        Now, it is the mistaken opinion and notion of many that to make us as happy as it is possible for us to be, and to lift us to the position of respectability, we need only money to buy lands and houses, coats and silk dresses. To get up, we must climb up and stand on, what we can buy. This appears to be the ruling belief; the object of life, therefore, among many of our people is to get money, or get land, by hook or by crook--work, all, man, wife, Tom, Bill, Sancho, and Hagar--make money--get a start. A kind of lottery is opened--gold watches and two-cent jewelry tempt--throw in the 25 cents--get the certificate--get the prize. Money and lands. Anything for money. Well, now, let us see what this great pleasure and


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good is, that you are running yourselves to death after. Let us see whether it is a butterfly or a real bird.

        A little gold, a little silver, and a great deal of greenbacks, make up that which among us is called money. Gold money; silver money; paper money. The money is worth nothing to us only as it represents what we can buy with it. It cannot be eaten, or drunk, or worn; but you know it will buy corn, whiskey, or homespun. It makes one man also the director of a dozen others; or he may join many trades underneath his management. He may have the carpenter, the mason, the farmer, the blacksmith, the writer, the publisher, under his control--hence his money is strength; and which-ever way the man who has it turns, his track is seen.

        Again, money is in good repute; it is respected and courted; and he who possesses it will have more knocks at his door than the man who has fair daughters. At home, abroad, in quietness or in business, the man with the bag of gold or basket of greenbacks, or possessor of a thousand acres of land or a fifty thousand dollar mansion will be more cared for by merchants, lawyers, politicians, beggars and thieves than the man who is known to have his last corn in the oven. Money is a great power. It can be used when possessed by us in such a way as to make us more useful and happy,


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or abused in such way as to make us more worthless and miserable. Such in brief, is money as we generally understand it; and such are a part of the blessings the possession of it insure. It is an accumulation, and may be either to our good, or evil, according to the use we make of it.

        I come now to the main question: How to get money. How is it to be obtained? I do not intend, in discussing this part of the subject to go back to first principles; to show the origin of money; nor to trace the history of wealth; but to examine as closely as possible the present stage and state of society, and explain the most common methods of getting rich in these days. You know many men have received large possessions from their parents who died and left it to them; and, consequently, though born into the world with nothing as every person is, they from their rich parents were soon supplied with all necessary comforts and luxuries. Their money is obtained very easily. Others from friends, or distant relatives dying, often receive the right and title to their estates and valuables. Others again lurk around some large banking house or rich store, and when opportunity offers break in, seize money and make haste away. The have the money; they knew where it was, and how to get it. Morning comes, advertisements are out, officers are on the track by night, perhaps; without a cent the


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robber is secure beneath a double bolt. That may be a way to get money; but surely it is a poor way to keep it. I don't think any of my friends here wish to try that way. Others pursue a different course. Instead of grabbing all at once, they pick and steal a little at a time, a ten cents now, a five cents then. Others borrow and never pay; others buy and forget to settle--all for the sake of getting or saving money. Others hire, and then, if they do not perform honest labor, think they will be acquiring money, will be gaining more. To get money honestly is to give something for it of acknowledged equal value; unless it be bequeathed to the receiver.

        This is almost as much as saying, to get money you must have money or something worth money to give for it. What I mean is money is to be bought. The man who sells his cotton, his corn, his rice, his meat for money, that he may exchange this for other articles. Well, now, we have all something to sell that is our labor; it is much in demand and is really acknowledged valuable. 'Tis getting money honestly to give labor--work--for it. That is the meaning of the contract in which you agree to give a certain kind, and a certain amount of labor for a certain share in, or portion of, what the labor with the assistance of land produces. A great deal of uncertainty hangs about the result. The crop may be good; or it may be poor; the prices


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may be high, or they may be low; yet there is in the system a great deal of fairness, for if one suffers loss, all must; and if one reaps gain, all must. The profits or the losses will be shared among or borne by all--employer, hands, and no doubt in many cases, creditors.

        A fair system, you say? But can I make and save enough ever to buy a home of my own? That depends on your sagacity, industry and economy. First, your sagacity. If you go to work one January without knowing how much you are to get, and work till fall without a contract, it is very likely you will not get a great deal for your work. Always complete your contract before you begin your work; and this will be one step toward securing something and bettering your condition.

        Next, if after the bargain is completed, you are lazy and slothful, and negligent, it is very likely before the year is out that you may lose your place and a great part of your wages; and next year you will stand a poor chance to get a good place or good wages; and second, be a good man in the place and give good labor. The third thing is, be economical; live according to your condition. Don't try to spend like rich people when you are only getting in money like poor people. Don't take in at the spigot to let out by the bung. Have your houses as clean as possible and as comfortable as you can afford. Keep your table supplied


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with good, wholesome, plain victuals: but don't make a god of your belly. Dress as neatly and as tidily as you can, but also as cheap as you can. Buy no high priced coats or hats; and above everything else, buy no rings, pins; gew gaws and foolish trinkets, for which you have no manner for need or use.

        One thing more, stay at home. Don't be running forty, eighty, or a hundred miles every week or two. Keep close to your home and save the expense of traveling.

Burial at Sea

        The two deaths mentioned in the foregoing chapter were of soldiers being shipped north in the hope that they might meet their relatives and probably recover under a change of scenery, conditions and climate. It was a sad occasion when the relatives of these men met the incoming ship and were told that the loved ones they were expecting had died on the short passage and that their bodies had been cast into the sea. Being quite sick myself during the passage, I made no notes and can recall but few of the incidents that occurred; but I remember very distinctly that one of the men who died occupied a cot beside mine as we lay on the deck under the awning spread to protect us from the sun. The ship was very


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much crowded and a large number of passengers were without comfortable sleeping accommodations. The poor man who lay beside me was very weak and was frequently engaged in prayer. Ultimately his whispering prayers ceased altogether, his lips continued to move. He seemed to sink away calmly into the eternal sleep. Soon after this cessation he was pronounced dead and his body was removed.

        I cannot say how soon thereafter it was when the body enclosed in a canvas bag, properly weighted, was placed upon a plank and brought to the side of the ship. It was covered with the American flag. The engines of the ship ceased their throbbing; order and silence prevailed; some one designated read the appropriate service; the plank was extended beyond the ship's rail and the body was consigend to the deep.


                         "There was a plunge. The risen sea complained!
                         Death from his briny bosom took her own.
                         The awful fountains of the deep did lift
                         Their subterranean portals, and he went
                         Down to the floor of Ocean, mid the beds
                         Of brave and beautiful ones. Yet to my soul
                         In all their funeral pomp, the guise of woe,
                         The monumental grandeur, with which earth
                         Indulgeth her dead sons was naught so sad,
                         Sublime, or sorrowful, as the mute sea


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                         Opening her mouth to whelm that sailor youth.."

        So wrote an unknown author a hundred years ago, and so I read in my school book seventy years ago. And from an almost adjoining page I had heard Frank (Bishop) Lee's rich voice declaiming Napoleon's dying request (a request which was not granted):


                         "Yes, bury me deep in the infinite sea,
                         Let my heart have a limitless grave;
                         For my spirit in life was as fierce and free
                         As the course of the tempest-wave."
                         (Emerson's First Class Reader, p. 151-53.)

        In those days the wide sea was the world's burying ground for those who did business in the great waters. Transports and the great passenger steamers were not required to carry embalmers or persons whose duty it was to care for the bodies of the dead. Those who died on ship board were buried in the deep. A kinder civilization now demands that the bodies of the dead shall be restored to their relatives whenever possible, and this applies to those who die in battle or on the sea.


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CHAPTER III.

WORK IN CHARLESTON, S. C.:

        Journey to Macon, Ga. Conference in that city. Return to Charleston--Trip by sea to Savannah, Robert Smalls--Fourth of July in Macon, Ga.--Trip to Lumpkin, Ga.--Work there--Conference again in Macon--Appointment to the church in Macon.

        In the fall of 1866, I began my ministerial labors in Charleston as pastor of the congregation that met in the Morris Brown Church. I take pains to put it this way, because at that time the Morris Brown Church as a separate organization did not exist. In my congregation I had some very valuable assistants, prominent among whom were Moses B. Salters who afterwards became a Bishop, and William Thomas who developed into a very useful pastor and presiding elder. I also taught a private school, and had several private pupils who met at my residence.

        While the people were very kind to me, the relations which I was forced to sustain toward the superintendent, who was in fact the pastor of my church, made it impossible for me to develop pernally, or as a leader of a congregation. Yet I had made up my mind to labor and to wait. But when the conference met in Wilmington, N. C., I found myself again changed through the revolving of the relentless itinerant wheel. Having had a little


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experience in newspaper work, I was appointed editor of a paper which did not exist, and which had no possibility of birth.

        Again I was on the world with no means of support, but in these circumstances, although I had a wife to whom I had pledged a living, I did not think it proper to call on any one for help. In this situation attending a service I heard a minister from the North, preaching, as he supposed to freedmen who were thrown into extremity, from the text, "Trust in the Lord and do good; so shalt thou dwell in the land; and verily thou shalt be fed." I say, he thought he was preaching to bewildered ex-slaves; but in fact he was bringing the message of the Lord directly to me and my wife, who were seated in the congregation with neither bread, money nor home.

        With this encouragement, I domiciled my wife temporarily in Charleston and in a few days set out for Macon, Ga. On my trip, I stopped at Aiken, S. C., where Rev. Moses B. Salters, whom I had taken to the conference in Wilmington, was beginning his work, and naturally he aided me in my traveling expenses. Arriving at Augusta, I met there the Rev. Charles L. Bradwell, previously mentioned, who took pleasure in giving me further assistance; and thus aided, on May 30th I arrived in Macon, then, as now, one of the prettiest cities in the South.


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        In the conference which met in Wilmington, reports showed the work in Georgia to be so extensive and travel so inconvenient that it was thought best to organize a special mission conference for that state. This conference was now assembling in Macon in the old Methodist Church which had been occupied formerly by the slaves and the few free colored people of the city. This conference I came to attend. It was presided over by Bishop Wayman. Rev. W. J. Gaines and I were elected secretaries. The people of Macon were hospitable, and were so situated that they could entertain the conference very pleasantly. Macon, as a city, had suffered very little from the war. I saw only one house that had been struck by shot or shell. The session of the conference there was interesting and enjoyable. From this conference I was appointed to Lumpkin, the county seat of Stewart County, in the typical corn and cotton section of Southwestern Georgia.

        Returning to Charleston I packed up my few belongings and on June 27, 1867, my wife and I went on board the little steamer, "Fannie," to take passage for Savannah. A few of our good Charleston friends accompanied us to the wharf to say good-bye and to wish us a good voyage. We were soon at sea; the wind was blowing gently, the sea was moderate; but our boat was what sailors call "cranky," and she was soon rolling as gaily as the


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lightest heart might wish. As for me, and for my wife also, that old demon sea sickness returned, and despite our sturdy nursing of lemons we were delivered from our predicament by the usual route. On the boat, as passenger, was Captain Robert Smalls who had been to Charleston to purchase goods for his store in Beaufort. With the generosity of the man of the sea, he extended all courtesy and kindness to us during our discomfort. We arrived in Savannah at 10 o'clock, and were entertained by a Mr. Deas of the firm of Deas & Johnson, and made to feel at home. We rested here a few days, during which we enjoyed the company of Rev. James Hill, whom the reader will recollect as a member of our first conference, and of Rev. R. P. Gibbs who had come down from New York to fill the place vacated by Rev. A. L. Stanford. On the 3rd of July we left for Macon. arriving early in the evening, passing the "Glorious Fourth" in that city and taking part in the celebration. The colored school children numbering several hundred, with bands about which the less said the better, paraded the streets in the early part of the day. At 11 A. M. all met in a large grove where speeches were made and a bountiful table of refreshments spread. There was no lack of food or clothing in Macon at that time. The celebration was interesting and moderately enthusiastic:


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but only the colored citizens and their families took any part in it whatsoever.

        On Friday, July 5, 1867, we left Macon on the Southwestern Railroad for Cuthbert, Ga., without money enough to pay our fare. Cuthbert was the nearest point to our station which we could reach by rail. As railroad conditions were quite confused at that time, I gave the conductor all the money I had, which included some silver not then current and he allowed us to remain on the train until our destination was reached. Arriving at Cuthbert about four o'clock in the afternoon, we were met by Christopher Jordan with a mule and a little spring wagon. Transferring ourselves and baggage to this wagon we started out from Cuthbert about five o'clock with a journey of twenty-two miles before us to Lumpkin. Our rate of progress was very slow, and at about ten o'clock at night we halted and rested in a cabin by the wayside, situated upon a large plantation belonging to a planter known to our driver. Early the next morning we resumed our journey and by ten o'clock we reached Lumpkin. During the journey my wife had a fall, receiving some bruises more or less serious, but she as well as myself arrived in Lumpkin in good spirits. I now realized what it was to be a traveling preacher. In three years I had filled the following appointments: Pastor of a church in Camden, N. J.; charge of a mission


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in Beaufort, S. C.; commissioned to a mission in Georgetown, S. C.; to Summerville, S. C.; to Marion, S. C.; in charge of an embryo church in Charleston; editor of an unbegotten paper; and now missionary pastor to Lumpkin. In the meantime I had taught school in Marion and in Charleston. None of the shifting except the last one had been of my own seeking. Up to that time I had been clay in the hands of the potter or "potterer" as it might be.

        Lumpkin, I found to be a cozy little well-shaded village in the centre of a fine agricultural region, having within it the typical country academy of the old South, the court-house and square. Nearly every house among the whites possessed a piano and an energetic pianist; but the same people would have no instrumental music in their church. The Methodist Sunday school through the influence of its progressive superintendent, one Dr. Barnum, had just before my arrival, introduced an organ into the church services, and its music was attracting the young people. The organ seemed to be filling a real need, but the conservatives arose in their strength and the instrument had to go. They would none of it. All classes of the inhabitants, white and black, helped to make up the community; and every one knew the outside and inside history of all the others; gossip flourished,


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multiplied, and grew until the air was laden with it.

        Here, on July 7th, I began my labors, not without opposition of a most peculiar kind. The church had been organized, a lot bargained for, but nothing paid on it. The people had also bargained for the church building which they had formerly used while in connection with the Methodist Church, South,--an old building which had been given up by the whites after they had erected for themselves a new building. The building was sold to the colored people for one hundred and fifty dollars, providing they moved it off the ground within a definite time. When I arrived the time for removal was nearly expired; they had paid nothing on the house; were making no preparation to remove the building; but on the contrary were sitting down apparently helpless and hopeless. The work had been carried on thus far by a native minister, very poorly equipped for his task, by the name of Crayton. As might be expected, he was not at all pleased at being supplanted by me. Not having been trained in the itinerant system, his opposition was quite bitter and fierce; but being untutored he was able to accomplish no more in the way of obstructing than he had previously done in the way of advancing the work. Later this same man became a member of my church in Wilmington, Del., and died in its communion.


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I attended him and gave him consolation during his last illness, happy to know that he had become more than fully reconciled to me.

        On the 15th of the month of July, nine days after arriving on the ground, I opened school and had appointed the first day of August as the day we would move the church building. On the 22nd I organized a society of women to furnish the house with new windows, which were to be put in after the house should be removed; on the 29th I organized a society of children to get the nails necessary to put on a new roof. On the 10th I got together a number of young men who agreed to furnish the shingles for the roof. With this preparation we began on the day appointed, August 1, 1867, to move the church, a work which was done entirely by hand-power under the direction of two ex-slave carpenters. The building was cut into sections and carried by men from its old site to the new one, and there re-erected. By the 12th of September the building was moved, re-erected, a new roof put on it, new windows put in, and


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the ground paid for*

        *I have prepared the following names of men who helped to move the church, August 1, 1857.

        Adam Harden, Gilford Anderson, Howard Jordan, James Anderson, William Siani, Henry Brown, Benjamin Shirland, Mosos....., Edom Prince, James Becham, Isaac Burns, Jacob Robinson, Caesor Scott, P. C. Green, Samuel Scott, Francis Marion, Henry Porter, Chris. Jordan, Lewis Jones, Wesley Randall, Ransom Henderson, William Bird, George Grimes, Tip Becham, Lee Brown, Robert Clayton, Adolphus Jordan, Richard Battle, Hampton Warren, Lafayette Wilson.

        On august 7, 1921, I visited Macedonia Church, the Rev. R. B. Smith being pastor at that time and there met Mrs. Mary Laws, a hale, happy looking, elderly lady, who informed me that she joined the church under me in 1864, being at that time twelve years of age. He name at that time was Mary Painter. She had been a member 57 years.


--just two months and five days after my arrival in Lumpkin. During that month I gave the first concert and exhibition ever given by our people in that part of the state.

        I had secured from the Freedmen' Bureau a stipend of twenty-five dollars per month, and we were now entering upon a great political campaign. The Reconstruction Act had conferred suffrage upon the ex-slaves and the question to be voted on was the calling of a state convention. Upon this question each voter was to cast his ballot for or against; and at the same time, on the same ballot he could vote his choice of delegates for the convention. This convention was to frame a constitution for the state and thus reorganize the state government. The district including Lumpkin was composed of three counties: Stewart, Webster and Quitman. I served as one of the judges of the election, or rather manager of election in Stewart County. In that whole county only four white men voted. The colored voters brought the state back to the Union so far as Southwestern Georgia was concerned. Two colored men were elected to the convention, one of them being Rev. Thomas Crayton, my predecessor; one white man, a Dr. Blount, was also elected. While this campaign


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was on, a prominent man of the town solicited me to run for the convention; he claiming to represent the majority of the white voters. I readily saw the purport of this move, but took good care not to allow them to see that I suspected sinister designs. Of course I found good reasons for not accepting.

        In order to present my readers with my activities during the two months just described, I shall quote a few entries from my diary:

        Tuesday, July 30--Received a letter from E. F. Kirksey, security for the purchase money of the church building, stating that the house must not be moved. (I was preparing to move on August 1st. Of course, that had to be smoothed over. I found a way out.)

        August 1, 1867--Commenced to move the church today with about thirty hands, all working gratuitously; got the roof, gable ends, benches, windows and upper joists moved; and three new sills framed for the building; and the blocks on the ground.

        August 2nd--Work stopped on account of stormy weather. Bargained with Ben Shirland for 4,500 shingles at five dollars per thousand.

        August 3rd--Weather fine; commenced working on the church again with about thirty-five hands;


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got all moved except the back end. Set apart the 17th of the month to raise the church.

        August 4th, Sunday--Weather fine in the morning; had Sunday school under shelter; at sunset preached on the church ground from Ezek. 37:21.

        August 5th--Bought 45 pounds of nails at Jas. K. Barnum's with the children's money. Met the ladies' society; received $2.65. Mrs. Wilson behaved rudely, called Rev. Stubbs "bull-frog," and gave an insult to me by saying the "yellow women" were my sisters, but "the blacks were not."

        August 6th--Reopened school under a temporary shelter. At night met the young men who had subscribed for the roof of the church and received from them $4.75.

        August 9th--Got the court-house to hold meeting in on Sunday afternoon. People opposed to our work trying every way to break us up. They are too late.

        August 17th--Raised our church today; a great disappointment to many whites who thought we would not be able to do it.

        August 25th--Held our first meetings in our new church.

        September 12th--Completed roofing the church today.

        The above extracts will enable the reader to


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follow our steps as we went through this great work to these humble people.

        In reviewing this record I take great delight in the fact that I had so early learned how to work with a people who were so entirely new to me. Truly I had learned much during the two years that I had passed in the disorganized South.

        My work in Lumpkin occupied most of my time, although this point was only a part of my circuit. The other points were Box Ankle, Hard Money, Giles and Adams, mere settlements more conspicuous for their names than for anything else, beyond what might be described as general debility. I kept preaching services in Lumpkin regularly and superintended the Sunday school. On Sunday, August 11, 1867, as a specimen of my Sunday services my journal relates that I went out to Box Ankle and gave the sacrament to the people there, and returning preached in the court house in Lumpkin at 4:30 P. M. to a good congregation. I was a curiosity, of course, to the whites of this region. To exhibit my learning to some of his associates a young man by the name of Tucker called on me while I was passing on the street, to define logic. My reply justified his previous affirmations as to my scholarship. Should he be permitted to see my note book in reference to the occasion he would read this description of the


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occurrence: "Was asked by a certain 'Green 'un' named C. Tucker to define logic."

        Beside carrying on church and Sunday school, my wife and I conducted a day school, which we called Union School. During the month of August, 1867, we enrolled 53 girl students and 30 males. We made a charge of 50 cents a month for each pupil, but kept none out for lack of payment; consequently we collected but a small proportion of the money earned. During the month of August, 1867, although our enrollment was 83, we collected only $13.00, and of this we paid $8.00 for printing and $3.00 for books, leaving just $2.00 apiece for our salaries.

        Many years after leaving Georgia a man in Stewart County took up the question of the value of my work toward the poor of that county under the Poor School laws which were then in existence, laws which had been enacted for the benefit of the poor whites of the state, and obtaining from me a statement of my account, collected from the county or state the money due me under those laws for teaching poor colored children, who somehow, were at that particular juncture legally entitled to the benefit. Fortunately I had kept my account and had the original book in my possession. My account was also in such condition that the attorney had no difficulty in making out my case; and the money came to me at a time when


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I was greatly in need of it--just when I was pastoring a little church of most willing people who were unable to give support.

        The following March our conference met in Macon which was indeed the first regular session of the Georgia Annual Conference, and I was again elected secretary. The conference met on the 12th and adjourned on the 17th, Bishop Wayman presiding. Before going to the conference, I had made a visit to Albany, Ga., and had been tendered a clerkship in the Freedmen's Bureau through the kindness of the military officers in Southwestern Georgia. The appointment reached me shortly after the conference adjourned in Macon, but my circumstances then were such as to make it impossible for me to accept it, and it was consequently declined. At the adjournment of the conference on March 17, 1868, I was appointed pastor of the church in Macon, and also given the oversight of a large district of missions.

        I quote from my notes the general summing up of my experience during my first quadrennium: I had traveled over 8,000 miles; taught four different schools; attended as member, six sessions of conference; published at my own expense five thousand copies of conference minutes; had received hundreds of members in the church; had expelled none up to that time; had lived three years in the South; and not one month in a house that


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did not leak, nor six months altogether in plastered houses; had contended with fleas, mosquitoes, bed-bugs, and "grey-backs," all at the same time; had lived through the four years, and was $77.00 worse off than when I started out.

THE CENTRE OF POWER IN THE WORK OF
SOCIAL REFORM

        At this juncture, while so many theories are being presented as model plans for the reformation of society with regard to our race, it really becomes necessary to inquire minutely into the present position we occupy; the reasons why we inhabit this and not another; and into the position we desire to occupy; our fitness for it, and the obstacles in the way of our attaining it.

        As in the great work of nature there seems to be a regular gradation from the lowest form of unorganized matter to the tallest archangel of uncreated light, based upon "essential differences," so in society will there ever remain the high and the low, the small and the great--to which arrangement we have no objection. All we require is, that it be not based upon accidents, such as color, race, previous condition, but that manhood--moral and intellectual worth--be the basis of classification; and that without constraint, the mind be allowed to seek its own level and the man his associates.

        In this free country where the will of the people is the law, and where there is less of class legislation, and where the child of the senator sits in the school at the same desk with the child of the blacksmith, and where equal rights are extended to so large a majority of its citizens, there still exists social grades--a top and a bottom of society. We are too apt to think that there is only a gulf drawn


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between ourselves and the whites, and that on both sides of that gulf disinctions cease. Though all white men who have not forfeited that privilege are permitted to enjoy the emoluments of citizenship, and all black men in some states are deprived of that right, still there exists on both sides, among blacks and among whites, upper and lower classes.

        Aside from the clans formed by the various occupations, trades and professions followed, there is another basis of order in society which leaps over accidental differences, which brings the brick-maker and the professor, the lawyer and the farmer, the black man and the white man on the same platform, gathering its individuals from every relation in life, with as much precision as the botanist arranges his flowers, or the shepherd divides his sheep from the goats. As birds of a feather flock together, so do men of equal and similar culture gravitate to each other. Opinions, professions, purposes and even interests fail to reduce differences and to make men equal in the same sense that equality in intelligence and sameness in character do.

        But there are higher and lower classes, wealthy, and poor--doomed to eke out a miserable existence by hard toil, deprived of everything that could make life comfortable, while others revel in luxury surrounded with everything that can please the sense. Perhaps the most outcast, proscribed and despised class now treading American soil are the descendants of neglected Africa, denied the commonest rights, shut out from the commonest privileges, pronounced incapable of thinking and acting as men! By What Law? The same law that prevails among the inhabitants of the ocean, and makes big fish eat little ones rules in society. The law that governs the citizens of the wood, and that makes the lion the king, governs society.


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The strong continually oppress the weak--kick them from their path. There is always a bully and always a "butt," among boys; one who is never attacked, and one who is always receiving cuffs.

        So, here it is might that makes right; power that rules. Not an imaginary, but a real authority. Now if this view be correct, What Can Elevate Us? A great revolution has just passed over us which threatened to invert the former order of society, to make it stand on its head. The smoke has blown away, and things have settled down, but the white man is still on top, and firm in his seat. Public sentiment and laws have come forth to protect us; still we are easily defrauded, robbed and outraged. A Freedmen's Bureau was instituted; still the Negro fared but little better; all tended to assign him to the lowest position. So far no great change for the better has taken place in our condition since the breaking up of slavery.

        The elective franchise is now claimed as that which will protect and elevate us to an equality with other men. That it will work wonders I have no doubt; but it will not make a Lo Presto! change. Should Congress put the ballot in the hand of every colored man in South Carolina, the white man would still be on top, controlling the state government and proscribing the black man. He, the black man, would still be the bottom of society, if nothing else were done. Laws cannot protect; external circumstances rarely elevate. All that is done for us will not raise us one step higher in the order of society, nor do away with prejudice. Place and position will not change our lot. For let this be maintained as a truth: That it is by developed strength, by conquest, that a people rises from a lower to a higher condition. Individual examples in support


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of this might be gathered from the wrestler's ring, to the latest discovery in science.

        The obstacles that lie in our way are prejudices and the institutions and laws growing out of it. This prejudice springs from a kind of contempt which the strong are inclined to feel toward the weak. No matter how excellent the reasons may be which are in the hands of the weak to assign for his condition, he will be despised and wronged until he gets in possession of power to defend his rights. Justice is not obeyed half so readily as force. Let claims be backed by power and they will soon receive attention.

        To elevate the blacks and place them beyond the reach of foul wrong, power, force, must be put into their hands. Yes; says one. "The power of the ballot!" Give them the elective franchise and nothing else, and you put saddles on their backs for white politicians to ride upon, and well will they use them. Another says: "Give them wealth; place capital in their hands; give them lands and put them on the open road to prosperity and respectability." With nothing else given the colored man: How long would he be able to hold his wealth or make it contribute to his good? It is not fencing-in by law nor bracing up by favors that will elevate. No; every grant and favor detracts so much from the honor of final success. The strength must be infused in the man. He must be made strong. This will come only from labor, study and thought. The only way to elevate is to increase the intrinsic worth.

        Knowledge must be acquired; knowledge of words and things. Every fact acquired arouses new thoughts; the mind expands; the faculties are strengthened and the progress is onward to manhood. "Wisdom is strength" says Solomon; "Knowledge is power" says Bacon; "A wise servant shall rule over a son"; and all through the course


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of human history striking exhibitions of the ability of intelligence to rule ignorance follow after each other in quick succession; and in keeping with this principle it has always been the policy of the oppressors to keep in ignorance the minds of the oppressed. Barbarous peoples have been civilized, the waste country made the home of a mighty nation, the oppressed elevated, by infusing into them the power of education. England grew to its present stage of wealth and power through the diffusion of education among its population. America sprang up to its prodigious wealth and greatness by the use of the school house. And education diffused among our people in this state and others, is the thing needed to change their condition.

        I would have every one that hears me to-night transfer a part of that care for wealth, and apply it to personal improvement. To get that key which will unlock the door to every privilege, and that will furnish happiness in every circumstance. Exercise the mind; let it grow strong and what can resist its powers?


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CHAPTER IV

GENERAL CONFERENCE OF 1868:

        Delegates from the South--Revs. J. M. Brown, J. A. Shorter and T. M. D. Ward elected bishops. The union question of 1864. Beginning my work in Macon--Fine spirit in the church surprise--W. B. Campbell attempts revole. Legal proceedings Church burned--Wanderings of the congregation--New church built. Selling cotton; Freedman's Bank. Opening new church--W. J. Gaines succeeds me; Mrs. M. E. F. Smith--Transfer north.

        On receiving my appointment as pastor of the important church in Macon on March 17th, 1868, and assuming at the same time the oversight of a large missionary district, my ministerial career opened at once upon a much broader plane. I was young indeed counted only by years, for I was then twenty-five, but my experience as the reader has perhaps already observed, had been sufficiently varied to give me a fair knowledge of men and affairs. If not premature, I certainly had reached a stage of maturity which enabled me to take the work assigned me. In Southwestern Georgia I had passed through the first election, had seen the newly enfranchised cast their first ballot, had met some of the tricks of the politicians, and had witnessed some of the disturbances consequent upon the changed relations of the people. I was not a novice


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to be lifted up with pride and thus "to fall into the condemnation of the devil."

        The General Conference was to meet in Washington, D. C., the first Monday in May following our session, and under the law as it then read, there were but two members of our body entitled to seats in that body, to wit: Chaplain Turner and Rev. J. B. Hamilton. As the situation was entirely new, Bishop Wayman, presiding over the Georgia Conference, had advised the brethren to elect a reasonable number of suitable delegates and trust the matter of their reception to the generosity of the General Conference. Acting upon this advice, ten brethren were elected principals and two alternates. I was elected among the principals and on April 13th left Macon for Philadelphia in order to visit my parents before the assembling of the Conference. The journey from Macon to Philadelphia occupied four days of discomfort and fatigue. There were no Pullman cars then, and the heat, dust, smoke and cinders, with such food as we could "snatch" along the way, caused one to long for the journey's end. Arriving at my home in Gouldtown, I was compelled to lie in bed a couple of days to recover from the wear and tear of the trip.

        Going on to Washington and attending the General Conference which was holding its sessions in Israel Church, I soon became an earnest listener to the one debate which was engaging all the members--respecting


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the status of the delegates from the South. There were those who could not see any way by which they might be admitted to seats because there was no law under which they had been elected; and the law defining the composition of the General Conference provided no place for them in that body; hence there was no legal ground upon which membership for them could be claimed. This argument was both sound and clear. Up to that time the General Conference as to the itinerant members especially, had been composed of men who had travelled as elders four full years; it was, in fact, a mass conference, all being eligible who had completed the allotted time. But against this argument was the tremendous fact that here were perhaps a hundred thousand members who had recently joined the church; here a score or more of able representatives of these new members, and what was of great importance in one point of view, there were candidates for positions in the church to whom these new votes would be a delight. No active canvassing was going on, but it was known that nearly all of these new men were favorable to a certain very popular candidate for the office of bishop.

        A motion was made that all of these delegates be admitted to seats within the body as honorary members and be entitled to all the courtesies of the floor, including the privilege of participating in


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the discussions, but should not have the right to vote. This position was strongly supported by the conservative members, but before it could be brought to a vote, the Rev. William Moore of the Philadelphia Conference, a very impressive speaker and strong debater, obtained the floor and after a short but very persuasive speech, offered as a substitute that these delegates be admitted as full members with all rights, and that the Discipline be so amended. It was a very radical motion, but the times demanded it. The motion was put and carried, and thus the organic law of the church was changed in fact before it was changed in form. The speaker responsible for the motion recited the wonderful work done in the south, and praised the heroic service rendered by these delegates who represented their constituency. The motion was not written at the time it was offered, and as the minutes of the session of 1868 were never published, it is difficult to get the exact form. In substance as I recollect it, it went something like this: "That these brethren elected as delegates by the new mission conferences be admittetd as full members of the General Conference with all the rights and privileges of the same, and that the Discipline be so amended." My note book in which the matter was recorded at the time contains this remark only on the final disposition of it. "After much


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wrangling, they were admitted to all the rights of membership."

        A number of candidates for the bishopric appeared, but there was no active canvassing; the progressive age had not been reached by our church at that time. I had espoused the cause of Rev. Elisha Weaver particularly, because of previous acquaintance and of former deeds of kindness which he had shown me; but I found but little support despite the fact that he had brought to life and placed on a self-supporting basis our only church organ, The Christian Recorder. James A. Shorter, John M. Brown, W. R. Revels and John Turner were most talked of before the election took place; while Rev. T. M. D. Ward with his striking figure, rugged in its every outline, with his wonderful voice, and a delivery oscillating between the ripple of the tiniest mountain stream and the roar of Niagara, bewildered and bewitched his hearers giving him a place most prominent among his brethren which, coupled with his labors in California made it certain that the mantle of the bishopric would descend to his shoulders. The election came, and J. M. Brown, J. A. Shorter and T. M. D. Ward were chosen. The first of these especially owed his election in a very important degree to the new voters who had come in from the south. All were heartily supported by the "delegates." I do not believe, however, that any considerations


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of the issue of the election influenced the Rev. William Moore in offering the resolution admitting the southern delegates to full membership in the Conference. I have reason to believe from my intimate knowledge of the man, that he was actuated solely by his views of what was right, just, and for the good of the church.

        During the session, being personally unacquainted with the members of the Conference I made many private notes in my book of memoranda, a few of which may be recited here. I wrote: "The leading men of the Conference appear to be W. R. Revels, J. A. Shorter and H. J. Young. The best of these in point of intelligence, clearness of expression and affability of manners is Dr. Revels; the most tedious and dry, Brother Shorter." My description of Rev. J. P. B. Eddy must not be printed: I can quote however this remark which I entered concerning him: "Never gets his propositions through."

        The subject of union with the African M. E. Zion connection came up quite abruptly and in an imposing manner. A committee from that church appeared, and being properly announced and presented, read a formal, and formidable communication from their body assembled in General Conference at the same time. The communication stated that the conditions proposed in 1864 by the joint convention had been complied with by their


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church and that they were ready to enter into the proposed union. To say our leaders were embarrassed by this sudden movement, and this important pronouncement is simply telling the truth. It was well known that our church had not completed the canvass prescribed by the meeting of '64; we had had too many other things to do; nor was it supposed that our sister church, which had also been busy with the problems of organizing the ex-slaves, had been any more successful in this work than we had been. The Conference after considerable discussion agreed to invite the General Conference of the Sister Church to a joint session on Monday, May 18th, 1868. This action was taken on Saturday, May 16th. On Sunday the 17th, Bishop Payne preached in Bethel Church, 15th Street above M Street, on the unity of the church, taking for the text John 17: 21--"That they all may be one; as thou Father art in me, and I in thee, that they also may be one in us; that the world may believe that thou hast sent me." My description of the sermon at that time was that it was "full of truth, learning and logic, and that it doubtless had much effect upon the question then before the minds of the members of the Conference." I need not relate here the finale of this movement; it is sufficient to say that the whole subject was postponed to subsequent generations.

        Returning from the General Conference, I at


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once resumed my work in Macon determining to meet the expectations of those whose kind judgment had assigned me to so important an undertaking. The first meeting with the people after my return was a class meeting held on Wednesday evening, May 27th, 1868. Referring to my diary I read that the number of members out was at least 150. Little spiritual songs were sung, such as "Come along, the angels say, got nothing for to do, but to ring them charming bells," "Room enough," "Don't stay away," etc. After the leaders were through with their examinations, I gave a short lecture to the classes on the necessity of love and union among themselves and closed with singing "Jesus, Lord, we look to Thee," etc. This description is sufficient to give to the reader a conception of our weekly meetings.

        Some interesting conversions were often told in these meetings. On Friday night, November 13th, 1868, while attending a love feast in Americus, Ga., an old man named Ben Holmes arose and spoke in substance about as follows:

        "I am sixty-nine years old and have been a slave all my life until just the other day; but thank God for many years I have been a free man in Christ; I can't read a word, but years ago I saw a book called 'The Heart of Man.' It had pictures in it, and in it I saw my heart full of darkness and sin, and all manner of evil beasts; and then I saw in it


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the Christian's heart and I wanted that kind of heart and I prayed for the Lord to take away the sin heart and give me the new heart; and the Lord answered my prayer. He took away the evil heart and gave me the new heart. Praise the Lord!"

        Of course I do not give his broken language, but I give the substance of what he said as I wrote it down on the occasion. I headed the note I made at the time: "A man saved by pictures."

        To show something of my week-day labors I shall transcribe literally from my journal the events of the Monday following this first class meeting, June 1st, 1868:

        Arose at 7 this morning; weather clear and warm. Read for lesson first chapter of Phillipians. Green Saltmarsh called complaining because the stewards did not give to a woman some money collected for me. He said that if Turner had been here it would have been done. After him, came Jacob Collins for me to sign tickets for his class; next came a soap peddler, disposed of him pretty shortly; attempted to go on reading; I am reading now the Old Testament privately and have arrived at Numbers 18th; I am also reading the New Testament for family instruction and have got in it to Phillippians); had read about five minutes when a young man came for me to go see a sick lady. Brother Noble and Sister Mary Smith called at


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three o'clock; went out to see the sick lady in company with Mrs. Woodliffe and Mrs. Pope and found her quite low with consumption. She had experienced a change of heart and desired to be received into the church; prayed with her and received her into the church. Afterward went to see Brother Jack Rylander, an old brother who had been sick a long time. I found him very weak but patient and even cheerful; prayed with him and bade good evening: about 8 in the evening received intelligence of his death. To-night heard the cases of Brother Pace vs. Brother Johnson; charge, drunkenness, of which Brother Johnson was found guilty; Brother Fickland, charge, dishonesty, acquitted. The committee also on Brother H. Blunt's case reported that he had confessed his guilt of drunkenness. These brethren were penitent and promised to mend their ways." They were borne with and ended their days in the church.

        My first communion service in this church was held June 1, 1868, at which time 235 persons communed and four persons joined. About three hundred children were in the Sunday School on that morning, and Mrs. M. E. F. Smith, a lady teacher from New London Connection, led the singing. The weather by that time had set in very hot and dry, the mercury rising to 95 and even to 103 degrees on one day. The "Yankee Teachers," according to their custom, were leaving for the North. I had


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ceased to dread a southern summer, in fact rather preferred it to the winter in that section. In the summer one could seek the shade, carry an umbrella without criticism, and the nights were usually bearable; while in the winter it was frequently cold and rainy, the houses illy adapted to the season, and often one could not find comfort either indoor or out.

        An amusing incident occurred about this time which I must relate for the benefit of any young preachers who may happen to read these pages. A young minister, stranger to me personally, was passing through the city, properly recommended, and was to spend the Sabbath with me. He suggested that he would be pleased to preach, if it would be agreeable to me. I readily consented and in the morning he delivered very acceptably one of Spurgeon's sermons. He was so well satisfied with his success that he proposed to preach again in the evening, to which I also assented. I do not remember whether I recognized the sermons, but my wife, who was very fond of reading Spurgeon, did. I had several volumes of his discourses in my library. She recognized the sermons but said nothing. When she arranged his room for the night, she placed the volume of Spurgeon's sermons, containing those that he had preached, on the table and turned down the leaves so as to mark the sermons. The next morning the brother departed


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early, bidding us a very quiet good-bye.

        The spirit of revival was abroad in the church and there were many conversions and additions. Naturally I enjoyed the work. The membership and congregation were growing and harmony seemed to prevail in all respects. Such was my feeling. How great, then was my surprise and mortification to find, July 6th, evidences that a conspiracy was forming to draw off members from my church and set up a rival congregation!

        The circumstances were somewhat as follows: The church buildings which we were occupying had formerly been one of those erected principally for the slaves to worship in, and there listen to the word of God as preached to them by the ministry of the Methodist Episcopal Church South. It was currently told, at the time of which I am now writing, that in the sermons to which the colored folks listened, the story of run-away Hagar was related with tiresome frequency. The colored people had built the church but as they were not owners of themselves at the time, they could not own anything else, of course. The whole congregation formerly worshipping in the building had come over to our church and were still filling their accustomed seats. Soon after taking charge, I called upon the representatives of the M. E. Church South to obtain information respecting the status of the property. The statement I received was to


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the effect that the property was bought by and for the colored members of the M. E. Church South and that these had gone over in a body to our church and still held possession of the property. It was "thought at present we could not obtain title; there was no general law in their church authorizing the transfer; and that there were no trustees at the present time who could give the deed. We had possession and the church belonged to the colored people and no court would turn us out." (My diary.) This answer was given to me on May 28, 1868, and on this I rested, until the discoveries of July 6.

        The dissension grew and soon it was manifest that one William B. Campbell was the leader in the revolt. He was a man about fifty years of age, of good mind, and generally good character. He had been ordained elder in the emergency-ministry which we had created, but had not been given a charge. He was superintendent of the Sunday school, and had great influence with both the teachers and children. On Friday evening, July 31, Campbell felt himself strong enough to come out into the open. He did this by a method well staged, and which was evidently intended to be spectacular and impressive, but which I succeeded in rendering absolutely without point. At an opportune time in the Quarterly Conference which was then in session, he arose and demanded if any of the


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brethren could say that he had ever labored to split the church or had at any time done anything to oppose the A. M. E. Church. The brethren received sufficient impression from me not to make any reply. This disconcerted him and he went on to repeat a number of slanders which he said had been circulated concerning himself, and as no expressions of sympathy were forthcoming he wound up by declaring that he now withdrew from the church; that he had always been opposed to it; and that he would hold the Sunday school. No reply was made and the Conference proceeded with its business, ignoring the incident altogether. I fully comprehended the import of his action and in my journal wrote: "I have resolved to organize a new Sunday school, as Campbell declares he will hold the Sunday school already organized. He is welcome to all he can get." The Sunday morning following I went to the Sunday school, saw Campbell there with 239 children; did not interfere with him in any way, but at a proper time in the service announced that I would organize an A. M. E. Sunday School. This I did that very day at 2 o'clock, with about 200 children and a corps of about twenty teachers. The next Sunday morning I had the church opened for the Campbell Sunday School; he came, but the school did not. Before the close


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of the month the school was absolutely extinct, as I had expected it to be.

        The failure of the Sunday School, however, did not terminate the efforts of Campbell and his followers to disrupt the church. A few members desired to follow Brother Campbell, and they were allowed to go without certificates, and so recorded. On the 28th of August, 1868, I received a letter from the trustees of the M. E. Church South requesting me to surrender the church building we were occupying to Rev. William B. Campbell who had been appointed by Bishop Pierce, pastor of the congregation accustomed to meet there. I declined to do this, and on the next day, Peter Solomon, one of the trustees of the M. E. Church South, who seemed to be special patrician for the newly organized colored body composed of seceders from our congregation, called on me desiring to meet our trustees. He demanded of them the delivery of the insurance policy on the church, offering to refund the money they had paid in premiums. The trustees, instructed by me, modestly declined to comply with this demand.

        We continued to worship in the church and to exercise all the rights of ownership, I taking pains not to allow the congregation to be disturbed by the turn things were taking. On September 25th Mr. Solomon requested me to go with him to a lawyer in order that I might learn the law in our


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case. We went to one Lawyer Jackson, and, of course, I was informed that we had no legal claim to the property and the general opinion of those who seemed to be informed was "that we had better abandon further effort to hold it." My only remark at the time was "We have not decided to do so yet," but I began to look for ground upon which to build a church.

        The times were not so quiet, nor was our lot always free from peril. Returning from Hawkinsville, where I had preached on Sunday, on Monday morning, June 15, 1868, a white fellow got in the car where I was, with a big pistol in a belt with which he was girded, came up to me and asked me where I lived, and with many oaths called on me to enter a game with him. He had been drinking and was anxious to pick a quarrel. I said but little, and he soon gave up his efforts. Such is the record of my diary, but there is much more behind that. How was it that I was not killed? How was it that the "wild beast of Ephesus" gave up his evil course so soon? I was entirely helpless, had no means of defense or of escape, and he could have slain me with impunity and even boasted of it afterward. This was an opportunity for God to verify His promise and He did it: "The angel of the Lord encampeth about them that fear Him and delivereth them."

        On the 30th of October the trustees and I were


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served with a summons to appear before the Superior Court of Bibb County on the third Monday of November to answer to a bill of ejectment filed against the African M. E. Church by the M. E. Church South. By this time we were employing counsel, and were governed by legal advice. During this time the M. E. Church South had held a colored conference at Augusta, Ga., presided over by Bishop Pierce. From this conference John Zoan was appointed pastor over the church in Macon, and William B. Campbell presiding elder over the district. The conference adjourned to meet next year in my church. Up to this time I had not decided to vacate.

        Our case did not come up in the Superior court at the time scheduled, and not long afterward General B. F. Butler, who was then the Republican leader in the House, introduced in Congress his church bill. This bill declared that all churches in the late rebellious states, occupied by colored people and bought or built for their use, and heretofore held by white trustees were the property of the colored congregations, and made it the duty of the congregations to elect deacons or trustees to take the care over the property before the first of May next. Whether the discussion of this bill had anything to do with our case it is not possible now to say, but no further move was made until the next February. On the 17th of that month things


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had progressed so far that the sheriff came and under a warrant from Judge Cole demanded the keys of the church and immediate vacation. I do not now remember just how this demand was parried, but I know on that night I held a meeting in the church. Our Conference had held its session in Columbus, Ga., and I had just reached home the night before. In this meeting, held on the evening of the day the sheriff demanded the keys, my notes record nothing as said to the people on the local subject. The only remark is that I "gave the people a brief account of the proceedings of the Conference." The next morning, Friday, the first thing that greeted me on awaking was the announcement that the church had been burned to the ground during the night. The trustees, who failed to get our insurance policy proceeded at once to take out a policy on their own account, and we allowed our policy to expire at noon on the day preceding the fire. The knot was not cut by the sword of Alexander, but it was burned away by some one who knew just when and how to apply the torch. The next day after the fire, I went before the clerk of the Superior Court and filed an affidavit setting forth that the building destroyed was our property. This at that time was my firm belief; and up to the present I have not changed my opinion. I believe the Butler bill had an irrefutable foundation in sound morals.


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        The insurance falling into the hands of our foes, there was nothing left over which to dispute but the lot and the ashes; the meat on the bone of contention was about gone, and the bone itself was involved in court charges. In this state of the case a representative of the M. E. Church, South, came to me on March 30, 1869, and informed me that his church desired to effect a compromise in the controversy respecting the church lot. I assured him that we were willing. I called a meeting of the officials and submitted the question to them. Their sentiment expressed was: "We are willing to settle upon terms consistent with right and justice and the interests of our congregation." This answer did not meet with favor and proceedings went on in which we took no part. The lot was finally sold, but the sale was very unsatisfactory to the white trustees. Collusion was thought to have existed between those who conducted the sale and the buyer. As a final result, we got nothing, and had no costs to pay; the other party perhaps got the satisfaction of winning a legal victory, but in a financial way it is doubtful if they fared any better than we. What there was of value left after the fire, went into the coffers of the courts and the pockets of the lawyers, except the insurance, which may have been saved.

        The wandering of our congregation from February,


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1869, to January, 1870, would furnish, if graphically related, a story abounding in interest. The next Sunday after the fire I tried to get the City Hall to preach in, but as this building was used both as a court-house for the county, and a hall for the city, I was refused at that time on the ground that the court was in session. I obtained for that day a hall known as Temperance Hall. As I find in my notes that on March 27th we paid $50.00 for 30 new benches, I infer that we must have added seats to this building at our own expense. We continued to worship in this hall regularly, although it was too small to accommodate our congregation; and on some occasions I obtained

        *We occasionally held meetings in the woods near the city. I never shall forget a scene which occurred at one of these meetings. The night was dark, our camp was poorly lighted, but the weather was fine and the people deeply interested. There came a lull in the services, and a tall black woman arose in an obscure part of the camp and began moving toward the stand singing with a voice that cut right through everything material and like the word "piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit and of the joints and marrow," she sang:


                         "Dark clouds a risin,
                         Thunder bolts a bustin,
                         Master Jesus comes a ridin by
                         With a rainbow on His shoulder."

        Then came the refrain:


                         Oh, sinner, ain't you tired of sinin,
                         Yes, my Lord, goin to jine the band
                         with the angels.

        I had never heard the song before, nor do I think she had. I think the song and tune were born right then. The woman was simply singing the emotions of her own soul. The effect was wonderful. Sinners with streaming eyes flocked to the altar for prayers in answer to the refrain: "Yes, my Lord, goin to jine the band with the angels."



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the use of the City Hall. In the City Hall and in fine rooms in the Hollingsworth Block my people were allowed to hold first-class entertainments without any cost for the use of the buildings. An account of one of these meetings held on March 12, 1869, reads as follows: "Last night we had a supper in Powell's Hall which was literally jammed. An excitement was created and during it I lost my shawl, an article which I esteemed almost sacred. I can't tell yet how much was made; but suppose about $200.00." The reader may be pleased to know that a little later I added to this report the following: "The church moves on finely. Got my shawl again. The supper made $209.00." These suppers were bountiful and quite elegant. On Sunday, April 4, 1869, we held service in a large grove within the city limits at which Bishop Brown preached. It was on this day that my first born son, James, born in Macon, was baptized by Bishop Brown in this grove. The baby boy, was then about nine months old. After this meeting we soon secured the use of an old armory situated upon Cotton Avenue about two blocks above where the church is now located. This became our home until we moved into the church.

        Sentiment had greatly changed in our favor. The merchants and business men had become decidedly friendly, one going on my bond as I accepted the place of cashier of the Freedman's


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Savings Bank. I was encouraged to undertake the sale of cotton on commission. Associating with me one N. D. Sneed, a former U. S. soldier, I handled a large amount of cotton, selling to buyers and meeting the best of treatment. Had I followed the advice of the experienced and conservative men with whom I came in contact I would have saved myself from the embarrassment which followed my venture. Mr. Hollingsworth told me not to buy any cotton, but to content myself with selling on commission. Others cautioned me about advancing money upon the growing crops. These were all southern men, and I fully believed in their honor; but my youth and the golden visions which it painted, bewitched me, and I bought cotton, and advanced my last dollar and all my credit upon the cotton crop of 1870.* When the fall came, the political excitement and other causes, completely upset the social fabric which had up to that time gained so little in the way of stability, and my money that had gone into the cotton fields did not come back. I found myself bankrupt, and was convinced anew that business was not my calling. My chief backers were members of a firm conducting a large warehouse in the city of Macon,

        

Rev. T. G. Steward,

Wilmington, Del.

Dear Sir:

        Yours with proposition for settlement of the old matters of Sneed & Steward is before us, and we accept your offer of $-- by or before Oct. 1. To this end we enclose full statement of their account which you can return to Mr. B-- when you remit, and we will receipt in full, on payment of the suggested compromise $--.

        Appreciating you desire to be relieved of this old burden, as well as the high sense of honor shown in the matter, we propose to meet you with corresponding liberality and are

Yours respectfully,

(Signed) CAMPBELL & JONES.


        Meanwhile we were passing through the extraordinary period of Reconstruction. The Convention had met and formed a constitution which embodied homestead provisions giving relief to the debtor class. Public education was provided for, and other popular measures inserted.

        

No.--
Macon, Ga., November 15, 1870.

        At Sight pay to the order of Campbell & Jones, Nine Hundred and fify-one Dollars and ninety-seven cents, for value received, and charge to account of

STEWARD & CO.

To W. L. Ellis & Bro.
Macon, Ga.
$951.97.



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known as Campbell & Jones. By them I was treated magnanimously, and have their most favorable testimonial. My thanks were due to them, then, and this tribute is due to their memories now.

        Meanwhile we were passing through the extraordinary period of Reconstruction. The Convention had met and formed a constitution which embodied homestead provisions, thus giving relief to the debtor class. Public education was provided for, and other popular measures inserted.

        The only memento I have of my business days--this draft--was cashed by the firm to whom it was addressed, from funds we had with them as cotton brokers.


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        The constitution was ratified and a legislature formed in which were several colored members. The Fourteenth Amendment was adopted, and Georgia was ready for formal admission into the Union. In July, 1868, a mass convention was held in Macon at which the Republican Party of the State was organized. I wrote the platform, and in November of that year I cast my first ballot for President. I wrote in my journal: "Election Day, November 3rd, 1868. For the first time in my life I cast my vote, and I did so for Grant and Colfax, the Republican nominees. I have been proscribed from the exercise of this right for five years, but have obtained it at last." Georgia went Democratic, for by that time the enemies of reconstruction had adopted an active policy.

        The Republican Party of Georgia attempted a conciliatory program with a view of holding what were called the "wool hat" boys, the non-slave-holding whites of north Georgia, and "Joe" Brown was elected governor. The compromise ended as might have been easily forecast. The colored members were expelled from the legislature, and ku-kluxism became a terror and a power. Floggings and assassinations were frequent; leaders in politics were served with notices to leave the State. Although by no means prominent as a political leader, I had attracted sufficient attention to be favored with one of these missives.


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        Honorable Jefferson F. Long was elected to Congress to fill an unexpired term of a former member from the State. He was a native of Macon; a member of my church, active as a trustee, and carried on the business of merchant tailor. He himself was a master of the trade and had much of the fine custom of the city. His stand in politics ruined his business with the whites who had been his patrons chiefly. His goods were of a superior class such as the freedmen at that time were not buying. Long was a good speaker, a good citizen, and a man of fine qualities. His career in Congress was brief but honorable in all respects.

        After the election of General Grant as President and soon after his inauguration, as disorders were so frequent in Georgia, I stood at my desk in the bank and wrote just as I felt, putting my thoughts in a note book. The editor of the only genuine Republican newspaper in the State came into my office and looking over what I had written asked if he might use it. He took the book and marking it for the printer set the article up on his editorial page, returning the book which I still have with the editors marking upon it. The article read thus:

"GEORGIA: THE SITUATION.

        "To any one at all acquainted with the history of nations, the present aspect of our country is anything but encouraging. Emerging from a terrible


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physical conflict we find ourselves now in the midst of a war of ideas. What was settled by the arbitrament of the sword is again made the great question of the times, and the measures and men defeated on the field are daily winning signal victories on the less dangerous field of bloodless strife.

        "The fact is not to be disputed that treason instead of being made odious is becoming honorable; and the wickedest and vilest rebellion is now considered as the great war, participated in by gallant and noble men on both sides. What are the causes of this deadly revolution in sentiment? Why are rebels treated as gallant soldiers and allowed to go scott free and to boast of their achievements on the domain of their conquerors? Why are rebel papers allowed to curse the air of nearly one-half of our beloved country and abuse not only every officer of the Government but the Government itself? Has the love of liberty fled the land? Are all the patriots in their graves? Are the men of this generation blind? Or do they regard the insidious and combined efforts as unworthy of attention?

        "The union of States and of people, the free, independent and glorious republic left by our fathers as a precious legacy to the present generation and baptized by the rich blood of thousands of free men, brave men, who offered their lives for its preservation, is again menaced, nay is in imminent


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peril. Are coming generations to lose this great boon through the apathy of the men of to-day? Shall the world be robbed of liberty and the hope of struggling free men allowed to perish? Oh, that the Nation may awake and that the spirit of '64 may revive! Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty, and that price must be paid.

        "What must be done? The question can be answered in short. Enemies must be treated as enenemies and friends as friends. Those who fought against the Government and were conquered and captured must be made to feel that in so doing they have forfeited all rights to its patronage and that they live merely at the sufferance of an injured but magnanimous government. Those who have labored and fought for the Government should be made to feel that the Government recognizes their services and relies upon their patriotism. In this alone is safety.

        "The Government and the country belong to the loyal defenders of the flag and it is a burning shame, an outrage upon civilization, a disgusting spectacle before the forld, that the great Government allows its veteran defenders to be murdered with impunity by bands of disguised enemies upon its own soil.

        "If the flag cannot protect its defenders, let it be taken down! If men are killed in the United States for devotion to it and there is no arm to


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save, let the old flag be buried! If in Georgia union men are forcibly proscribed and murdered for their sentiments and the Government is powerless to protect or avenge them, let that Government give Georgia up to the heroes of the Lost Cause and inform the world that Georgia is an independent government in open hostility to the United States, and the friends of the United States within her borders will seek a more congenial clime. The power of the Nation must be held over this State, and the strong arm of the military insure the reign of law and order. We are precipitated to a crisis. Let us have real peace or open war! Let union men be protected or let them know that they are abandoned!

        "Call out and arm a volunteer force sufficient to make Georgia healthy, or send a good supply of 'regulars' here; regulars in numbers sufficient to meet the hordes of regulators that infest the forests and swamps of the State.

        "Will the President carry out his purpose of peace? Will he with an iron hand crush out lawlessness and ku-kluxism? Are the forces wanting? Let it be known--and ten thousand loyal Georgians are ready, aye fifty thousand if necessary, to accept a gun and 'carpet bag.' Anything is preferable to this awful suspense and the continued 'perishing by the wayside' of good men.

        "O, General Grant! We have confided in you;


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we rested our all on your declaration of peace; we supported you because in so doing we thought we were giving our votes for law, order and liberty. Can you not save the lives of your friends? We call on you to suppress this deadly rebellion growing up in this State. If you would prevent a civil war in this State, one which will be a real West India affair, a war in the dark with torch and knife and utter disregard to all civilized rules of combat, the power of the Government must intervene. You, General Grant, must say to the angry elements of Georgia, say it with a firm voice, say it at the head of the army and navy of the United States: 'Peace, Be Still.' "

        Turned out of doors suddenly by the fire of February 18th, as I have shown, we lost no time by bemoaning our condition but immediately set about providing for our future as a church. That very evening we held a prayer meeting at the house of one of our members and the next day I called on a man named Wilson to consult about a lot which he had for sale. He wanted $2,000 for the lot; I offered him $1,800. Ultimately he declined to sell us the lot at all. Another lot, beautifully located was in the market for $2,500; I went to see it; parties would not sell to us. Another at $1,700 was found and the owner was desirous to sell, but when he found that we wanted it for the church, he refused to sell. After several trials I discovered


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that we were pretty generally black-listed so far as buying a lot for our church was concerned. We were to be exterminated by a negative policy. I did not complain but continued my search for a site and with the assistance of the wide-awake members of the church finally found a very suitable lot on Cotton Avenue. This appeared to be about our last chance and I determined not to lose it through any negligence in precautionary approach.

        Information of this available lot had been furnished by Alexander Day and Bailey Clark, the latter a barber doing business on Cotton Avenue, hence he could play the part successfully of a private purchaser. The price of the lot was $1,000, $500 to be paid in cash, and the remaining $500 within a specified time. Arrangements were made for Clark to meet the seller in his office at night, bringing the money, and concluding the purchase. Confiding in Clark and handing him the money, at the same time impressing upon him the necessity of having a properly-worded receipt describing the lot and reciting the terms, I waited on the outside, at a considerable distance away from the building, until he should go in and pay over the money. As we began work on the lot almost immediately, the seller discovered that he had not only sold the lot but that he himselfl had been sold. He was a bluff old timer, with a genuine heart in him. He stood grandly upon the honor of his word, remarking:


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"Well, you beat me. I would not have sold the lot to your church; but now that you have bought it, send your trustees to me and I will make the deed directly to them." He did so and gave a subscription of ten dollars to our work. The purchase was made on March 6th, less than one month after we were burned out, greatly to the surprise of many who were fast accepting the conclusion that we could not buy a lot in the city.

        We immediately began putting lime, lumber and brick upon the ground and commenced preparatory work. Although I had not the plans complete, I had enough data on hand to enable me to contract for 300,000 bricks seven days after the purchase of the lot, to be delivered right along until all were received. The plans were very plain and simple, and were drawn by local architects. The work was pushed ahead rapidly by day laborers, as there was no one in the church prepared to take the contract. I superintended the work, paying the men weekly, and paying for material as rapidly as we could. I had relieved the church from my own support beyond seven dollars a week, and even this amount I did not always receive. On the 5th of April we laid the corner stone in the presence of about 2,000 people; and on January 16th, 1870, we went into our new church with shoutings of praise to God. Our first meeting was held in the main room, but after that we worshipped regularly


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in the basement to allow the upper part of the church to be finished.

        Our removal from the old armory where we had worshipped during our pilgrimage to the new building was accomplished with appropriate ceremonies. We met early on the morning of January 16th, in the old armory and formed a procession consisting of our whole congregation and Sunday school, probably about eighteen hundred persons in all, placing the older members of the congregation in front in order that they might be first to tread the floors of the new building. In the front rank was one "Sister Hannah," an old lady of great courage and zeal and full of the Holy Ghost. She was known as a consistent occupant of the "Amen corner" in the church and no one doubted the genuineness of her piety. All looked upon her as sincere, and accorded her full liberty of expression. She might shout as long, as loud and as often as the spirit moved her to do so, and no one said to her, nay. When she stepped upon the floor of the new church, just inside the door her voice rang out with one rich, ringing "Hallelujah!" and soon there was general singing and rejoicing. Thirty-two persons joined the church on that day, among them Alexander Day who had been serviceable in the securing of the lot. Several babies were also baptized

Illustration

STEWARD A. M. E. CHURCH, MACON, GA. Erected by T. G. Steward, 1869. Tower added later by Rev. L. H. Smith.


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on that day, the first being Lewis Williams, who served many years as organist of the church, and who was employed as teacher in the public schools of the city, and later as superintendent of the blind asylum.

        Reviewing my Macon ministry, I am almost startled at the multiplicity of sphere which I undertook to fill. While superintending the construction of this important church, I was also serving as cashier of the Freedman's Savings and Trust Company; commission merchant as above described; publisher of a Sunday-school paper; and contributor to weekly papers.

        The Annual Conference of 1869 was held in Columbus and was well attended. The preaching was especially evangelical. On the evening of February 9th, Rev. Andrew J. McDow preached from the text: "What shall we say to these things, if God be for us who can be against us?"--Rom. 8: 31. About one hundred persons came forward for prayers. On the 11th, the conference sitting with closed doors signed a memorial asking for the passage of the Butler Church Bill. Twenty-eight preachers were admitted into full connection and nineteen itinerants were received on probation. At the close of the session Rev. C. L. Bradwell, our oldest native itinerant preacher, was appointed pastor of the church in Columbus and was received with hearty expressions of satisfaction.


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        The Conference of 1870 met in Americus and was enthusiastic. The Baptist church of the city gave us a contribution of $27, and on my motion it was unuanimously resolved that we accept with gratitude the donation of $27 from the Bethesda Baptist Church, and tender to Rev. J. C. Bryant, pastor, and to the congregation generally, our sincere thanks. (Minutes of the Georgia Conference of 1870). The eloquent Mrs. F. E. W. Harper addressed the conference. Conference adjourned to meet in Atlanta.

        The conference in Atlanta in 1871 was my last in the State. It met in the new church which had been built under the direction of Rev. W. J. Gaines. As I could remain no longer in Macon under our rules which then limited the pastorate in any one place to three years, and as my heart was deeply concerned for the welfare of the church and people of that city I earnestly besought Bishop Brown to send the Rev. W. J. Gaines to succeed me. At first he was not disposed to do so, but finally yielded on my insistance. Brother Gaines began his work grandly before I left the city.

        Mrs. Smith, of whom I have already spoken, was helpingn me in my Sunday school, and I commended her heartily to my successor. Naturally there would be some in the church who would object to the prominent part she was holding, she being leader of our music, both in singing and also

Illustration

M. E. F. SMITH


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playing the organ. Aside from this she was endowed with remarkable popular talents, being a fine, ready and sympathetic conversationalist, and a very willling helper in every good work. Brother Gaines was somewhat affected by the assaults made by some who may have been a little jealous and was slow to recognize her usefulness until I assured him that his success in the Sunday school and to some extent in his church work would be greatly aided if he carried with him her co-operation. I prophesied that she would bring his Sunday school up to five hundred. He accepted her labors finally with good heart, and later wrote me that my prophesy had been fulfilled.

        During my whole ministerial life I never introduced the comic element into my sermons but once; and that was while the church controversy in Macon was in its earlier stages. People were indulgnig in much unprofitable talk which appeared to

        *This Mrs. Smith belonged to that class of excellent women who went South during the closing days of the war to engage in the work of teaching the adults and children who had just been released from slavery. She was, in 1865, a young widow of pensive and interesting countenance, engaging manners, sympathetic disposition, and earnest Christian spirit. Fifty-five years after this time, writing to me when I had sustained a great affliction, she said: "What a 'home going' there has been among our loved ones in the past years. Let us think often of the glorious future in the Heavenlies into which our loved one has passed, and pray God to help us to say truthfully (underscoring 'truthfully'), "Not my will, but Thine be done." Speaking of Macon as late as August, 1920, she said: "Dear Old Macon, the best loved city to me, of all the seven where it was my privilege to teach."

        Only a few days ago she passed unto her rest with her life's work well done, and leaving a memory stimulant to sacrifice and helpful work.



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increase the ardour of the strife and add to the number of persons involved in it. I preached on The Talebearer; and during the discourse genuine laughter in which my wife heartily joined was called forth. The effect may not have been bad, but I never tried that style again.

        The General Conference of 1868 adopted the presiding eldership in principle, but left it optional with the several annual conferences whether it should be established within their bounds. The conference by vote could say whether they would have the office, and in case they should so decide, could say how many districts there should be, but could not elect the presiding elders. As a result of this perogative the presiding eldership was at once established in all the new, or southern conferences, while those of the north clung to their old form of administration. The Georgia conference as I left it, was divided into six presiding elder districts, each presided over by a progressive and zealous minister.

        When I re-entered the Philadelphia Conference after an absence of seven years, it was pretty much as I had left it in 1864. There were the conservative elders who firmly believed that age and experience were identical; deacons who were patiently abiding their time and traveling licentiates who had learned to "labor and to wait."


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CHAPTER V.

MEETING OF THE PHILADELPHIA CONFERENCE:

        Trial of Rev. J. H. Turpin--Arthur's connection with it. First election of delegates to General Conference--Important measures introduced in General Conference of 1872. Appointment to Wilmington, Del. Condition of education in Delaware. Mission to Haiti--Return to Delaware--Assignment to Brooklyn--Criticism of Professor Huxley's lectures. Transferred to Philadelphia. Note:--Brother Murry and Fleet Street Church.

        The conference met in Union Church, Philadelphia, of which Rev. Joseph H. Smith had been pastor that year and who was succeeded at that conference by Rev. Theodore Gould. The whole number of appointments was only 42; while in the conference that I had helped to build, the appointments numbered more than twice that many. I was placed at the head of the committee on charges and complaints, a position that the brethren generally shunned. There came before this committee Rev. J. H. Turpin, a young minister of my acquaintance, talented and promising, who was callled to answer to numerous complaints coming from the only charge I had ever held in the conference. The accusers were my acquaintances and friends; and the minister a member of my class in the itinerancy. Unfortunately the people making the accusations had depended upon the weight of


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their own personal characters, and the vehemence of their assertions, or had been mis-led by their feelings, and consequently they had failed to provide the necessary evidence to support their charges. Turpin was found guilty of improper public remarks about a woman member of his church; but as there had been so much of unprofitable gossip, the committee recommended leniency in his case. As chairman of the committee I presented and defended the report, and thus came in for a good round of scolding from some of the older members of the church that I had at one time served.

        In this conference the first election of delegates to the General Conference took place. This was the annual conference next preceding the meeting of the General Conference which was to assemble in Nashville the first Monday in May, 1872. There was no lobbying, no announcement of candidates, no soliciting. Only one ballot was cast, and immediately after the result was announced, a motion was put and carried making the election unanimous. The delegates chosen were Joshua Woodlin, James Morris Williams, Robert F. Wayman, George E. Boyer, Joseph H. Smith, Thomas A. Cuff, James Hollon and Theophilus G. Steward. James Hollon and Joseph H. Smith later declined and H. H. Lewis and Jeremiah Young were elected to fill the vacancies.

        In the General Conference of 1872, although it


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was the first I ever attended as a full member from its opening, I introduced and carried through the measures to establish the presiding eldership (see Conference Minutes, page 20) to improve certificates of transfer of ministers (see pages 54, 106) to locate Church Extension Society in Washington, D. C. (see page 107).

        On the adjournment of the conference I found myself appointed to Wilmington, Delaware. The Rev. Theodore Gould had spoken to me about going to Brooklyn to take the Fleet Street Church, but as I knew nothing of choosing my own appointment, I gave him an answer which he understood as equivalent to a refusal to consider the proposition. This was very far from the fact, as I simply did not feel free to express a choice, for up to that time I was an itinerant after the old school, going where sent without thought other than to do the work.

        The church at Wilmington was not such as to awaken within me pleasant feelings, as I entered it. The building was without architectural beauty, of one story, ceiling low, windows small, wretchedly lighted by day and worse at night by its unsightly and inadequate gas fixtures. The interior was in dark colors, and was dirty withal. On the floor were spittoons, saw-dust filled, and around the walls were the head marks of the more than seven sleepers. It had a small loft in front occupied by


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a choir, led by one Peter Blake, a barber of not the highest reputation, a good musician, however, and faithful in his services. He was assisted by Levi J. Coppin, who ultimately became the leader in chief. The congregation appeared quite in keeping with the surroundings in that the women were almost uniformly robed in dark garments. Coming as I did, from middle Georgia, where the people were dressed in very light garb, where windows and doors were open and sunlight abundant, this dark abode with little ventilation, was depressing enough.

        To counteract the depressing effect on the material side I soon found that I had in my congregation the true and the tried--the Hamiltons, the Sterlings, the Jones, Hills, Clarks, Mercers, and scores of other good men and women who would do honor to any community. But a visit from Rev. Henry J. Young and Chaplain W. H. Hunter was the event which aroused me to get to work in earnest. Chaplain Hunter had served in the U. S. Army during the Civil War, and possessed the military spirit in an eminent degree; he could both command and inspire. In this connection I must also mention two great singers, Sallie Masten and Esther Armstrong. These, by their matchless voices and spirit, did much to awaken within me the resolution to get the church out of its material darkness. Miss Armstrong later became the chorister


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of the church and literally died at her post, lapsing into unconsciousness in the choir during service. Her voice was singularly stately and devotional, and her beautiful life added to the effect of song. Of Levi Jenkins Coppin I need not speak at length, the world now knows him as Bishop Coppin, traveler, missionary and author. He came to be leader of my church choir, and leader of the entire body of young people of the church at a time when his services were indispensable. He had a voice decidedly individual in quality, readily distingushed, easily followed. Of his singing it can be said, He always hit the notes squarely on the head, no slurring up or down to get the pitch, his ear was exact, his time perfect, and he never forsook the key.

        The congregation of my church steadily grew, especially at the morning services. The factories in Wilmington employed a large number of men, and the church was decidedly a men's church. We had a very encouraging revival and among those who were soundly converted was a Mr. John Raikes, a man ever afterward noted for his thorough-going religious zeal and his uprightness of character. I enjoyed preaching to this Sunday morning congregation to the very highest possible degree, because of the deep interest manifested by my hearers, because they listened understandingly, and because they appropriated so rapidly the truths


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presented. I felt my own growth, and rejoiced in the brotherhood around me.

        The condition of education in Delaware was very bad at this time. Rural schools for white children were mere excuses, while for colored children no provision was made by the State. The idea upon which school legislation was based, what little there was in operation, was, that the taxes paid by whites for education should be applied to the support of schools for white children, and colored people should be taxed to support schools for their own children. Against this principle, I protested at once. There was an association known as the Delaware Association for the Moral and Mental Improvement of Colored People, which carried on about all of the work done in education on behalf of the colored people in the State outside of the city of Wilmington. It was an excellent organization, managed chiefly by the Friends. In January, 1873, a convention of colored citizens to consider the subject of schools and other matters was held in Dover.

        In this convention resolutions were adopted pledging the people to continue agitation until school rights were obtained, and declaring that the Delaware Association was not able to furnish sufficient schools for all the people, and that it was the duty of the State to provide schools. The need of schools they said was glaring and imperative.


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Summing up on the subject they said, "We specially ask now that equal school rights be afforded us. This we do not ask merely as an act of right, but as a crying necessity without which the future of our race appears almost utterly hopeless. This appeal is addressed not only to the sense of justice, but also to the higher sentiments of generosity and Christian philanthropy. It is well known, that as a people we are not able to sustain schools among ourselves sufficient to well educate our children. To impose upon us this burden is as unfair as it is unwise." The convention further said: "We are as willing and ready to pay our school tax as any other tax. Let it be levied and collected, and we will find no fault. We will share in common with all citizens, all the burdens of civil government, and ask only an equal share in its benefits." These sentiments were put in form by myself and unanimously adopted by the convention. I also offered the following resolution which was adopted: "That we hereby utter our abhorrence of the present penal code so far as it inflicts corporal punishment upon citizens convicted of crime, and regard the whipping post and pillory as blots upon our civilization and a standing reproach to our State."

        The opportuneness of this convention will appear when we recall that the State would be represented in Congress by a Republican member, and that the


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Legislature of the State would also have within it Republican representatives who owed their election very largely to the colored voters who had stood by the party to a man. I had served in the campaign as a member of the State Central Committee, had written political documents for circulation, and had stumped the entire State in the interest of Grant and Wilson. It was entirely appropriate that such a convention should be held and that Daniel P. Hamilton, J. W. Layton, from Wilmington, and others, as well as myself should be found taking part in it.

        I made some use of the time in Wilmington in studying the French language under a professor from Paris. His system of teaching was most thorough, taking me just as he would have taken a French child, teaching me the alphabet, spelling and simple reading, until I mastered the mechanical elements of the language quite to his satisfaction. My wife also took music lessons from a German teacher. This study of the French language may have caused me to be specially impressible to an appeal which reached our church about this time from the people of San Domingo. From the fact that my grandmother had emigrated to that island in 1824 was also known to me, and floating fancy concerning her abode there, made me often think of visiting the place. From the above causes and perhaps from others, in the spring of 1873, after two years


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of delightful service in Wilmington, I parted from the good people there to try missionary work in Haiti. In 1873 our conference met in Reading, Pa., and soon after its adjournment I prepared to start on my mission to Haiti. I held a commission as corresponding secretary of our Home and Foreign Missionary Society, and I was to explore the field and settle myself in the work there ultimately. I removed my family to New Jersey and sailed from New York for Port-au-Prince on June 5, 1873, on the English ship, Ariel, landing at my destination on the 13th. The day before landing, when nearing the shore I wrote in my journal: "Going to sea as passenger is enough to kill anybody. I cannot refrain from adding: Bless the Lord, Oh, my soul, and forget not all His benefits!" A seven-day sea voyage appeared to me then as an ordeal of important magnitude, since then I have spent six times that many days on shipboard on one trip: still sea life has its wearisomeness.

        I found in Port-au-Prince many interesting Christians, descendants of the emigrants of 1824. A short experience was sufficient to convince me that I had embarked upon a work with insufficient preparation and equipment; I did not know enough of the language; my health was not what it should have been for such a task; I was not provided with sufficient funds to establish myself in this strange land. The country was solidly Catholic, the language


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French and Creole, the people far away in manner of thinking and in modes of life. My former experience among the freedmen of the South was of no value to me here. These people were not freedmen, but citizens of an independent country. My health giving down under the sudden change, and finding myself unprepared to cope with the unexpected conditions, I decided to return. My mission did little more than call attention to the difficulties and suggest the things necessary to be placed in the hands of the missionary going there. Bishop Shorter took the matter up in a thoroughly business-like way, and not long thereafter the Rev. Charles W. Mossell and his wife were properly outfitted and despatched to that field. Rev. Mossell and his wife labored there for several years. He was a man of heroic cast, accompanied by a talented and devoted wife. Both won high esteem among the Haitians, and both deserve a brilliant page in our missionary annals. The Honorable John Mercer Langston, our very able minister to that republic, in a memorable address paid a proper tribute to both these missionaries, but especially to Mrs. Mossell.

        Returning from Haiti. I was given an appointment in Sussex County, Delaware. This was done at the urgent request of the Republican leaders of the State. My circuit included Milford, Milton, Slaughter Neck, Georgetown and Lewes. It was


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a most interesting field in many respects. The shipbuilding industry was carried on in Milford and Milton, while Lewes was the home of sailors and wreckers. Many of the members of my churches were ship carpenters. The forests of Delaware abounded in good, white-oak timber, and labor was cheap. The ox was still harnassed to wagon and plow. Illiteracy prevailed to an astounding extent among both white and colored people. It was reported that there was not a map nor a blackboard in a rural school in the whole county. Farming was primitive, and society in the feudal form. On Sundays, especially during the months of July and August, the colored people wandered from place to place to attend camp-meetings, usually going by stage loads, at a dollar each, in some poor white man's team. These meetings usually ran from Saturday night through Sunday night and were principally occasions for weird singing with the accompaniment of hand clapping. The preaching was of minor importance, the regular services were gone through with, but the "after-singing" was the feature. I remember one dark Sunday night when the rain was falling rapidly and the crude tents and shacks were flooded, the bedraggled men and women who were practically without shelter made the dismal woods ring with the monotonous song: "Oh, I'd rather be at home, Oh, my Lord."


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        The song was truthful and spontaneous, and as the sonorous voices rang out in thorough accord, it spoke a philosophy which was doing its best with a bad condition. For myself the song expressed my feelings and I joined heartily in the sentiment if I did not in the utterances.

        It was on this circuit that I added to my stock of phrases two that were very valuable locally. They were, respectively, "Sawed him off" and "Taint in the wood." When a particular piece was wanted in the construction of the vessel the carpenter would take his pattern and lay it down on the pieces of timber offered. If the piece did not answer his purpose he would remark in vernacular, "Taint in the wood." This expression was frequently employed when speaking of individuals who failed to come up to expectations. A man in giving his opinion of one whom he might think unfit to fill a certain position, or perform a certain work, would with a shake of the head and a doleful sigh drawlingly say: "Taint in the wood." It was a phrase both convenient and expressive. The other "Sawed him off, there" came from the last act performed by the carpenters in launching the vessel. When all was ready, two carpenters began the solemn work of cutting away with the saw the last hold-back of the vessel. As soon as this was finished the ship began her journey down the "ways" to the water. This loosing the vessel was


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called "Sawing her off." This phrase too was transcerred to current discourses and when any one terminated an unpleasant discussion by a remark indicating he was done with it, in relating the affair he would say, "I sawed him off there." This, too, was a great labor saving device in conversation, as most pet sayings are.

        Two of my sons were born in Delaware during my term of duty there at this timie. Later I served another period in the State, during which a third Delaware birth took place in our family. The two sons born during this period were Frank Rudolph, born in Wilmington in 1872; and Stephen Hunter, born in Milford in 1874. The former received his name Frank from the mother of Bishop Lee, his great aunt, who was nurse at the time of his birth. Her son, Bishop Lee, was named Benjamin Franklin, but was always called Frank; and it was to preserve this name that my son was given his name, Frank. Mrs. Lee endeared herself to our whole household by her remarkable efficiency and by her winsome manners, and it was a delight to us to accord her the honor of naming the baby; Stephen Hunter was named for my brother Stephen and for my sincere and esteemed friend, Chaplain W. H. Hunter, a man no less esteemed and revered by my wife than by myself. Stephen was a bright, sweet spirit, but he did not long stay with us; he was the first of our family to pierce the


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veil leaving only a tiny trail of light as he swept to the other side. Doubtless he is full grown now with that sweet soul unfolded to its fulness unstained with sin. More will be related of this later on in my narrative. Frank Rudolph is now a well-known lawyer with a career expanding daily.

        In the fall of 1874 Bishop Shorter came to visit me in Milford, and with me went partly over the circuit getting a full conception of the field. While on the journey I noted that he expressed no opinions and made very few remarks. Coming home in the evening after a day of observation, he was seated in our dining-room-kitchen, while my wife was preparing supper. She was cooking oysters, freshly caught, of which the Bishop was very fond. I was out temporarily, and a call from the baby interrupted her work. While away but for a moment, the Bishop guarded the pan, lest the supper should be spoiled. As she came back to the stove I was coming in, just in time to hear the Bishop remark: "This is all foolishness." My wife, somewhat startled, replied: "What, Bishop?" "Sending Steward down here." The conversation went no further in this direction. Supper was prepared and passed off very pleasantly. The next morning the Bishop left still adding no further word on the subject he had so abruptly introduced the night before. I had been sent to Milford not by any


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expressed wish of the people, but because the Republican leaders of the State desired my aid, and the Bishop had been able to see, through his visit, the proposition in the concrete, and gave his honest opinion of a transaction in which he himself had been the executive. He said of his own act, literally: "This is all foolishness."

        It was but a few days after this visit that I received a short letter, with no explanations, to come at once to Brooklyn and take charge of Bridge Street Church. Trained in the old school of itinerancy, I knew nothing but compliance; and it was the work of a short time to transfer myself and family from lower Delaware to Brooklyn. I was in fact transferred to the New York Conference, was to succeed Rev. James Morris Williams, famous as an able administrator, and a preacher of extraordinary power. The death of Henry J. Young had made it necessary to place Williams in New York and thus the vacancy in Bridge Street Church, which I was called to fill.

        My reception by the church was cordial, but finding a home for my family was a different matter. The church had no parsonage, and houses to rent in Brooklyn were not for colored people, and not for people who had children. I was an objectionable tenant in both these respects. I was colored, I had children, and boy children at that, and these were just of the right age to make their


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mark in the house-world. Refused once by a lady landlord, I remarked that I hoped she would never hear herself addressed as mother. My shaft was well-aimed and pointed enough, but it struck nothing. Where its point was supposed to lodge there was naught but vacuum. At length I secured very inadequate apartments in the home of one of my members whose kindness made up as far as possible for the lack of conveniences. Cubans were coming to New York in numbers now and were well received. The real estate agents contrived to get many a colored family into a desirable house by the aid of the Cuban ruse. White tenants rather felt themselves honored to have Cubans near them, and these pseudo Cubans were usually of the upper castes, who did not make acquaintances among their neighbors. They were exclusive and seclusive, and were spoken of in subdued tones. They were Cubans.

        My pastorate of three years in Brooklyn contributed an entirely distinct chapter in my ministerial experience. My congregation consisted of two very widely separated elements. On the one hand I had a number of old citizens of Long Island with more or less of Indian heritage of blood and disposition, conservative and resolute in manner and method; on the other were the late arrivals from the South, principally from North Carolina, aggressive and progressive, but quite easily influenced


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toward the right. Fortunately the relations between these eelments during my ministry were harmonious and cordial. Beginning my work, then, in December, 1874, I continued it until cut off by the statute of limitations, the three years' term allowed by the constitution as it then existed. My literary work while here included a series of articles upon Colored Society as I had observed it. They were not written on the questionaire plan but were the jottings of my own observations made in the homes of the people. They were not called "studies," nor did they claim to be scientific; nor did I use the word "sociology." Indeed in the seventies this word was but little used, yet so far as I have noted these articles were the first broad theological papers written with respect to the colored people of this country. They were quoted to some extent, and I was asked to have them published in book form. I also wrote and published several sermons, especially some upon the distinguished women of the Bible which I shall mention later. It was at this time that Professor Huxley came to this country and delivered his famous lectures on evolution. I reviewed his lectures in a Sunday-evening address before a very large congregation. I said in part: "Science is bold, daring and aggressive." Before it there is nothing sacred. Its business is to deal, not with sentiments and opinions, but with facts


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and reasons. Its questions, eternally repeated, are How? Why? And yet man is a being of feeling and sentiment. He loves applause, friends and fame, and appears to do so almost without knowledge, and without intention."

        A great American writer upon the human mind has laid down as a necessity that a man must conceive a theory before he will go hard to work to investigate. He sets up his theory, or constructs an imaginary plan, and investigates with enthusiasm because he is devoted to it. If this is true, all investigation must be more or less partial, and subject to criticism and review. But before we assent to this view, let us inquire if the remark that the ideal must first be conceived before investigation is true. Columbus became a great navigator from an ideal of the world's surface which he had formed. How far the actual verified his ideal, perhaps we will never know. Newton by the boldest generalization imagined one universal law of gravitation, and proceeded to investigate. Imagination precedes investigation, and hence we are constantly learning. The man of science goes out with lamp and pick in his hand, and with his pet theory in his heart.

        The slaveholder read slavery in his Bible; the Christian hero regards the Bible as the safe-guard of true freedom. The blatant infidel declares it a book of fiction tinged with gross immorality. Mr.


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Paine went so far as to say that he blushed for the honor of the Creator when he heard a book like the Bible called after His name. The pious Christian mother, as she sends her son out amid the corrupting influences of the world gives to him the Bible, and says: "My son, let this Book be the man of your counsel. Let your life be as pure as its teachings, and it will be as glorious as my highest hope and most fervent prayer can picture it." I once heard Margaret Campbell say that one could find in the Bible whatever he looked for, and illustrated by comparing it to a rich clover field in which grew a few thistles. The sheep entered and found an abundance of pasture, while another animal having long ears, came and sought, and found only the thistles.

        In a word, this appears to be a tendency in man: To predict according to his wishes and to investigate with enthusiasm over a pet theory, a theory in which he delights, and upon which he is ever ready to argue. When Shakespeare wrote the oft-repeated phrase--"The wish is father to the thought," he announced an almost universal principle of human nature. But with all this, scientific men are sometimes cowards. Science is bold, but scientists are not always so. I am led to this remark by the course pursued by the great Professor Huxley in his recent very able scientific lectures delivered in this land.


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        First, I remark that in attempting to review Professor Huxley, bear in mind two things. His great learning, the result of years of patient investigation; and the careful consultation of the views of others who have searched over this vast field of science. I say, I bear these in mind and approach his work with a feeling of the very highest respect, and would shrink from it altogether, if I did not consider another writing in the same connection. Professor Huxley, notwithstanding his great learning and great reputation, is a man--and only a man. And what is man? Let us have the Professor's own definition. He says: "A man is little more than a mathematical point in duration--but a fleeting shadow" and then, quoting a Scriptural phrase, he says man "is a reed shaken by the wind" of forms. Of course the Professor is no exception. He may be a tall reed, but is nevertheless a reed. He may make a great shadow, but it is a shadow nevertheless. With this encouragment, I proceed to review Professor Huxley's remarks so far as they relate to religion.

        In the first lecture the Professor stated the subject and formally put out of court the theory that the world is eternal upon circumstantial evidence, and then proceeded to put out in the same way and upon the same evidence, the idea that the world was created in six days, which he was pleased to call the Miltonic hypothesis. The Professor turned

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MRS. MARGARET STERLING


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the shafts of his keen logic against John Milton, the great poet of his own land, apparently, but in fact, they were directed against Moses. There is a little similarity between their systems of creation. But the Professor thinks Milton has fewer friends than Moses, and proposes to assail the weaker of the two. This may be scientific, and among gentlemen of the Professor's plane may be perfectly allowable, but to ordinary people who are doomed to chew their own food, it lacks a littleof boldness. And here the question may be put: Did the Professor really assault Moses? Did he not confine himself in fact to the Miltonic theory quoting the poem and reviewing it? I answer, he did quote the account of creation from the poem, and not from Genesis, but he took occasion to rule out the Bible because of its indefiniteness, and because opinions differ as to its teachings. He ridicules the idea that the term translated "day" can mean anything else than twenty-four hours and so rules out Genesis in disgust, declaring it too flexible, and returns to Milton: And this ruling out of the Bible was greeted with applause. The people who say, "Keep the Bible in the public schools," applaud its exclusion from the court of science. It is put out of court, and Milton, the more respectable Milton, is made defendant. The Bible is pronounced an unintelligible and characterless witness, and goes from court disgraced amid the cheer of the prosecution.


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Upon what evidence is this done? Answer: Circumstantial evidence. The Professor lays great stress upon circumstantial evidence, saying, in many cases, it is as good as, and in many cases even better than, testimonial evidence. I prefer to regard circumstantial evidence as corroborative. It clinches testimony, but is dangerous by itself.

        Huxley illustrates the value of circumstantial evidence by supposing a man found dying with just such a wound in his head as an axe would make. He says with due precaution you may conclude with the utmost certainty that the man has been murdered with an axe, and that it is impossible to believe otherwise than that the man has met his death by a blow from an axe. I make bold to say that it might turn out that the man was not murdered at all, but was killed by accident, and was not struck by an axe, but by some other instrument; but How do circumstances attest the origin of things? Here is a peach tree. I know it by its leaves, its bark, its general appearance, and its fruit. How came it here? It grew from a peach seed. I know, because I have planted peach seeds and have seen peach trees grow from them. It was planted say, five years ago as I judge by the size of its trunk, and is of a given variety.

        This is circumstantial evidence, this is the answer of science. But here comes the nursery-man. Let


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us consult him: Did you plant a peach seed here five years age? No; I planted an apricot seed here six years ago. And this one remark of Revelation throws down the whole theory respecting that peach tree. Appearances are sometimes deceptive, no matter whether they are outside or inside. To us there are no other kind than outside. If we get beyond the outside it must be by reasoning, or by revelation. In the case before us, reasoning brings us to a peach seed; revelation brings us to an apricot seed, and no man would hesitate a moment to throw away his reasoning, and accept the statement. In a word the circumstantial evidence would vanish like a dissolving picture before the convincing light of testimonial evidence.

        But before we go into the subject proper, we must remove another point of the Professor's argument. He says, "We men of science get an awkward habit--"No," says he, "I won't call it that, for it is a most valuable habit--of refusing to say that we believe anything unless there is evidence for it, and we have a way of looking upon belief which is not based upon evidence not only as illogical, but as immoral." And this sentiment was applauded. Well now let us see where "We men of science" get to, by saying this. According to the Professor, evidence of circumstances may be related: if it consists of testimony, this may be repeated. In every case, evidence is something


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that can be presented. Evidence is laid down as the foundation, and belief is built upon it. This is what "we men of science" would have us believe, but in experience the opposite is too often the case. We believe first, and look for evidence afterward, and believe some things from choice without evidence, and would scorn to look for evidence, illustrated by husband's belief in the honor of his wife. Upon examination we find all our beliefs more or less affected by our feelings. Man is not a mere Fairbanks scales. He loves and hates, respects and despises, and although trying to follow evidence is nevertheless unable to present the operation of these feelings. "I have no prejudices," says the Professor, "but follow evidence." Yet he is enthusiastically wedded to his theory of evolution.

        Now we have reached the Professor's central point--the theory of evolution, or Creation, a gradual work, a growth. A grand and magnificent theory, and shadowing forth much truth. Geology is a new science and its conclusions are subject to revision. The Bible says plants were first created; geology shows no record, but asserts that the next stage after the deposition of strata was the lifting up of continents and islands by a slow upheaval, and plant life would naturally follow. But geology shows us shell fish, crab and star fish, and as animal life depends upon vegetable life, we may


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infer that grass, herbs and trees grew even before this lowest type of animal life apeared. 2. The Bible says next, The waters brought forth moving creatures having life and birds flying in the air. The age of fish and fowl, followed that of mollusks. Geology brings us relics of great fishes and marvelous reptiles. Professor Huxley says that in the carboniferous age, the age of fish and fowl, there is abundance of evidence of the existence of terrestrial animal remains. He further says that marine animals exist in all strata, and represent the earliest form of life. Further, he says, that no traces of birds appear at the time of the great fishes. He says again, that "Not one solitary species of fish which now exists is found in this period," and declares it utterly hopeless to attempt to harmonize the two records. Professor Mitchell says, "The most that can be derived from geologic discoveries is that animal and vegetable life were introduced at the same time. No vegetable life is found earlier than animal. Geology does show us, however, in the upper or latest strata the remains of animals that are now extinct and of animals that are still living."

        I proceeded to show the purpose of the Bible, and to maintain that existence of discrepancies might be merely the result of omissions, and that where there appeared to be contradictions, it was not yet proven that the records furnished by nature


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had been read with infallibility. No one doubted the truthfulness of nature, but the readers of nature did not, and do not claim inspiration, and we are not bound to grant to them the dogma of infallibility.

        Although my pastoral labors were not light, I continued my studies in French under a professor who had taught in Berlin, and also took some lessons in the Berlitz School, determined to acquire the ability to converse in the language. I also studied Hebrew under Professor W. L. Roy, author of a Hebrew and English Dictionary; and Greek under the Rev. Rufus L. Perry, an excellent teacher of that language, continuing also my study of Latin. Beside these special studies I carried on a course of general reading. My notes for May 2, 1876, say, "Finished reading Humes' History of England, containing about 3,000 pages, and have commenced D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation." I was also to give a lecture on the Centennial, and on the 9th I record: "Got out bills, circulars and tickets for my lecture."

        Now came to us our first, real, deep sorrow, the loss of our baby before mentioned. We had rejoiced more than once at the coming of a new member from the Heaven of Love to our household, but we were now to witness the departure of one, Stephen Hunter, whom we had brought with us from Delaware, took the whooping cough with


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other members of the family. Neither I nor my wife had any adequate idea of the terrible character of the malady until we saw our children passing through the life and death struggle which it brought on. All had it in a severe form; and all except the baby recovered. On him it lingered and was followed by tuberculosis. As none of my family had ever had this disease, I could not accept the fact of his serious illness, and both myself and wife were constantly looking for his recovery. At length the cough ceased, and the child looked up into our eyes so lovingly, and seemed to fix his pretty little mouth into a sweet smile, while a supernatural brightness beamed from his eyes. His mother and I were bending over him. With that smile still moulding his face into his death-mask, his gentle spirit passed onward to nearer kinship with the tender Heavenly Shepherd. We mingled our tears. Later we carried his little form to be buried in the old ancestral burial ground, first permitting my mother to look upon his face, who, on seeing that smile resting there still, said: "I am so thankful you have allowed me to see him." I cannot say "He sleeps," for I do not believe it: I will say he lives. My notes fritten a few days after record simply on the 25th: "We lost our little baby, aged fifteen months."

        We were now in the midst of a revival and my notes read: "We have taken in over a dozen members.


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To-day I have seen two back-sliders reclaimed, and have talked to two sinners about saving their souls. I have visited to-day * * * (names five families). I feel to be engaged in the Master's work. At night went to church; five persons came forward for prayers; had one conversion." A few days later my record contains: "At night had a Love Feast, at which about one hundred persons spoke of Jesus and every one seemed very happy. My wife became very much filled with the Holy Ghost while we were singing a chorus, "Help me, my Lord; Help me, my Lord; When I'm in trouble."

        On several Sunday mornings I preached on distinguished women of the Bible including Eve, Rebekah, Deborah, Hannah and Esther.

        As Moody and Sankey were then opening their great work in this country, after their very successful tour in Scotland, I attended their meeting in Brooklyn and was deeply impressed with their earnestness and faith. Summing up my views on revivals I said, "But what is a revival?" It is when the church puts on strength and comes up to its duty; when the members walk closely with God, watch and pray, and labor with the ungodly in public and in private, and in response to these special efforts, sinners are converted to God. This is a revival, but this is the normal condition of the church, and the idea maintained, that this is the


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revival standard, allows for a great falling off in ordinary times. I concluded my discourse on this subject as follows: "Revivals and revivalists aside, I say, let each man attend to his own. Let each man cultivate his own field, and when they say, Lo, here, or Lo, there, go not after them. Do your work and fill up the measure of your day in the work whereunto you are called. I see no signs of revivals in the New Testament church, nor do I believe that revivalists are any better prepared than the regular ministry. The revival needed in the church is one of earnest and solid Christianity, clothing votaries with truth, honesty and purity. Making them Christ-like in heart and life, and preparing them to enjoy Christ's society forever. No spasmodic raptures can take the place of this needed heroic reform."

        On Saturday, March 25, 1876, I write: "A fearful storm, all day. I had a funeral, of course, and got wet and took cold." Any pastor who has lived in Brooklyn will readily appreciate that entry, especially if he lived there fifty years ago. It means a long, cold ride, a wading through mud, and standing in the cold rain, a gloomy return to some point and then perhaps a walk home in the rain from the place where the carriage dropped you. Cramped and chilled you reach your own fireside, at length, but you do not throw off completely the effect of your exposure. My notes for the Sunday


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following this funeral read: "Preached in the morning on Esther, and at night on the Transfiguration, but was very hoarse." The reader may note the phrase "of course," and find the cause in my record of the funeral on the rainy day. This was so common an occurrence, that long funerals and severe storms seemed to complement each other." Another interesting note occurs: "Went to church this morning accompanied by my whole family." This was my special pleasure, as during the baby's illness my wife, who occupied the place of the most sympathetic helper, had been unable to attend. One time when she was thus not able to go, she asked the boys who had preached. The little five-year-old answered: "Papa preached, and Mr. Bolden gave the answers." This Mr. Bolden was a very useful local elder who kept up the practice of frequently sanctioning what the preacher said, and Charlie thought he was answering for the whole church, as in Sunday-school class.

        Among the most interesting conversions in Bridge Street I might instance that of a young and very intelligent lady by the name of Thomasinia Hamilton. She was the daughter of Thomas Hamilton, the publisher of the Anglo-African during the 50's. Her father had given her a fine education, but had left her but little else save his name. Her own account of her conversion given to me at the time was as follows: "I fasted and prayed and read, and


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finally, I concluded, if believing is all, I will just believe I am saved and go on about my work. As soon as I reached this conclusion, I was overwhelmed by the power of God and found myself crying out: I am saved!" Speaking in a meeting of Sunday-school teachers on the evening of May 16th, 1877, she said: "I thank God for my conversion. It was brought about by a sermon preached by the pastor from the text: "There remaineth therefore a rest for the people of God." She afterward married Rev. Jeter, a Baptist minister, and became the mother of a large family, nearly all of whom were fine musicians. For a long time they lived in Newport, R. I. The conversion of James Tappan and his wife was also remarkable. At the morning service, the Lord poured out His Spirit abundantly and these two people came forward accepting Christ, the husband soon afterward entering the ministry. In one of our very spiritual meetings a young white man became so overpowered and impressed that he regarded his experience as a call to devote his life thereafter to evangelistic work and became a traveling colporteur and preacher, distributing Bibles all over this country and Canada. His name was Schiverari.

        Our fifth son was born while we were in Brooklyn. My grandmother, then nearing her end, and hearing of the event, sent word to me that the boy should be named Benjamin or Levi. I did not answer


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immediately and soon another message came inquiring if I had named the baby as requested. Leaving the matter to my wife, she at once directed that we send word that the boy was named Benjamin, and the message reached my grandmother before she left us. This was the name of her husband, my grandfather. My grandmother died at advanced age and had been for a long time an invalid, patient and saintly, so that her going occasioned no real sorrow, but within a few weeks my own mother followed her. She died June 5, 1877, aged only 57 years. Her last audible words were: "The Lord is my Shepherd." I have never been able to speak of my mother in public, on account of emotions which arise and close off utterance, but of her I can write: She was among the most intelligent and most holy of women. She was a teacher of the neighborhood Bible class, and a teacher in Sunday school, a fine story teller, and a reader of good books. Her death brought my second deep sorrow, but it came as a cloud with great streams of light breaking through. The departure of our babe had left a tiny trail of light into and through the cloud, the departure of my mother made such rifts that streams of golden glory came through to convert falling tears into the rainbow of hope.

        Our conference in 1877 met in Oswego, New York, and on its adjournment I was transferred


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back to my old conference and appointed to a little church in South Philadelphia known as Zion Mission. My three years' tour in New York had been very agreeable and profitable. When I had been there only a few months the brethren expressed a desire that I should go as delegate to the General Conference but I declined. There were no candidates in those days in the New York or Philadelphia Conferences. There was not a brother in the ministry in those two conferences who could have been induced to print his picture on a circular and send it around among his brother ministers pleading for votes. Perhaps our men were not small of stature at that time and did not have to resort to Zachean methods, or they had not learned the climbing process. At any rate I can testify that during all my labors in those two conferences there was not a single case of a brother climbing a tree in order that his brethren might see him. I grant that this is hardly fair use to be made of the case of Zacheus, for his climbing was that he might see Jesus, but our brethren climb that their good works and dazzling proportions may be seen of their brethren. The whole program may be summed up in one sentence upon the part of nine out of every ten of those who are bidding for the votes of their brethren, and that sentence is one among those earliest formed in childhood days: "I want to go."


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        During my pastorate in Brooklyn my nearest associate was Rev. Jeremiah Beulah Murray, a most devout and earnest minister, abounding in zeal, labor and sacrifice. He was in charge of what was known as Fleet Street Church, a church originally composed of members who had left Bridge Street Church under the leadership of R. H. Cain in 1863. Many of the members of this new organization were from South Carolina and the church had progressed rapidly under the pastoral care of Messrs. Cain, Woodlin, Gould, R. F. Way man and now Murray.

        Murray was of a very fervent temperament and the revival spirit ran high in his church. Unfortunately for himself and for the church he quite early fell into an error regarding a bungling piece of church legislation and thus unwittingly became involved in a fiery controversy with his board of trustees. The General Conference of 1872 on motion of Rev. H. J. Young had adopted an amendment to the Discipline within the new section defining the duties and powers of the Official Board reading as follows: "The Official Board shall have a treasury in which the class money, collections for the poor, and all other collections except special collections for the trustees shall be deposited." This legislation, although worded very awkwardly, was very clear to me in one way, and very clear to Brother Murray in another way. As the trustees


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were not members of the Official Board, and as they were custodians of the church property, and were responsible for the financial obligations of the church, and had always had a treasury into which all money collected by them was paid, and from earliest times had been accustomed to make general collections, I could not think this legislation meant to overturn the established financial policy of the church by requiring the trustees to deposit their money into a treasury over which they had no control. They were responsible to the people as to the use of money; and in my mind it could not relieve them merely to say that they had paid it over to another treasury. It was clearly stated that the trustees were no part of the Official Board. The Official Board had no control of money collected within its own jurisdiction and the amendment intended to emphasize that only, but not to extend its scope so as to take in any collections beyond the fundamental plan; certainly not those made by the trustees. It should have read, "except the collections made by the trustees." That was its meaning as subsequent legislation has proven. The section now reads: "The treasurer shall hold all moneys obtained under the auspices of the stewards and disburse the same on order of the Board." Brother Murray knew that trustees' collections were divided into "regular collections" and "special collections"; the regular collections occurring at every service;


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while the special collections came as occasion might demand. These regular collections he included under the phrase of "all other collections" and directed that they be deposited in the treasury of the Official Board to be administered by the Stewards. I tried to reason with him on this measure but found him invincible. This misinterpretation of the law was fatal to both the church and the minister.

        Wrangling, lawsuits, actual fights, heart-aches and heart-burnings followed. The church split, friendships were broken, religion scandalized and an earnest, pious minister with a character pure as light and a heart abounding normally with love and good-will went to an early grave, wrecked by an error of the head and believing himself to be a martyr for principle. To detail the circumstances of the dismal struggle would be neither profitable nor interesting. All available methods were resorted to by the trustees, to oust the pastor, who, sustained by a party devoted to him took up his abode in the church living there day and night for weeks. The trustees had no authority to lock him in the church, and could get no opportunity to lock him out. Finally an order from the court was obtained enjoining him from living in the church and as soon as he had cleared the doors the trustees posted notices that the church would be closed for repairs and that due notice would be given as to


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its opening. Murray and his folowers were thus effectually on the outside and were compelled to seek a new place of worship.

        Out of this storm and stress developed eventually St. John's A. M. E. Church, of Brooklyn. This was the ultimate harvest. But at what cost! Fleet Street Church was lost to the connection and the strain upon Rev. J. B. Murray, robust, whole-hearted and enthusiastic as he was, had been too great and a life of great promise was brought to a sudden close. Although restless and energetic, he died in great peace and in full and blissful hope, free from all malice, strife or envy. A soldier for righteousness as he saw it, and a humble and devout follower of Jesus Christ.


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CHAPTER VI.

WORK AT ZION MISSION CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA:

        Rev. John H. Inskip and Mrs. Inskip; The Protestant Episcopal Divinity School--Experiences there--Duplicated by Rev. L. J. Coppin. Delegate to General Conference of 1888. Case of Rev. R. H. Cain. Resolution against separate schools in Philadelphia. Second pastorate in Wilmington, Del. Dedication--Bishop Brown's "Episcopacy." The mixed school question. Appointed to Union Church, Philadelphia.

        In the Spring of 1877 I was transferred to the Philadelphia Conference and appointed to a little church known as Zion Mission, situated on Seventh Street just below Dickerson Street, Philadelphia. The church, bearing the name of mission, was nevertheless a station, responsible for the support of its pastor. The membership was less than a hundred; the people not wealthy, and the building very inconvenient. The congregation was made up largely of people who had moved into the city from the lower part of Delaware, who were sober and industrious, and who had large families; consequently there was good opportunity for Sunday-school work.

        I took charge of the church formally on the first Sabbath in June, 1877, finding there three local deacons: Thomas Jones, William G. Cooper, and Francis P. Main; two local preachers: Benjamin Syres, and Israel Harmon; and ninety members enrolled,


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although only sixty-nine had been returned to the Confeerence as active. The Sunday school was large in proportion to the church membership; and Brother Benjamin Syres was superintendent. The school had no organ, but it had an excellent chorister in the person of Mrs. Hester Jane Williams, who was blessed with a strong and thrilling voice and who sang with precision. One of the first steps was to procure an organ. Later during the month of August I organized a Sunday School Missionary Society of eighty-seven members, with Mrs. Wilson as president. At the first meeting sixty-seven of the members paid their dues. Later we remodeled the church building. I remained in this charge from 1877 to 1880, and although my support was barely sufficient to keep the wolf from the door, and my family large and growing, I count those three years among my happiest. The people were cordial and loving, and my wife made here some choice friendns who clung to her whole-heartedly, who shared with her in the care of the children and home, and remained faithful to her to the last.

        Two very important experiences came to me during my three years' stay in Zlon Mission Church. The first of these was my coming in contact with Rev. John Inskip and his holy wife, Mrs. Inskip. These two were sincere professors and preachers of the doctrine of Christian Perfection, or Holiness.


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They were earnest and real, free from all sham and pretense; no self-seeking or greed of "filthy lucre" marred their heart-searching efforts. They were devoted to their one work and were blessed of God. By them I was gloriously helped. With them in their exalted work were associated Rev. R. B. Johns, Theodore Gould, Enoch Stubbs and George C. Whitfield, all earnest seekers after the fullness of God as promised in His Word. Nearly all of these wothies who walked with God here, serving Him in the beauty of holiness have gone on to be nearer to Him--nearer to the Great White Throne. And the heavenly-voiced sisters, who sang their experiences in hymns of joy! They too, have gone on to sing praises in "nobler sweeter songs" in the bright forever "where the surges cease to roll." May heaven keep their memories sweet, and grant that their spirits may still call us to that higher and holier life!

        The second experience was as a student in the Divinity School of the Protestant Episcopal Church in West Philadelphia. With a letter from Bishop Payne I went to Bishop Stevens of that church and readily obtained permission to join the Junior Class. Here many of my erroneous notions were corrected. I found the professors men advanced in years, ripe in scholarship, and profoundly Christian. I soon discovered that my teacher in Biblical learning, George Emlen Hare, D. D., father of Bishop Hare,


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was a man of deep spirituality, a believer in the life of God within the soul, and a hater of all shams.

        Doctor Clement C. Butler was gifted with a fervid eloquence, a loving disposition and was a man of happy devotion, worshipping God with delight. He prayed with the book, of course, but one could feel that his soul soared far above the words. The words were for the assembly, but his soul talked with God. Doctor Butler read prayers it is true; but I always felt that Doctor Butler prayed. Doctor Meir-Smith, our Professor in Homiletics and Pastoral Care, was a wholesome, well-fed Christian man, who believed the preacher should be human and masculine. Doctor Goodwin the subtle, master of all the turns in logic, was nevertheless most reverent in things divine. In a word, I found genuine religion, among the Episcopalians.

        The class I entered was composed wholly of college men, excepting myself. I had never attended even a graded school; never entered a high school as student; never approached a college. I entered the Hebrew class without informing either professor or student that I had studied it before although at the time of entering the class I held a certificate of proficiency from an eccentric Hebrew author and teacher. I took a brief course of intensive Greek instruction from a Yale man, who was the most exacting teacher I ever knew; I then was accepted as full student and was soon at the head


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of my class. At the close of my career in the seminary, aside from the diploma of the institution, the dean, Doctor Goodwin, gave me a letter in which he quoted from his report the following: "In the Senior Class, Mr. Steward, a minister of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, who now completes his full three years' course with us has particularly distinguished himself. His essays are of the very highest order, both for style and for philosophical and theological accuracy and reach. I need only add that I have had few men under my instruction, in any classes who have so thoroughly mastered the subjects and system of Christian Theology as Mr. Steward has. Of Mr. Steward's character as a Christian and a man nothing need be said. I will only say that he has commanded the respect and secured the high regard of all here with whom he has come in contact." The entire faculty signed a testimonial containing the following:

        "For character, demeanor, scholarship, fidelity and ability he takes the very highest rank. His accurate thinking, his range of study and his felicity of expression combine to promise distinguished usefulness in any sphere of labor to which he may be called." I insert this record of success in the seminary for the encouragement of men who have not been so fortunate as to have college preparation. An exact reproduction of my experience is found in that of Bishop Coppin. I can exhibit this


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best by quoting from a letter written by him June 10, 1887. He says: "Yesterday was commencement, and I pulled through. My place was third in a class of six, which began three years ago with nine. Doctor Hare said to the examiners in the presence of the other members of my class that few men were capable of doing the work I had done in three years. The dean says I actually stood third and comparatively stood first; i. e., granting that my class was made up of Harvard, Princeton and Unlversity of Pennsylvania men, who had nothing to do but attend to their studies, and I with no regular preparation, and a church to carry. Pardon the mention of myself, but remember you were my early teacher, and you recommended me. My constant aim has been to do you credit and I thought you would like to hear from me at the end of the race." Here was a duplication of my own experience and of course the letter gave me a thrill of joy, and affords me pleasure still. I should state also that while taking my seminary course, I also took a course in elocution in the National School of Elocution and Oratory in the evenings. Among the lecturers in this course was the veteran actor James E. Murdock.

        My work at Zion Mission terminated in the Spring of 1880 and I was then assigned to Frankford,


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at which place I remained one year. In the Conference of 1879 I had been elected by the almost unanimous vote of the brethren as delegate to the General Conference, although I had not desired to go. The General Conference met in St. Louis and was very little like the orderly body that met in Philadelphia in 1864. Nor was it as well balanced as that of 1872. I had not met that of 1876 and consequently was not prepared for the manifestations of disorder which broke out so frequently. My room mate was the affable H. J. A. Knight, then a very promising young minister who soon finished his course. I myself had become somewhat restive under what I considered the harsh personal rule of some of our Bishops; but this conference convinced me that this kind of rule was a necessity.

        My part in the General Conference of 1880 was not very conspicuous, for I was at that time finishing my course in the seminary and was keeping up studies through the aid of a fellow student who furnished me outlines of the class work by mail. A very important case came up involving an inquiry into the action of the Bishops in removing from the position of Corresponding Secretary of the Missionary Society, Rev. R. H. Cain, former member of Congress from South Carolina. The Board of the Home and Foreign Missionary Society holding its meeting in Bethel Church, Baltimore, on May


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3, 1879, resolved that as: "Rev. R. H. Cain, member of Congress from Charleston, S. C., who was appointed Corresponding Secretary of the Home and Foreign Missionary Society at the last Quadrennial Conference had failed to fulfil the duties of the office, his appointment be annulled and the subject referred to the Board of Bishops to fill the vacancy." (Gen'l. Conf. Min. 1880, p. 171.) Cain on learning this, went to his old Conference and was elected delegate to the General Conference, and there instituted proceedings against the action of the Bishops, who acting on the request of the Missionary Society had appointed J. M. Townsend as his successor. He proceeded to bring his case up as an appeal; the Bishops demurred on the ground that there had been no previous trial and conviction; nor had there been any ruling made by a bishop which might afford basis for an appeal. I was of counsel for Cain and argued that the case should be heard. The motion to hear the case was carried by a very large majority. In speaking of this vote to an experienced lawyer in the Congregation he remarked that in the end the Bishops would win. As I was maintaining Cain's right, I asked him whiy he thought so. He replied: "The morals are with the Bishops, and you will see in the wear and tear of the case that the morals will hold, and the appeal will fail." And so it turned out; one member of Cain's counsel abandoned the case


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before it came to a vote, and I finally grew so worn and weary of my up-hill job in defending the man who had no defense, that I appeal to the Conference "in the name of everything honorable" to let the matter come to a vote and be done with it. The vote came; the lawyer's prediction was verified; one hundred and forty-nine voted that the Bishops did right in recognizing the vacancy, and in filling it by appointment, and only thirty-two stood by Brother Cain. Yet R. H. Cain was one of "the giants of the Church" as was said at that time; and within a few days after this signal defeat he was elected Bishop. The action showed that many of the voters were capable of condemning an action without entertaining prejudice against the author of the action. Doctor Cain, as a member of Congress, and engaged almost constantly in the affairs of State, was admittetd to have forfeited his right to hold an office, the duties of which it was claimed he did not discharge; and his going to the South Carolina Conference and accepting an election to the General Conference, when as Corresponding Secretary he was a member of the General Conference ex-officio, it was argued, was an acquiescence on his part in what the Missionary Board had done. While the Conference by its action decided that the Missionary Board and the Bishops were justified in what they had done, their subsequent


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action showed that Doctor Cain was still well established in their esteem.

        Returning from the General Conference, I began my work in Frankford, laboring there one year. My experiences here were not so agreeable, chiefly on account of the wretched school conditions. I found a poor little "colored school" to which I was expected to send my children. As I did not expect to remain there I did not care to precipitate a fight; but after entering a field elsewhere the Frankford Newspaper kindly referred to me as follows: "The Rev. T. G. Steward, pastor of Bethel A. M. E. Church, Wilmington, who took an active part in Delaware politics last fall by advocating mixed schools from his pulpit (a plain lie) has been semi-officially notified by the trustees of his church that they would learn with pleasure of his acceptance of a call in some other locality. The same Rev. T. G. Steward, when he came to Frankford, applied for an order to admit his children in the Henry Herbert School, and was greatly dissatisfied with his people when he found they declined to assist in overturning the existing order of things." In the succeeding Chapter when I come to relate the story of my second pastorate in Wilmington, I will explain this whole affair.

        One interesting and slightly humorous incident occurred during my stay in Frankford. One Sunday morning I chose for the text of my sermon:


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"Depart, I pray you, from the tents of these wicked men, and touch nothing of theirs, lest ye be consumed in all their sins."--(Numbers 16: 26.) I related the story of Korah Dathan and Abiram's rebellion and drew the natural lessons from it, but said nothing whatever upon domestic relations. The attitude and expression of countenance of a female member of my congregation were such as to cause me to remember her manner immediately, when I learned the next morning that she had fled during the night leaving her husband bewildered as to her destination. I subsequently learned that her home had been an unhappy one and that she had applied, as she ought, the advice of Moses to the Children of Israel, to her own case. She reflected rapidly, and acted decidedly, departing from the tent ere the rising of the next day's sun. Of her after life I have never learned.

        In the Philadelphia Conference in 1878 while Bishop Payne was presiding, the following report written by myself was unanimously adopted--not one vote was found against it:

        "In many parts of the country, and notoriously in this city, the sad spectacle of Colored Schools is still seen. The policy which founds and perpetuates these schools, either with the consent of the Colored people themselves, or against their protest, deserves nothing from the Christian patriot but the severest censure. In whatever light viewed, it is


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class leglislation inconsistent with pure republicanism, is opposed to the idea of a common humanity, and utterly irreconcilable with the principles of the Christian faith.

        If it should be objected that we who protest against Colored schools, maintain Colored churches, the answer is: Public schools are public benefits, established by law and supported from public money, while a church is a purely volunteer association. Men in this country are free to choose among several denominations, and colored people are not obliged to join any particular church though it may be called colored. Between the Colored church and the Colored School there exists the wide difference which exists between choice and compulsion. The whole power of the State is invoked to force the colored people to send their children into school-houses, badged with a disgrace as incurable as the ancient leprosy.

        Against these separate schools your committee desires to protest in the strongest possible terms, and would especially invoke the Christian sentiment of this great city, and urge it to rise above the prejudices bequeathed by the demon slavery, and throw open the doors of all its public schools to the children of all the people alike."

        Not long since a minister asked one of our Bishops how he could maintain a colored church and oppose colored schools. The bishop's reply was:


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"The church is one thing; the school is another; and turned away." The minister related the matter to me and hinted that the bishop's answer indicated dotage; while to me the suspicion of constitutional dotage lies in the inconsequential question to which the bishop's answer is absolutely complete.

        In the spring of 1881 I began my second pastorate in Wilmington, following Rev. C. C. Felts, and found a new church building partially erected. It was a substantial modern brick building, and when I arrived, was enclosed, and the basement finished, and the people were worshipping in it. Finding it impossible to let the completion of the building on contract, I began the work on July 25th, employing three carpenters, one being Elias Chase, formerly of Frankford, where I had labored the year before. During the course of the work we raised ouside of current expenses for completing the building a little over $1,800 and were obliged to borrow over $2,000, as the work altogether cost us a little over $4,000. The church was ready for dedication April 23, 1882.

        As the thought of dedication had been in the minds of the people for a long time, plans now began to be proposed and discussed, and all were agreed that the preacher on the occasion should be Bishop Campbell. No other name was even suggested; nor was any thoughth expressed but that the bishop of the district would be in complete harmony with this


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wish. The district idea had not taken definite form in the minds of either the people or the ministry of the older conferences; and none of the officials of the church, nor myself either, thought of the matter, as we planned our dedication services. We thoughth any bishop within reach was at liberty to accede to our request. And so we invited Bishop Campbell to preach, the invitation was accepted and the matter published. We were still believers in the general doctrine that our bishops might "travel at large" and were free to serve wherever they might be needed.

        Suppposing all was agreeable and taking for granted that Bishop Brown and Bishop Campbell, who were so frequently together, could have no misundrstanding, I wrote to Bishop Brown, informing him of the arrangements made and inviting him also to be present to take part in the service. The whole affair as I now see it was a blunder on my part. I should have begun with Bishop Brown; but in my mind Bishop Campbell was familiar with the work; was near at hand; was senior; and was the preacher wanted. Bishop Brown saw the subject in a very different light from the way it appeared to me, and replied to my letter in a spirited manner evolving entirely new ideas of our episcopacy. I appreciate now as I did then, the feeling under which he was laboring when he wrote among other things as follows:


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        "You know, or ought to know, that it is the duty of the Bishop of a District to dedicate his churches--to ordain all preachers in his work; to superintend all the work in his District; and a minister who unstands himself will not infringe upon the rights and prerogatives of the Presiding Bishop.

        "Possibly you have yet to learn that the Bishop has rights which the clergy cannot abrogate and this is one of his rights; and no other Bishop has a right to interfere with such duties, unless there is an invitation extended through a brother Bishop. Nor will any other Bishop go into another Bishop's District to officiate in any duty that is exclusively his brother Bishop's. I hope you will learn that in this world and in the African Methodist Episcopal Church there are those who have rights and those rights must be respected if we would have peace."

        I had lately graduated from an Episcopalian Seminary, and I could see that what the Bishop wrote accorded well with the Episcopalian idea of diocesan episcopacy. But I knew it was too late to argue; and it would do no good to write. I left everything and went to see the good Bishop, and gentleman as he always was, it was not long ere the troubles were like rough places in the linen--ironed out into a smoothness that left no "spot or wrinkle or any such thing."

        Bishop Campbell came and preached as he only could preach on such an occasion; the revival spirit

Illustration

BISHOP J. C. CAMPBELL


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was high in the church and the day was successful. We were then receiving members frequently and penitents were found at every service.

        The floating debt at dedication including the price of the organ was about $2,000 and the mortgage $8,000.

        Rev. C. C. Felts, who later graduated in medicine from the Hahnemann College of Philadelphia, had introduced into our church the method of organizing his congregation into groups or sections under enthusiastic leaders. This was to our ministry as the phalanx was to the Macedonians. It was the method that brought success. Whether Doctor Felts learned it from some one else, as did Philip in respect to the phalanx which he undoubtedly acquired from Epaminondas, is not known. It is highly probable that the three years' army service which Rev. Felts had passed through in the Civil War, was the base out of which his efficient organization was evolved. He had his congregation organized into ten tribes of Israel, the most famous of which was the tribe of Dan, led by Daniel P. Hamilton, a most loyal churchman, a patriotic and valued citizen and a man of talent, skill and industry, possessing qualities of head and heart of the highest order.

        In the Campaign of 1882 it was understood that the Republican Party favored the extension of public-school privileges to colored children on equal


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terms with those accorded to white children. The colored people themselves had in their meetings asked, in fact demanded, that their children should share in the common school fund; but nothing whatever was said about colored and white children occupying the same schoolhouses. There was no thought toward what was called "mixed schools." Up to that time outside of Wilmington, and possibly one other place, the colored schools received no support from the public taxes. Indeed I am not sure that even in Wilmington the Colored School received anything from the public-school fund. Our contention was for schools supported from public money. The Democrats taking advantage of the Republican Party's expressed willingness to aid in the education of colored children, charged that party with having the purpose to establish "mixed" public schools. This charge so frightened our candidates that they came out in most cowardly denials and denounced the idea of the so-called "mixed schools." I was a member of the State Central Committee and had taken an active part in the campaign. On the publication of these manifestoes on the part of our candidates I immediately withdrew from the campaign, and left the committee. This action naturally caused some feeling in the church, although nothing like a rupture. Conference would


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come on in May and I expected to leave at that time.

        The latter part of April the Gazette, of Wilmington, published that there was trouble in Bethel Church because of the "position taken by the pastor on the mixed school question." In the same article the reporter who had visited me quoted me correctly as follows: "The Congregation understands my views on the school question thoroughly and I have no reason for wishing to change them."

        I then wrote the News the following letter which was published in the next day's issue:

"To the Editor of the Morning News:

        "Sir: You report a fact when you say that some of my congregation have been made dissatisfied with me because I advocate the equal rights of the people. I believe that in this country there ought to be one set of public schools in which all the children should be educated. These have been my views publicly expressed for the last ten years. I see no reason to change them. That unprincipled politicians induce my people to oppose me on this account in order to increase their own value in the political market is a fact which I regret but cannot alter and am not responsible for. The crime of maintaining genuine Republican doctrine--the doctrine that Sumner, the acknowledged idol of the colored people, maintained, has become an offense


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to the pious colored people of this city according to the statements of those who claim to represent them, by the side of which theft, adultery and drunkenness are mere pecadillos. I wish to say that I have a better opinion of the colored people of Wilmington than this. I believe that they have been misled, and are misrepresented by trading politicians--politicians who would sell me for old rags if thereby they could increase the value of their political charms.

        I am willing to risk myself among the rank and file of Wilmington's colored people and am not afraid to trust Bethel Church. I have spent on the church since being here $6,921.53 and have raised and paid on this account $4,719.84 or over $2,350 for each of the two years I have been here. I superintended the work of building, myself, and am willing to leave my record for faithfulness to the interest of the church to the hands of all the men who worked in or around the building. I have received over one hundred members into the church, kept up insurance and paid $865.92 interest. We have raised all told in the church in actual cash during the two years, $8,200. No two years in the history of the church can show a similar record, and no church of colored people in the State ever did the like.

(Signed) "THEOPHILUS G. STEWARD,

"Wilmington, May 3, 1883."

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        Thus ended my second term of service in Wilmington with no change whatever in the hearts of many staunch friends, and no change in my own feelings toward the enterprising colored people of that city.

        In Delaware, three of my children were born: Frank Rudolph and Stephen Hunter (mentioned earlier in this book; and on April 23rd, 1881, Gustavus Adolphus. On the birth of this son I wrote immediately the following lines:

THE NEW BABY


                         Tiny, helpless, chubby and fat
                         Troublesome, fussy and "Cross as a Cat,"
                         Eyes half closed and face all awry,
                         A mouth ever ready to sniffle and cry,
                         Hands doubled tightly into two little fists,
                         Arms that seem nothing but elbows and wrists,
                         There's but little of him--but then he's a boy
                         His father's pride and his mother's joy.


                         He enters our world from the great nowhere
                         And finds a warm welcome and a mother's care,
                         There are hands to nurse him, and hearts to love,
                         And a home somewhat akin to that home above,
                         The new babe's entrance is truly blest,
                         And a new place is opened in the family nest.


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                         What matters it though that home is poor,
                         And the mouths to fill were seven before,
                         And father and mother toiled early and late
                         To find bread for seven! There's enough for eight!
                         The "poor man's blessings" crowd around the board,
                         Every new-comer welcomed as "from the Lord."
                         Like stairsteps they rise from young to old
                         Like links interclasped in a chain of pure gold,
                         They bind and are bound in turn each one,
                         From the oldest daughter to the youngest son;
                         While the ends of the chain meet in father and mother,
                         And around the ring stands each sister and brother:
                         The new babe's a new link, and though "Cross as a Cat"
                         He's made our gold chain longer, he's welcome for that.

        The Conference of 1883 met in Bethel Church, Philadelphia, Bishop Brown presiding. Election for delegates took place and for the first time in my experience the effects of Episcopal electioneering came into view. Up until that time neither in the Philadelphia nor in the New York Conference had I discovered any soliciting or electioneering on the part of the men who were chosen to go to the General Conference. There were absolutely no candidates. Suddenly in 1883 all this was changed, and the Bishop had stimulated ambition, which in


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itself was not harmful; perhaps it was better that more interest should be aroused, although emulation, rivalry, and even strife should result. The election of delegates to the General Conference was the complete overthrow of those who had been accustomed to lead. New men, good men indeed, were selected; but it seemed strange that such men as Gould, Shaffer and Felts should have been left out. I went down with the rest; and the newly-imported steam roller made the walking good over all of us. The lay-delegates were F. P. Main and Isaiah C. Wears, both remarkably able men. The first of these became involved in a controversy with the Bishop as to his right to represent the laity, he being a local deacon in the church. Mr. Main, however, in reply showed that the Bishop himself had recognized him as a layman, and had nominated him as a layman for membership in the board of trustees of the Book Concern.

        The second important test came to me at the close of the Annual Conference of 1883 when I was appointed to the pastoral charge of Union Church, situated then on Coates Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

        Before leaving my Wilmington ministry I might relate that in completing that important church I employed three carpenters, a foreman (white) named Gould, to whom I paid three dollars a day; a second man, Elias Chase (colored) to whom I paid two dollars and a half a day, and a third man,


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Gamble (white), to whom I paid two and a quarter dollars a day. They were all good workmen, the two former being especially expert. The material we used in finishing consisted of the best the yards could furnish. The men were paid weekly and I required them to sign the pay roll which I still have. One man who secured a contract for a large amount of work promising a contribution of fifty dollars, failed to keep his promise and denied having made it. His promise was made to me, and it had nothing to do with awarding the contract, but I was unable to prove it, and he positively denied it, and as he was a highly respectable man of the city and white, of course his word prevailed. The painting was put up for bidders and several came and looked it over, and were preparing their bids. One came, looked the prospective job over, and then proceeded to give me advice as follows:

        "Now, I wouldn't let every Tom, Dick and Harry and Jack-leg painter bid on the job. I would confine it to respectable painters."

        To this I agreed; and as I was sure all who were bidding on it so far were respectable; and as he was a stranger to me, I said: "I know all who have looked at the job so far are respectable, and can vouch for all but you." He did not bid, rightly understanding, I suppose, that to do so would be merely casting away labor and time.


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CHAPTER VII.

THE NEW UNION CHURCH:

        Annual report of Trustees--Conference of 1884--Case of John E. Davis. General Conference of 1884--Bishop Brown's "Dogmas"--Sermon on outcome of Cleveland--Blaine campaign. Remarkable Conversion of young lady: "Oh it is grand to be trusting."--Resolutions--Transfer to Metropolitan Church, Washington, D. C.

        My appointment to Union A. M. E. Church, in Philadelphia, I have always regarded as the supreme test of my life. Not long before the conference I had preached there and had expressed the wish that after the people were entirely clear from the church the building might fall down and thus go out of existence. It was such an ungainly, unsightly piece of architecture that I wished for it only the most effective obliteration. Of course my expressed wish offended many of the congregation who were wedded to their old building by long association and by memories of precious seasons of grace they had experienced within it.

        Then again, the church had been served for two years by Rev. J. W. Beckett, a very earnest and popular preacher, always full of good cheer and a remarkably sweet singer. His singing was


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perhaps more effective than his preaching. Thousands have been cheered by his songs, and hundreds were led to the altar and into joyous fellowship with Christ by the same instrumentality. At this conference in 1883, there was a petition from the united church for his return presented by a delegation of the official board. The people of the church in Wilmington which I was leaving were also asking and negotiating for the services of Brother Beckett to fill the place that I had previously held. This then was the situation. Union Church unanimously and earnestly wished the return of its pastor; Wilmington did not wish the return of hers. I was in a measure discredited; while Brother Beckett was thoroughly established in the affections and confidence of his people. He was wanted by his people; I was not wanted by mine.

        Without any consultation with me the Bishop read out my appointment to Union Church. A murmur of disapproval greeted this announcement while that of Brother Beckett for Wilmington brought forth a round of applause. It was my intention not to go immediately to the charge; but my friend, Rev. W. H. Davis, who knew the people and who also knew me, advised me to get on the ground at once. I followed his advice and thus prevented a possible, if not probable, "lock out."

        On meeting the official board I found great dissatisfaction.


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The men were not only grieved over the loss of their pastor, but were incensed because as they claimed, their petition had been ignored and the wish of the church treated with contempt. I sympathized with them heartily and truly; but assured them that my appointment to them was not of my seeking in any way, and that I had nothing to do but come; and now inasmuch as we were thrown together let us hope, by the will of the Lord. Would they be willing to join in the common work of the church? Will we accept the situation as it is, join hands and go forward? After full and free outpouring of grievances all but two of the members agreed to co-operate for the forward movement of the church.

        It was on a Sunday evening that I was presented to my congregation. The chief of the stewards, recognized as especially the pastor's steward, at the close of the services requested the congregation to come forward and be introduced to the pastor. He also asked that my wife come and stand with me that the people might get acquainted with her at the same time. My wife who was seated in the congregation was unknown, and when it was proposed that she come forward the lady sitting beside her said: "Why, I understand he does not allow his family to associate with the people." My wife replied:


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"Well, that is strange; I never heard that of him."

        It was soon time for her to leave her seat and come forward where nearly all the women of the congregation met her individually; but as she remarked to me afterwards with a twinkle in her eye, the lady who had talked with her while in her seat did not come.

        Soon after my arrival a great church wedding was planned for, and the former pastor invited to celebrate it. I was ignored altogether. I directed the sexton to open the church and prepare it, but to keep the pastor's study locked, and if asked to open it to say that the pastor had ordered it closed. This act of mine was inquired into by some of the members, as the invited pastor naturally wished to use the study. I never explained but replied: "A man is sometimes obliged to leave his hat in his seat in the cars in order to retain his seat." I think my reply was understood as there were no more cases of ministers officiating in my church except through my invitation.

        I found here a fine Sunday school, a well-organized church, an overflowing night congregation, but a very small Sunday morning congregation. The former pastor said if we got two dozen out in the morning we might consider it a fine congregation. I set about remedying this at once by preaching every Sunday morning and advertising. In a few


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weeks my morning congregation ran up to over seventy. Then I began to cast about to make my earlier wish good in the way of securing a new church building.

        It required much conciliatory effort and much prayer and leaning upon God to change hostile minds into a state of earnest friendship, but by God's grace the work was accomplished in a surprisingly short time. Brothers Walter P. Hall, Robert Jones, W. H. Amos, "Father Turner," the older and younger Brothers Simpson, Isaiah C. Wears, John Clowers and a host of excellent women whose names are recorded in the Book of Life, came up to the Lord's cause gloriously. I must mention especially Sister Hall, wife of Walter P. Hall, and Mrs. Wears and her daughters. It was through the earnest efforts of these that the final vote of two thirds of the members was secured for the purchase of a solid church building and parsonage on Sixteenth Street, just below Fairmount Avenue.

        The opportunity was presented to me by Mr. Isaiah C. Wears and I at once visited the place and on examination considered the building, ground and location desirable for our congregation. During the month of December, 1883, we took possession of our new church but did not open it immediately for worship. The choir from my former church in Wilmington gave in it a very successful concert


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conducted by Miss Esther Armstrong, one-half of the proceeds, amounting to $74.89, coming to the church, the other half going to the choir. Soon after the opening of the church for service Frederick Douglass delivered in it his famous lecture on John Brown. The crowd desiring to attend was so great that many were unable to get in. The lecture was well received and netted the church over $200.

        When the day had arrived for us to move into our new church and occupy the new commodious parsonage nothing spectacular was attempted. The people assembled at the appointed hour, and a sufficient corps of ushers directed them to seats until the edifice was filled. The ministers, headed by Bishops J. M. Brown and J. P. Campbell, proceeded from the parsonage to the church and were met at the door by trustees and officials of the church, headed by the secretary, Mr. William T. Simpson, who read the following address:

        "Bishops and Elders: As you are about to enter this building, a house erected in which to worship God, we, the Trustees, meet you at the door, and with pride and pleasure present to you, by authority of the Board of Trustees, these keys. We would that the founders of "old Union" were present to witness this sight. They would admit with us that the wall of prejudice, which has been so long


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standing against a movement of this kind, was removed, and truly a new era had dawned on the church. To-day we witness its dedication to God, and the Bethel A. M. E. connection. And with the keys surrendered to your hands, you have free access as ministers of the Lord Jesus Christ, under the Discipline of the A. M. E. Church to enter the pulpit of said church, and from whose sacred rostrum dispense the Word of Life. The door of the church is now open to you and we bid you welcome in God's name."

WALTER P. HALL,

E. H. SCOTT,

WM. T. SIMPSON,

SMITH T. WRIGHT,

HENRY E. BROOKS,

JOHN FISHER,

JOHN R. THOMAS,

WM. T. BRYANT,
Board of Trustees.
Attest: William T. Simpson, Secretary.


        The dedicatory sermon was preached by Bishop Campbell, the ceremony of dedication was read by Bishop Brown. In the afternoon Rev. W. B. Derrick preached; and at night Rev. J. H. A. Johnson, of Baltimore. All of the sermons were spiritual and inspiring. The collection during the day amounted to $3,052.48, the largest amount of money


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that had ever been taken up on one day in any church of our denomination up to that time. I do not think this collection was surpassed until Rev. W. Sampson Brooks doubled it in a collection in St. Louis, Missouri.

        The preparation for the collection was built upon the principles first employed by Rev. C. C. Felts in Delaware, only I used the classic military formation of Right Wing, Left Wing and Center Column, with a commander for each. This gave three great divisions in the church and stimulated a wholesome rivalry. I followed military customs of publishing orders as far as I could without weakening enthusiasm. The conference of 1884 found us in our new church and I could but feel that it was the Lord's doings. Seeing myself dangerously near the pit as conference adjourned in 1883, I had thrown myself wholly upon God for guidance and strength and He had brought me to the conference of 1884 with a "new song in my mouth," and I felt "my goings" were established. Praise the Lord!

        One of the methods of determining the progress of a church is to note the returns of the collections. The amount of money contributed from month to month is quite significant as to the attendance and interest. By this standard we may read the progress of the church, as follows: First month, $61.11; second month, $128.10; third month, $80.85; fourth month, $75.57; fifth month, $96.83;


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sixth month, $91.44; seventh month, $64.48; eighth month, $76.43; ninth month, $183.32.

        Up to this, January 8, 1884, we were receiving our regular collections and doing nothing in a special way. No subsequent month ran quite as low as the first month, although several ran only about three dollars above it. These figures represent only the money handled by the trustees, and do not account for the finances of the stewards. The amount collected was ample for the running expenses of the church, furnishing light, fuel, sexton's pay and organist's allowance.

        But what was of more importance than the outward or material prosperity of the church was the spiritual activity and growth within the church. Our congregations had become large and our services were attended with manifestations of the Divine presence. Numerous conversions took place, among them some who became very active in after years, notably Rev. Julian C. Caldwell.

        The conference of 1884 was held in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, and was a very pleasant session.

        The report for the year ending April 14, 1885, shows reeeipts $5.863,18 and a payment of $2,500 on the principal of the debt, besides keeping up current expenses and paying interest. The Trustees Report for the year ending April 14, 1886 is not in my possession. These Reports do not include money raised by the Stewards for the support of the ministry and relief of the poor, nor that raised for Conference Claims.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE TRUSTEES OF
UNION A. M. E. CHURCH

To the Elder, Corporate Members and Members of the Quarterly Conference of said Church:

        In submitting the usual annual statement of the financial transactions of the trustees for the year ending April 14, 1884, we beg leave to say that the year was a memorable one in the history of the Union A. M. E. Church. One of the most important incidents that occurred was the announcement by the Pastor, Rev. T. G. Steward, of his desire and the opportunity of the church to purchase the present location.

        The growing necessity of a change of location was obvious to all, not only for her future usefulness and prosperity, but even for the retaining of her present position among her sister churches. A movement of this kind, of so much importance and responsibility, required great care and deliberation upon the part of the Elder and the Board of Trustees. They did not desire to remove with a bare majority favoring such action, as it was necessary, according to the Constitution of the Church, for a two-thirds vote of all the males of the Church. It was necessary to secure this vote before definite action could be taken, for fear that any other course pursued would seriously affect the enterprise at the very beginning. This being accomplished, definite steps were taken toward carrying into effect that which was so plainly needed, a larger church. The voice of the members was almost unanimous in favor of removal, and those who could not see their way clear to vote for the proposed change, with becoming Christian grace, went with the crowd when the decision was rendered.

        To God be all the praise and glory. We have had truthfully a successful year in this branch of His Zion. We have abundant cause for congratulation. Though unexpectedly, Rev. T. G. Steward was assigned to this church, yet his energies have been unceasingly employed since he has been here to improve and elevate the character of his people, to imbue them with proper conception of their capabilities of doing good; to enlighten their minds, and to enlarge their sphere of usefulness. If we continue to adhere to the rules of right, keeping aloof from disturbing elements that distract and destroy, we may expect our labors in the future to be as bountifully blessed as our efforts in the past.




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I took a very active part in its proceedings, introducing a resolution on divorce, and also as


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chairman of the Committee on Education presented a report on that subject which elicited much discussion. The business done by the conference was more in the nature of shaping the work for more effective evangelism than for raising money for specific objects. The spiritual feeling ran high and the services were devotional, the preaching earnest and scriptural, some of it characterized as of the old-time Methodist sort.

        Yet the people of these days gave willingly to the Lord's cause in proportion to their incomes. It must not be thought that because we do not see large sums reported in the financial tables that the people had not learned to give. In 1871 the Philadelphia Conference reported 7,305 full members who paid for the support of their ministers and for the general interests of the church $23,414.78, independent of what they paid for the current expenses of their respective churches and for building and repairs. Up to that date and for some years later there was no systematic method by which the temporal expenses of the church could be reported; and although the sums contributed were considerable we have no reliable record of them. Later, particularly after the General Conference of 1884, this work was much more carefully done.

        Bishop J. M. Brown, whose views of the episcopal office had been expressed to me in his letter referring to the dedication of the church in Wilmington,


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Delaware, mentioned in the preceding chapter, on the opening of the General Conference of 1884, delivered a sermon in which he said: "By episcopacy we understand it to be that form of church organization in which the chief ecclesiastical authority within a defined district or diocese, is vested in a Bishop having in subordination Elders and Decons, and with the power of ordination." He supported his views from quotations from Richard Hooker and finally affirmed: "This confirms the position of the A. M. E. Church as to its district episcopacy."

        The gist of the discourse met with very strong opposition and some of its statements were openly challenged as being out of harmony with our doctrines and policy. The Conference finally declared its position by adopting a set of resolutions which have been published in the Discipline ever since. These resolutions expressed deep regret at some of the dogmas preached in the discourse, and declared: "That we recognize the two orders and the one office in our church to be the regularly ordained ministry, and that we are satisfied with the ordination of the same, holding it to be valid and true in every respect." "That there is identity between the Bishops and Elders or Presbyters; but as everybody must have a head, the bishops among us are Primi inter pares--chiefs among the elders." Since that time the subject has not come up for action,


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although district episcopacy, subordinate to General Conference assignment has now become fully established in the church. Those who took the lead in having these resolutions adopted were C. S. Smith and T. H. Jackson, the former now a Bishop, the latter professor of theology.

        My only connection with the General Conference of 1884 was in the capacity of counsel for Rev. C. H. Green who took an appeal to that body against the action of the New Jersey Conference by which he had been expelled. The appeal was heard, and the case sent back for a new trial.

        In the second year of my pastorate in Union Church I encountered the usual vicissitudes; trouble in the choir, and trouble among the local ministers. The organist of our church was Miss Phoebe Harvey, who afterwards became the wife of Mr. Samuel J. Diton, himseslf also a lover of music and who had studied the subject thoroughly in the University of Pennsylvania. From this gifted and musical pair came the accomplished musician. Mr. Carl Diton who to splendid talents added long and patient study both in this country and in Europe. I need but mention here a physical collision which took place between Mr. Diton, the father, and Mr. Powell, the chorister, in the church on Sunday evening, February 10, 1884. Although there were actual blows struck and some action on the part of the church followed, and although explanations


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and apologies were given, yet I headed the whole affair in the notes which I made at the time as "The Union A. M. E. Church Comedy." The ordinary jealousy of rival male singers in the centre of a corps of sopranos and altos, all more or less attractive and insinuating, doubtless furnished the casus belli. In preparing for the investigation I put in among my precautionary notes: "We are not to decide which is the better musician, or which has the larger number of friends or larger amount of influence." The tempest blew over and Mr. Diton absented himself from the choir thereafter. The choir generally was orderly and efficient, furnishing good special music, and leading the congregation in good old Methodist hymns to standard tunes.

        The conference of 1885 was a pleasant session held in Wilmington, Delaware, presided over by Bishop Cain. I served as secretary. A case of importance came up from my church. Rev. John E. Davis, a local deacon in my church had been suspended temporarily, and disregarding his suspension, he had attempted to take part in the administration of the Lord's Supper. I was controlling the service and as he entered the chancel unasked and seized the emblems and was proceeding


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to distribute them to the communicants, I immediately stopped the service and dismissed the congregation. For his action on this occasion a charge of insubordination was preferred against him upon which he was tried, convicted and suspended from his office as Deacon. He therefore appealed to the Annual Conference and the action of the Quarterly Conference was sustained. The result was that his office of Deacon was taken away from him permanently, although his membership in the church was not interfered with. Chagrined at finding himself beaten in his effort to obtain vindication as he thought, he entered civil suit against me and the church, demanding to have the effects of the church action set aside and have himself reinstated as a Deacon in the church.

        After many delays the case came finally to trial in the court of Common Pleas with Judge Allison presiding. After the argument the judge charged that if any error had been committed in the court of trial the appellant had failed to notice it, and that as he had appeared and taken general defense it was too late to bring up any faults as to notification, if there were any. Davis had elected to run his course of redress through the church and had gone as far as he could go in that sphere. He could not now begin another course through the civil courts. He had the privilege of using either the church courts or the civil courts; he had chosen the church


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courts and had had the benefit of the church law. The civil courts discovered no error in the church proceedings and would not interfere. With statements substantially to this effect the case was dismissed. Thus ended my second law suit; the first, as has been related, for performing an illegal marriage, and the second for illegally removing a man from his office as Deacon. These were the charges, but in both cases the court decided no law had been violated and certainly no principle of morals had been infringed upon.

        Our conference being held in the new church in Wilmington of which the popular singing preacher, the Rev. J. W. Beckett was pastor, was largely attended and called forth much public commendation. From a long editorial in a journal of that city I quote of date of May 23rd, 1885: "For the colored race the era of Mumbo Jumbo, of fetichism, and Voudouism has passed away, and the African has now asserted with the true logic of a true premise, the rights to an equal recognition among the Caucasian races. He has accomplished it at last, not by any pitiful bending of the knees and supplication for the inherent rights of all men to be applied in the interest of his race, but has for the last few decades been silently and industrially working, until as was exemplified in this recent conference, colored men stood up as leaders. In all things that go to show scholarship, ready oratory,


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words to the point, clothing the most practical and progressive theories in language, which for beauty of expression and vigorous, scintillating oratory, it would be difficult to find anything superior throughout the land."

        In my own church in Philadelphia a catastrophe occurred which but for a gracious Providence might have resulted in a great loss of life. On the Sunday of the conference while I was away, the Odd Fellows assembled in the church for their annual sermon which was preached by Rev. W. H. Brown, of the Baltimore Conference. The building was filled with an interested congregation; the services were prolonged, and just as the people had fully cleared the building with the exception of Father Simpson and two or three others, the whole ceiling, not merely the plastering, but timbers, girders, and joists, came down with a crash. Had it fallen but a few minutes sooner, scores would have been killed outright and perhaps hundreds wounded. Here was another drawback. But the basement of the church could still be used and after thorough inspection the building was pronounced safe and we immediately set to work to restore the ceiling. Mr. Elias Chase took the contract and employed as assistants my brother and two other men; and in due time a ceiling was put up there that will remain as long as the walls stand to support it.

        During the campaign of 1884 when the contest


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was so close between Cleveland and Blaine, I made no speeches and took no specially active part. My church work claimed all of my time and energy. But while the question of determining the final outcome of the election was pending, and much wild talk was indulged in calling to mind the Tilden and Hayes contest, I took occasion to speak on the subject from my pulpit. The daily press reported my discourse as follows:

        "The Rev. T. G. Steward preached a semi-political sermon in the Union African Methodist Episcopal Church, Sixteenth Street near Fairmount Avenue, last evening. Both the galleries and the spacious body of the church were filled with the colored congregation, as well as a number of white listeners attracted by the announced nature of the address and Mr. Steward's reputation as an original thinker and speaker

        "He regarded the present situation as serious: it requires but a spark to ignite the baser passions and inaugurate riot and blood-shed in all the great cities. He held that it was but the culmination of the fatal surrender of 1876 when whole States were given to the minority through fraud: when open and bare-faced trading was indulged in, by which the local governments were exchanged for electoral votes in undenied defiance of the popular will in three commonwealths.

        "Mr. Steward said that he would not express any


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opinion as to who was or was not elected in the present presidential contest; he did not propose to enter at all into that question, but believing that public affairs were in a startling condition and that it was the duty of the minister of the gospel to warn and advise, he wished to recommend soberness in discussion and expression; the avoidance of all heat in argument and the cool, calm and patriotic awaiting of the settlement of the election."

        A few days after this sermon was delivered it was decided that Grover Cleveland had been duly elected President of the United States, thus bringing the old Democratic Party back into power. I then took occasion to speak of the "Incoming Administration" and under the head of general city news the Philadelphia Press reported my sermon as follows:

        "I am not one of those," he said, "who are ready to throw up their hats and welcome the new comer at Washington as a Savior. It is no new power, but one which we have known for fifty years and which breeds nothing within me but fear. The Democratic Party is the party of the old slave holder; and in it I have no confidence. It is a party of assassination. It is estimated that it has murdered at least ten thousand men for nothing but their political opinions. It has not only murdered individuals, but governments as well. It is no new South, but the same old South. The Government


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has been handed over from the North to the South; and the Democratic Party may as well acknowledge it.

        "They of the South have one hundred and fifty-two electoral votes based upon murder, intimidation and fraud; and this gives them their power. And then they talk of giving us an administration of justice and morality! The duty of the colored people is to remain firm in their devotion to the principles of the heroic men who did so much for them. We can afford to wait. This is only a temporary chastisement. We are too far along in civilization, too far along in freedom, too far from slavery, for power founded on such a basis to continue.

        "Two results have been predicted of Democratic success in the South--by Tourgee a war between the races followed by segregation or extermination; while others predict a happy era of peace. My acquaintance in the South has taught me that a majority of the colored people are not satisfied. I do not believe everything is so safe as many imagine. The colored man is not the forbearing, lamblike creature he appears to be. The day is past when the Negro will be all the time yielding. Reaction has set in and the Negro will ultimately determine to maintain his rights even by force if he must."

        The above report of my discourse gives only a


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faint notion of the whole address, as the paper used only that which would conform to its own scope and policy; and only so much of it as it could afford space to print.

        The winter of 1885-86 saw our church in a generally prosperous condition, with large congregations, flourishing Sunday school and many conversions. Bishop Wayman visited me in the midst of our great revival and preached three times on Sunday with remarkable effect. The spirit of the Lord seemed to fall upon all present; ministers and people were on their feet praising God and shouting, while tears of joy were streaming down their faces. Our congregation was a mixed one. white and colored, but they were worshipping in the unity of the Spirit. It was during this revival that a brilliant student of the Normal School was deeply convicted and was seeking relief and was urged to trust herself entirely in the hands of Jesus. By the aid of the Holy Spirit she did so, and soon experienced the wonderful joy and peace which come through faith. With a beaming face she broke out in richest notes: "Oh, it is grand to be trusting." As I had known of her struggle in seeking for this height, I wrote the following lines:

        "Suggested by the conversion of a young lady at Union Church on Monday night, February 1, 1886, whose first words were, 'Oh, it is grand to be trusting.' "


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                         Oh, it is grand to be trusting!
                         Trusting my Savior and King;
                         Oh, it is grand to be trusting!
                         Now to His praise I will sing.


                         Oh, it is grand to be trusting!
                         My burden has all rolled away
                         Oh, it is grand to be trusting!
                         My night has all turned into day.


                         Oh, it is grand to be trusting!
                         My heart is now free from all sin;
                         Oh, it is grand to be trusting!
                         And Jesus now reigns within.


                         Oh, it is grand to be trusting!
                         Grander than tongue can express,
                         Oh, it is grand to be trusting!
                         And to feel that Jesus does bless.


                         Lord, help me to be ever trusting!
                         Trusting while life shall last,
                         May Heaven's gates be reached--still trusting!
                         And trusting the portals be passed.


                         And in Heaven, forever trusting,
                         May I stand with the Glorified throng!
                         And still in the grandeur of trusting,
                         May I help swell redemption's sweet song!


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        During my busy pastorate here I published my first effort in the domain of theology. It was a small pamphlet of eighty-five pages specially dealing with problems in eschatology, and was entitled "Death, Hades and the Resurrection." I printed only a thousand copies and these all got away from me so quickly that I sought for years to obtain a single copy for myself, and it was not until 1919 that I succeeded. Small as the work was, it brought forth encouraging commendation. It was pronounced "fresh, impressive and suggestive" by so good authority as the Zion's Herald, of Boston. At the suggestion of Bishop Campbell, I followed this with another pamphlet on the "Divine Attributes." This too was quickly sold out, leaving me without a copy for myself, and up to the present I have been unable to procure one.

        My next step in the literary field was to publish a more pretentious book on Genesis, calling it "Genesis Re-read." The press received this very kindly, especially the Philadelphia Daily Press; the conservative Public Ledger commended it as not having "a dull page in it, and as giving evidence of diligence in study and of acquaintance with the leading writers on the subject." The Inquirer said, "The work is done skillfully and evidently by a ripe student both of theology and science," but the note I prized most of all was from the thorough-going Methodist paper of the evangelical type, the Philadelphia


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Methodist. That paper said, "The author of this book, Rev. T. G. Steward, is evidently a man of superior culture, thoroughly posted in the literature relating to the subject on which he writes, capable of grasping and developing its great truths and withal wielding a ready and graceful pen. Seldom have we read a book of two hundred and fifty pages in which so much matter was crowded as is found in this book, and especially put in such a form as to rivet the attention of the reader throughout, and often really delight him with the beauty of its diction and the eloquence of its sentences whilst it sweeps away all his doubts, if he ever had any, and forces on him the conviction that its arguments are unanswerable."

        Yet this book after an edition of only one thousand copies was exhausted, and I may say quickly exhausted, was allowed to drop out of print. Why? Lack of enterprise on the part of the Publication Department at that time. Of this book also I obtained a copy only through a friend long after the edition was exhausted.

        My pastoral work in Union Church terminated in the spring of 1886, at which time I was transferred to the Baltimore Annual Conference to assume the charge of our Metropolitan Church in the city of Washington, D. C. The church and congregation were generally well reconciled to my leaving, as they regarded it as an enlargement of


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my work, and a further recognition of the propriety of their own appreciation. Also they were to have in my stead the Rev. C. T. Shaffer, afterwards Bishop, who was very acceptable to them. The change was thus made with the best of feeling all around. Good judgment and divine grace earnestly invoked by both the appointing Bishop and Presiding Elders and by the Church and Pastors, will always prove sufficient to effect necessary changes without ill feelings, certainly without the rupture of peace and good will.

        The Philadelphia Conference unanimously by a rising vote adopted the following highly flattering resolutions. The reporters headed the resolutions as "complimentary." I am gratified to have them in my record as the testimony rather to the good will of my people than to my merit.

        "Whereas, we the members of the Philadelphia Annual Conference have learned of the intention of the Bishop to transfer the Rev. T. G. Steward to the Baltimore Conference, be it therefore resolved that in taking leave of Dr. Steward we beg to bear witness to his strict integrity of character, his broad intellectual acquirements and his fearless devotion to the right as it presents itself to him. And be it further Resolved, that we ask for Dr. Steward, on the part of the Baltimore Conference, a


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reception altogether in keeping with his lofty character.

(Signed) "B. T. TANNER.

"L. J. COPPIN."


        Whether influenced in any measure by these resolutions or not the Baltimore Conference accorded me a most gracious reception and elected me as one of the delegates to the General Conference of 1888.

COMMON PLEAS COURT
Room A, No. 1--President, Judge Alison

        The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania ex-- John E. Davis, vs. The African Methodist Episcopal Union Church, T. G. Steward, Pastor, and the Quarterly Conference of said church. The plaintiff, Mr. Davis, was a deacon in the church defendant, the church building being situated on Sixteenth Street, below Fairmount Avenue. In November, 1884, he was suspended from Office and the present suit is a mandamus proceeding to compel the church authorities to reinstate him on the ground that the charges preferred against him were frivolous, and that the defendants had wholly failed to follow the rules as laid down in the Book of Discipline of the church. The defense was that the charge against the plaintiff was for insubordination; that the defendants proceeded regularly in accordance with the rules; that the plaintiff had taken an appeal to the Annual Conference, the highest ecclesiastical tribunal in the church open to him, and that body affirmed the decision of the Quarterly Conference, which had been addressed to Mr. Davis.

        Jury found for the defendants.



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CHAPTER VIII.

DEDICATION OF METROPOLITAN CHURCH:

        Pressing Debt--Large building, small membership. Spiritual people--Representative congregation--Excellent choir -- Community work. Frederick Douglas' confession of Faith. General Conference of 1888--Much discussion--Combinations Bishop Turner and organic law. J. M. Henderson and the Ritual. Colored schools in Baltimore--Isaac Myers--A white man and his colored daughter in court

        The Conference of 1886 was held in the Union A. M. E. Church, Sixteenth Street, Philadelphia--my church. At its close my connection with the Philadelphia Conference was severed for the third and last time. I had been honored by the Conference by being elected to the General Conference of 1872 and 1880, had been tendered an election by the New York Conference to the General Conference of 1876, but had declined. I had never been a candidate for anything. I was now transferred to the Baltimore Conference and appointed to the most important charge in that Conference and to the most conspicuous church in the denomination--the Metropolitan A. M. E. Church, in Washington, D. C.

        The Rev. G. T. Watkins had been pastor immediately preceding my appointment, but the elaborate dedicatory services and exercises were in


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charge of Rev. B. W. Arnett, financial secretary of the church, and Rev. James A. Handy, presiding elder of the district. I arrived on the ground early, in company with one of my sons, leaving the remainder of my family in Philadelphia. My family remained especially to witness the graduation of my oldest son James from the Institute for Colored Youth, then under the guidance of Mrs. Fanny Jackson Coppin. My wife had said to me: "I want to see my first-born graduate." And so I moved my family out of the parsonage, rented a house and fitted it up as best we could to occupy it only a couple of months. James was Valedictorian of his class and delivered an oration on "Mind," ending with a beautiful and touching valedictory. The commencement occurred June 30th, 1886, and soon thereafter the whole family joined me in Washington.

        The dedicatory services occupied Sunday and all of the week following; during which time I remained a silent observer and an earnest student. The Sunday following I began my administration and soon discovered that my task was a heavy one. The church was in debt; the creditors impatient; and the congregation not wealthy, nor of the extraordinary self-sacrificing class. During the dedications large subscriptions had been announced totalling about $12,000 and this had been published in such a way as to lead creditors to

Illustration

J. A. SIMMS Efficient Secretary of Metropolitan Church


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think the money was on hand. Early Monday morning after my first Sunday's labors, my troubles began, and for two eventful years they kept up. Creditors harrassed me in person and by letter for what was justly due them, and the church kept diligently at work, and kept on paying its debts with commendable zeal; but some of the debts were ageing although diminishing, and creditors, though courteous, were nevertheless importunate.

        I found ministerial duties more difficult to perform in Washington than in Philadelphia; the people were more exacting in their demands for pastoral visitation; the funerals were frequent; and I experienced some embarrassment at times when on being almost peremptorily ordered to attend a funeral, to find when I arrived on the ground one, two, or even three other ministers who had been summoned in like form. Socially the people are freer than in Philadelphia.

        My church was made up generally of a highly intelligent class of people; government employees, business men, professional men, school teachers and persons of character and literary taste. Of course all were not up to this standard, but many were. We had a goodly number of common laborers, washer-women, servants of all grades, and a few mechanics. Our church was not exclusive, but a fair representative of real democracy. The congregation was remarkable for its warm, loving spirit.


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There was unity, because there was oneness of spirit. It was simply glorious to preach in such a church building to such a warm-hearted, co-operative people.

        I took charge of the Metropolitan A. M. E. Church, Washington, D. C., on the second Sunday in June, 1886, directly after the close of the elaborate dedicatory exercises alluded to. I should say, that in these exercises during the week-day evenings speeches were made by Honorable John Sherman, Honorable Robert Smalls, Frederick Douglass and others of sufficient public standing to be invited to a place in the great program. On the Sunday of dedication sermons were preached by Bishop Payne, Bishop Singleton T. Jones, and Bishop Campbell. My remark made of the church, written not long after assuming charge, was to the effect that I found the finances in a most confused condition, and a board of trustees lacking in business methods. The debt of the church as I figured it out was about $51,000.

        During my two years there, from the spring of 1886 to the spring of 1888, I managed to raise enough money to meet our enormous expenses and to make material reduction of the debt. But the success in debt-paying was not phenomenal. I am sure it did not meet the expectations of many onlookers who, seeing our congregation increase and knowing that it included many of the leading people


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of the city, wondered why we could not raise more money. The explanation was easy when one got into intimate relations with the situation. Our building was large, comfortable, beautiful; our services were interesting and orderly; we had a magnificent organ, a fine choir, an expert musical director, and it came to be the proper requisite to go to the Metropolitan Church on Sunday morning. Here, too, came the visitors who happened to be in the city: thither came Frederick Douglass, the largest figure among the colored people of the city--indeed of the country. Our congregation was large, influential, imposing; but our actual church membership was small. These visitors and friends contributed in the general collections, of course, and contributed liberally; but they did not accept the debt as their debt. Mr. Douglass was a regular and liberal contributor in many ways--giving his money, his presence, his influence and his public services freely in aid of the church. Still we did not raise large sums of money.

        Having noticed Mr. Douglass in my congregation regularly, and his serious demeanor always, I thought proper to address him a letter. I had heard that he was not a believer in Christianity; and it was further said by some that he had little respect for ministers or religion. My letter called forth from his great soul a confession of faith which is so characteristic of the man that I prefer


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to insert it in the text of my book without the altering of a word, rather than to put it in a note. Here it is:

Anacostia, D. C., July 27, 1886.

"Rev. T. G. Steward.

        "Dear Sir: In response to your respected letter of yesterday, I have to say, without circumlocution or concealment, that I care less for names, hard or soft than for things; less for forms than for substance: less for professions than for practice; less for sectarian creeds than for manly character. I have frequently heard myself called, in anything but an amiable spirit, infidel. atheist, and disorganizer, by ignorant men, inside and outside the pulpit, who really did not know the significance of the epithets they applied to me, and yet I have never heard such men quote one sentence or syllable from any writings in proof of the justice of charges so noisily made.

        "I do not wonder, therefore, in view of the frequency of such utterances, you should be surprised to find me a regular reader of your church organ, a supporter of your church over which you preside. My line of conduct in this matter is not determined by my approval of the theological dogmas often promulgated from the pulpit. In respect to many of those dogmas I should, perhaps, differ very widely from yourself and others, while I yet find ground entirely satisfactory to my judgment


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and conscience for contributing my mite to the treasury of your church, and that of others.

        "You, yourself, in asking for contributions last Sunday stated in theological form the philosophical ground upon which, in this respect, I justify my conduct. You called upon us to give for the glory of God and for the good of man: and in giving, I did both. As to my infidelity, so-called, it has never denied any attribute of the Deity. To me, God is good! God is light! God is truth! God is love! and to glorify God is to lead a life in harmony with these attributes. In this respect man is related to his Creator as the watch to its maker. A watch glorifies its maker when it answers the end of its manufacture, which is to keep good time--always to be true, and never to be false in its measurement of time. As God is true, I would have man true! As God is holy, I would have man holy! As God is pure, I would have man pure. An unclean man in body or mind does not glorify his Maker. He may sing praises to the Lord and call himself a Christian, but he brings no glory to the Lord, no good to his fellow man. Christianity is nothing to me, except as it stands as the representative of the sigh of the soul for a noble life; for herein is the true glory of God.

        "Now looking at the church, apart from what is purely theological and abstract, I see in it


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means of promoting honorable character and conduct; and, as I have said, for this reason, I contribute my mite towards its support.

        "I have still another reason for this action, though not one of equal weight with that already given. It is because I would have colored people enjoy advantages for assembling themselves together, for moral and spiritual improvement, equal to those enjoyed by others.

        "A large, commodious and well-appointed church, in pulpit, choir and architecture, is attractive to the people who assemble, and commands respect from the outside world. The African Methodist Episcopal Church (the name by the way is altogether too long and stilted for my taste) is such a church, and therefore, I want to see it flourish.

        "I notice what you say of the Bible, but I have neither time nor inclination to go into questions in respect of its plenary or other inspiration; for if it contains the will of God to man, it is vastly more important to know what that will is, than to know precisely how that will has been communicated--whether by man or by angels, by voices in the air, or by the out breathings and higher aspirations of the human soul. For, if the Bible contains the will of God to man, it contains it in that sense in which God meant it to be understood, and in no other; for it would be absurd and monstrous to suppose an all-wise God to reveal His will and


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His law in a sense in which He did not mean to be understood. Hence, as a practical man, I hold it to be much more important to know what the Bible really means, than to know how it was composed, and what degree of inspiration we shall accord to it. And here we are met by a confusion of tongues, and by endless contradictions, each man and sect drawing from it that meaning which commends itself to his or her judgment, and a purely human judgment withal. Whether this interpretation be for peace or for war, for love or for hate, for charity or for bigotry, for men of all races and colors at the same communion table, or whether it excludes a part and sends it off to a little kind of kitchen communion table by itself, like your church--whether the Christian religion is for one race, or for all races; whether free salvation or predestination, is the true meaning of the Bible; whether the Roman Catholic Church is the true Church, or the innumerable Protestant sects, constitute the true Church. About these and other endless contradictions I might write interminably, but I lay them aside in that spirit of charity which leaves each to stand or fall to his own master, and justify myself in contributing my mite to the support of your church and the other individual churches, because, upon the whole, I think they contribute to the improvement and moral elevation of those who come within the reach of their


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influence; because I hold that the pulpit is capable of being a powerful agent in the dissemination of truth, and I hold that truth is the power of God for the salvation of the world, and I do not limit truth to mere spiritual matters, but to man in all his relations in the family, in the church, in the government, in the world.

"Very truly yours,

"FREDERICK DOUGLASS."


        The number of members reported to the Conference in 1887 was 523, full members, with 97 probationers; a church with a seating capacity of about two thousand with a membership equal to filling about one-fourth of its seats when all are assembled is a burden to carry. Of the five hundred and odd members it is hardly probable that more than three hundred and fifty would be in church on any Sunday morning, hence it could be seen easily that our congregation ranging from 800 to 1,000 was made up largely of non-members.

        For myself my stay in the Metropolitan Church was most happy. I received into the church one hundred and thirty-two persons on profession of faith, mostly young persons from our own congregation and Sunday school. Among these were Laura Wilkes, later becoming a successful teacher and author, Laura and Nettie Arnold; Lillian B. Cross; John W. Cromwell, distinguished author


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and publicist; W. H. Dawley, a well-known teacher; and W. H. H. Hart, the lawyer.

        My report to the Conference of 1887 shows that our collections for the year amounted to $4,175.12, but the running expenses of the church had been $1,444.06 aside from some repairs which had to be made on the property of the church. Then, we paid during that year $940.00 interest, which left us about $1,800.00 from collections to pay on the debt. From rents ($608), entertainments ($1,623.12), church clubs ($304), from the South Arkansas Conference, Bishop T. M. D. Ward ($50), we desufficient additional funds to reduce the debt from $51,000 to $47,000, paying off about $4,000.

        While living in this city and serving as pastor of this great church, my wife's mother, Mrs. Martha Gadsden, died in her native city, Charleston, S. C. In all her life she had never been out of the city except to near-by points. Her passing away caused great grief to our household. A brief service was held in our own house, as it was impossible for my wife to go to the funeral. Comforting words were spoken by Rev. James A. Handy, who led in the devotions. News of the earthquake in that city had sent a severe shock to us before the sad message of death came. Of the demise of Mrs. Gadsden, it may be written: Her end was beautiful and triumphant.


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        A gracious revival occurred during the winter of 1887-88 in which I was assisted by that great evangelical general, Rev. Theodore Gould. Brother Gould was not a great preacher but he was a man of supreme common sense and great spiritual power, of deep convictions and of unfaltering courage. He abounded in tact and skill and never allowed a meeting to fail. In our revival work, what was most unusual was that we were effectively assisted by the choir--not so much as an organization as in its individual members. I could mention several by name but shall name only our sweet contralto, Mrs. Tyree, who sang with so much feeling: "I left it all with Jesus, long ago." The thrill returns as I recall from memory the happy conversions of that wonderful revival. Many who came in then have already gone forward to that home beyond the river.

        My activities were not confined wholly to church work. The Ministers' Union, composed of all the colored ministers of the city, placed me at its head and on the termination of my pastorate, that body put itself on record in a most beautiful testimonial, speaking of me as having "been a felt power in the community in every good word and work" and stating that I had been untiring in my efforts to promote the welfare of the Ministers' Union in making its influence felt for good in the National Capital."


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        Having my own sons in the schools, one as teacher, others as students, it was but natural that I should be interested in the city schools. Two of my sons graduated from the High School and afterwards entered Philips Exeter for one year, subsequently entering and graduating from Harvard. The older at the time of this writing, is a successful dentist in Boston: the younger, a prominent lawyer in Pittsburgh, and one of the electors on the Presidential ticket for the State of Pennsylvania. It was in Washington that the plan of their education was decided upon by the whole family--myself, wife and oldest son all concurring. Not expecting to leave an estate in material value, I determined to give my sons that which I thought would be worth more. In this view I was more than seconded by their mother.

        I visited Mrs. Tyree at her home in Anacostia, from which, after a long illness, she took her flight to the home above. When I saw her she had closed up everything earthly and was only waiting for the swinging low of the heavenly chariot. Two days after my visit it came for her and she was carried to take her place in the choir that sings the song of Moses and the Lamb.

        The spring of 1888 carried me to the General Conference which met in Indianapolis. Here I was called upon to take a very active part in the discussions as I had decided views on certain topics.


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My positions were rather negative than positive. First I was opposed to the adoption of a ritualistic service which would involve the reading of the Ten Commandments every Sunday, the recitation of the Apostles' Creed and other things of that kind. It was not that I was then or am now opposed to an order of service more or less ritualistic, but that I was and am opposed to incongruity. I knew our whole trend had been in the line of free and simple methods, and that this attempt to convert the church into the cathedral type could but result in confusion. Men standing up with surplice and gown calling people to come to the table and put their money thereon, employing jests, provoking laughter; people sitting stock still in their seats, lazily and listlessly singing the "Gloria Patri," drawling over the Commandments, grouping three or four of them together to make one response cover all--these are some of the events I foresaw, and some that I have seen. And as to the reading of the Psalter, it fared so badly that it soon dropped out altogether.

        But the main question in the General Conference of 1888, as in that of 1880 was the election of Bishops. In 1880 Bishops Turner and Cain were elected as representatives of that great body of ministers and members who had entered the church in the South Atlantic States since 1865. It was now time that some of the real sons of that section,


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some of the new men themselves, who had developed power and leadership should be elevated to the bishopric. I had especially advocated this course and had championed the election of Rev. W. J. Gaines, of Georgia. By my contributions to the Christian Recorder I had won to his support many able men of the North and West, although for myself I had determined never to enter any combination or caucus arrangement intending to control the selection of men to fill the offices of the church.

        In February, 1888, two months before the sitting of the General Conference, Brother Gaines wrote me that he had arranged with Rev. A. Grant, of Texas, Rev. Scipio Robinson, of Georgia, and others to make me, as he said, "Editor of the Christian Recorder." He further said the proposition "would be supported by the South," naming, especially, "Georgia, Florida, Texas and Arkansas." Although Gaines and Robinson were among my warmest friends and the position of editor quite to my liking, I could not persuade myself to join what I regarded as an improper combine and replied that I preferred not to be named for the place. In a few days I received a second letter on the same subject in which Brother Gaines endeavored to overcome my objections and argued that we should have an understanding which in meaning was about the same only it might be dignified as "a gentleman's agreement." After affirming the necessity


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of such a measure he added: "I repeat this to you with great earnestness: Let's have an understanding. We have full control of the matter now; all we need is to hold it."

        Events proved that this forecast was exact, but I preferred not to step on board. As Napoleon missed his destiny at Acre, so I missed mine at Indianapolis; but I missed mind with eyes wide open and willingly--not wilfully. The desire to be a bishop in the African M. E. Church never remained with me one hour in my life. The idea has risen in my mind and the desire has kindled, but before it could send forth light, much less any heat, the irksomeness and responsibility of the position coming in at the other door of thought, would extinguish it leaving neither steam nor smoke, no not even coal or cinders. Yet the bishopric in our Church is a much greater office than any man who has yet served in it. "God give us men!"--Big enough to fill the episcopal chair even of our own humble Church!

        The election at the General Conference proved that Brother Gaines' letter clearly and truthfully portrayed the political situation of the church. He was elected bishop on the first ballot running far ahead of any competitor and receiving just two votes more than he had anticipated. Following him in the same ballot with just a bare majority came Rev. B. W. Arnett. Subsequent ballotting elected

Illustration

BISHOP W. J. GAINES


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Rev. B. T. Tanner and Rev. Abram Grant. I may add that all of these, save the feeblest one of the quartette have passed on to their rest. Rev. B. T. Tanner, who for years before his election had not been in good health and never could have been classed as robust, still lives (1920), while Gaines and Grant, both vigorous and of large physical endowment, have long since finished their earthly course and gone above. The bruised reed has outlived the sturdy oak. Thus have I observed it in so many cases. The man whom "nothing hurts" usually succumbs early, while he who gets sick easily holds on his way and like the righteous often "grows stronger and stronger."

        On the second day of the Conference I offered the following Preamble and Resolutions:

        "The Following Preamble and Resolutions were offered by T. G. Steward:

        "Whereas, since the last General Conference final proclamation has been made of the accomplishment of the union between the African Methodist Episcopal Church of the United States and the British M. E. Church of Canada and the West Indies, and

        "Whereas, Delegates from the Conferences lately composing the British M. E. Church appear here duly accredited to this body, and

        "Whereas, Bishop Disney, formerly Bishop of that Church, has been freely and fully recognized


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by the Bishops of the African M. E. Church, and has been associated with them in Conferences in the United States, and Bishops of the African Methodist Episcopal Church have been recognized in Conferences formerly belonging to the British M. E. Church, therefore be it

        "Resolved by this Nineteenth General Conference of the African Methodist Episcopal Church and First General Conference after the union thus referred to:

        "1. That the present African Methodist Episcopal Church of the United States and Canada is the legitimate successor of the African M. E. Church of the United States and the British M. E. Church of Canada, and that the union between the two bodies has been satisfactorily accomplished, in accordance with the provision of the agreement.

        "2. That we hereby pledge ourselves to stand by this action and to regard the matter as settled; and we shall feel it our duty to defend, by all honorable and Christian means, the integrity of the Church as thus united.

        "3. That all questions as to property, or as to the status of individual churches, are referred to the Annual or Quarterly Conferences where such differences may arise, and that the General Conferences ought not to pass upon such matters only as they may come before it in the regular way, after


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all local remedies shall have been exhausted.

"THEOPHILUS G. STEWARD."


        A. M. Green moved to refer the resolutions to a committee consisting of one member from each Episcopal District, upon which remarks were made by A. R. Green, J. W. Early and C. S. Smith.

        J. G. Yeiser moved to amend by striking out the words "One from each Episcopal District," and insert the words, "One from each Annual Conference."

        The motion of Brother Yeiser prevailed.

        The subject matter coming up again, the Resolutions were called for as it is shown here from the minutes:

        "Dr. W. D. Johnson moved that it be the sense of this General Conference that the Bishops and Commissioners of both Churches have complied with the rules, and that therefore the union between the A. M. E. and the B. M. E. Churches was truly consummated."

        B. F. Watson moved to lay Dr. Johnson's motion on the table. Carried.

        Brother A. J. Carey moved that we hear from the Special Committee on Dr. Steward's Resolutions concerning the union with the B. M. E. Church. Carried.

        The Committee reported as follows:

"Committee Room, May 11, 1888.

        "To the Bishops and Members of the General Conference


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in session in Bethel Church, Indianapolis, Ind.:

        "Dear Fathers and Brethren: We, your Committee, to which was referred the resolutions of Dr. T. G. Steward relative to the union of the A. M. E. and B. M. E. Churches, after several vain attempts to satisfy ourselves upon the subject matter referred to us, submit the following resolution:

        "Resolved, That it is the sense of this Committee that there appears to be something existing which gave rise to the resolutions offered by Dr. Steward which should claim the attention of the General Conference, and we therefore recommend that the matter be investigated by the Conference.

        "Signed in behalf of the Committee.

"I. N. FITZPATRICK, Chairman.

"Richard Harper, Secretary."


        After long wrangling the resolutions were adopted by a vote of 186 to 64.

        On a question of admitting the lay delegation from the North Georgia Conference, Rev. W. D. Johnson claimed that the delegates had not been elected according to law, and that the North Georgia Annual Conference had refused to enter their names on the list. He read the resolution of the Conference affirming that they had not been elected by ballot as the law prescribes. The Conference minutes say: "Great confusion followed his remarks. The Conference became uncontrollable."


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On motion of A. W. Atwater, adjourned.

        When it re-assembled the minute's record: "Dr. T. G. Steward made an able appeal to the Conference for better order. Dr. Derrick read a resolution in regard to better order in the future." (Gen. Conf. Min. p. 26.) When the case came up again Dr. Derrick spoke in favor of admitting the delegates; Dr. T. H. Jackson spoke against their admission on the ground that the method of the law had not been followed." I argued that it was not a question between contesting delegations, and this was not in the nature of a contest. These men had been elected and if not seated the North Georgia Conference to that extent would be deprived of representation. It was these delegates or no delegates: and there was nothing to overthrow their claim to some right to seats here as representatives of their Conference; and there were no other persons present or elsewhere who could show any right to such seats. The vote was taken resulting in 132 in favor of their admission to 38 against it.

        Immediately after announcing the result the following resolution was offered and adopted:

        "Resolved: That the members of the General Conference who voted for the seating of the laymen of the North Georgia Conference, who though elected, acknowledged that they were not elected by due form of law, disavow any intention to the


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establishment of a precedent, as all delegates should be elected uniformly by ballot.

"C. T. SHAFFER,

"J. W. BECKETT."


        When the question of the ritual service came up a strange thing happened. The measure was introduced by Rev. J. C. Embry, afterward Bishop Embry, who was at that time manager of our Publication Department. He was a man of ripe experience, having served as Financial Secretary of the Church, a writer of considerable ability, a student and a forceful and logical speaker. He had prepared a neat order of service, which had worked its way into use and was acceptable to many. He wished it adopted in form as it was, and wished it made the regular order of service in all of our congregations. The committee had accepted his recommendations and reported in favor of its adoption.

        Dr. Embry supported his views in a very strong speech, free from all bitterness and abounding in both logic and love. Bishop Payne followed advising that the ritual service be adopted just as the committee reported it. Bishop Campbell expressed himself as not unfavorable to the measure but advised against making the service a part of the law and consequently "binding upon all." Brothers Jenifer and Hayne sided with Doctor Embry. Doctor T. H. Jackson spoke against the section, as


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I also did in a few closing remarks of the debate. I had spoken at length against the proposal at the opening of the discussion. The printed record reads as follows:

        "R. Knight moved to extend the time fifteen minutes. On a decision, the vote stood, yeas 40, nays 123.

        "The motion to strike out Section V. was not carried."

        It is very difficult to correct a record as old as that of the General Conference of 1888 and at present I am unable to substantiate my view by evidence as the documents consisting of reports made by newspaper correspondents who were on the ground were lost in the recent destruction of my home by fire. My memory has always been faithful and the Baltimore Sun, whose correspondent was very attentive and very accurate will show in its report of the summing up of the discussion words just about in this form: "Neverthless Doctor Steward was successful and the section was stricken out."

        Not long after this event I wrote in a very animated controversy with the versatile and able J. M. Henderson the following statement:

        "Coming to the General Conference of 1888 another direct effort was made to so amend our rules of worship as to admit the order of service which the bishops had prepared by the authority of the


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General Conference of 1880, and which Dr. Embry had printed in such general good form. The effort was supported by high influence by charming eloquence, for I doubt if Dr. Embry ever made a sweeter speech than he did on that occasion, barring the few unfortunate personalities, and by solid argument: What was its fate? The proposition was rejected by such a decided No! that its friends never thought of asking for a decision."

        Had I been wrong in this statement, my wideawake opponent would have convicted me at once of unpardonable ignorance or shocking mendacity. The plain, simple fact is that Section V. which included the special ritual was not adopted. This was done on the morning of May 22nd, 1888, and when the Conference assembled in the afternoon the journal was not read and the election of general officers began at once. The next morning the minutes were read and approved and Conference went at once into the election of Missionary Secretary. The error may have been in the record at the time. The direct vote to adopt Section V. was lost by a very decided majority, no division being called for. No man was more interested in the matter than I was and none better assured as to its final disposal; and the historian who follows the record in this particular, although justified, nevertheless will be in error. Forunately the matter is of minor importance.


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        The most important measure of the session so far as our own polity was concerned was brought in by the introduction of a resolution by Rev. W. H. Heard to the following effect:

        "W. H. Heard offered the following substitute for the whole:

        "Be it enacted that the General Conference shall be composed of the Bishops, one ministerial representative for each twenty-four full members and each Annual Conference with less than twenty members shall have but one ministerial and one lay delegate; provided that any and all Conferences entitled to two or more ministerial representatives shall have but two lay delegates."

        This was offered as a substitute for an amendment previously offered by Rev. S. H. Jefferson which made no material changes in the law, merely determining the ratio of representation. The substitute was immediately tabled on motion of Rev. W. H. Hunter. The question of the composition of the General Conference was then open to full and free discussion, and I took the floor and argued against the General Officers being ex-officio members of the General Conference on the ground that it practically continued the existence of the Conference from session to session, and made these General Officers most important members of the body that appointed them and to which they were to report; that in a modified sense they appointed


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themselves; reported to themselves; and passed upon their own work. They should not hold so important a standing in the body to which they were amenable. I was followed on this side of the question by J. E. Hayne, A. W. Lowe and A. M. Green; opposed by B. F. Lee, C. S. Smith and Alexander Clark. My motion to exclude the General Officers from the composition of the General Conference on the ex-officio basis was passed by a vote of 101 to 55.

        The question was settled by the General Conference but not by the church. Bishop Turner became the champion of the unseated General Officers, and I became the target. I had now two active controversies on hand: the question of the ritual in which Rev. J. M. Henderson was keeping me busy with arguments which I had to answer; and the General Officer question in which Bishop Turner was assailing my position by "sea and land" with considerable verbiage and some argument.

        To give an idea of the Bishop's fulminations I will present to the reader verbatim extracts from my replies.

        The Bishop argued that to eliminate the General Officers from the General Conference was to change the organic law of the church and that this could not be done without the consent of the whole church. My reply to this argument is seen in the


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following article published in the Christian Recorder:

        "The question as to who determines the composition of our General Conference has been brought forward with great prominence in the utterances of Bishop Turner with reference to the action of the late General Conference. Without attempting any reply to the aspersions which that otherwise quite able article contains, I beg leave to direct attention to the main question rather than to follow the extended details which make up the Bishop's article.

        "Before doing so, however, I beg to remark that I consider a bishop as much bound by the law which prohibits `inveighing against either our doctrines of our discipline as any other member of the church. I do not consider though that either this law or any other law, is intended to prohibit the respectful criticism of any action of the General Conference, or the free discussion of any church law. My contention is that under it no one is licensed to malign the General Conference as a whole, or speak evil of any of its members. And bishops above all others should avoid giving countenance to a course at once so disorderly and injurious.

        "The General Conference of 1888 did proceed in a lawful manner to define by law who should compose the General Conference and did accomplish


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its purpose. That action is as much law as any other of its acts. It was accomplished without even a protest, and so stands upon the record; and I know of no Supreme Court that can set it aside. The action, therefore, whether wise or unwise, is law, or there is no law in the church.

        "The only restrictions upon the General Conference are those expressed in the Discipline. I doubt if the General Conference has ever recognized constructive restrictions; it certainly has never recognized the conjectural restrictions referred to by the Bishop.

        "The distinction between the General Conferences prior to 1868 and those since, is theoretical, ideal, and even logical; but it has been practically and consistently ignored; so that it has no existence in the history of our church legislation. The powers of the General Conference and the restrictions of the General Conference were the same before 1868 as they have been since. Practically the body has been the same, although its compositions have been different.

        "Great stress is laid upon the fact that the new law does not provide for the ex-officio membership of persons described as general officers; and it is asserted with great apparent earnestness that this cannot be done notwithstanding that it is done. Even this action, however, is no new thing; I remember quite distinctly that the General Conference


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of 1868 legislated one H. M. Turner out of a standing membership, and legislated one T. G. Steward into a delegated membership. The former did not cry over lost rights, and the latter did not shout over privileges gained. Both seemed to think it a matter of course and right. I beg to insist that the General Conference of 1868 claimed no rights not claimed by the General Conference of 1888; and yet it legislated men out of a membership of over a half-century's standing--a membership not founded upon the accident of office, but upon age and experience in the ministry. I would also remark that the General Conference of 1868 at its commencement was a partially delegated body, and after the admission of the many delegates from the Southern conferences it was largely a delegated body; and it was this General Conference, composed partly of members by virtue of age; partly of lay delegates; and partly of a very respectable number of delegates from the new conferences, which marked out the composition of the General Conference.

        "With all these facts in the case, it seems strange now that any one should be found willing to call the General Conference before a court and with great solemnity inform it that its action is null and void. It may be perfectly proper for a Bishop to pronounce thus upon church laws and his own church-legislators; but when the full harvest of


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may expect to reap a share in the evil and only evil of which it will consist."

        The Bishop added to the work of his pen that of his voice in making fiery, denunciatory speeches before the Conferences during which I came in for a good share of open attacks. The Bishop was an effective speaker, and when aroused could reach eloquent heights and it was not difficult for him to win popular support. The momentum gathered by more than fifty years of movement on the line the Bishop favored, could not be completely annihilated and reverse motion set up within a few months. Before the General Conference of 1892 assembled those of the Conference of 1888 had figuratively repented in sackcloth and ashes, and as for me, the Baltimore Conference in 1891 decided that my views and connection with this subject and others, rendered me unavailable as a delegate.

        I wrote a reply to the substance of the Bishop's speeches but did not publish it because it was decided that the controversy had run its course and further discussion would be profitless.

        "It is worthy of note that the most important change ever made in the constitution of our church, a change which affected, not only one part of the General Conference, or one class of its members, but which dissolved into nothingness the previous method of making up the General Conference and


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method of making up the General Conference and constituted that body thereafter according to an entirely different plan, and upon an entirely different principle--a change equivalent to a revolution was accomplished by an unwritten motion offered by the late William Mooore, and adopted by the General Conference of 1868; and this revolution has been thoroughly concurred in for more than twnty years, though never thoroughly sanctioned by any congregation, quarterly conference, or annual conference, in the church. Nor indeed was it ever submitted to any such body for ratification."--Quarto-Centennial Address of T. G. Steward, Charleston, May 17th, 1890, Quarto-Centennial Budget.

        Concluding my two years as pastor in the Metropolitan Church, I was sent to Bethel Church, Baltimore, remaining there until the Spring of 1890. Bethel Church, situated on Saratoga Street, Baltimore, was a notable building. It had been erected during the pastorate of Daniel A. Payne and reflected his intelligence and taste. When I assumed pastoral charge it had been so surrounded in rear and at the sides by other buildings that the light was partially shut out, and the heavy ornamentation on the gallery fronts, and the large columns added still more to the internal obscurity. Nevertheless it was a beautiful and spacious building of the established churchly type, made to worship in,


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rather than for holding mass meetings.

        The congregation was well organized and most thoroughly grooved. To every proposition they had a reply beginning with: "We always do, etc.," and which meant so far as the proffered change was concerned, "We will always continue to do, etc."

        As superintendent of the Sunday school I found a man extraordinary in many respects. By trade he was a caulker; he had served in the Post Office Department as an inspector; was a superb detective; had been employed in the U. S. Revenue Department, and was a well-equipped business man. This was in the days when typewriters were few, and Isaac Myers, the man of whom I speak, often spoken of as "Colonel Myers," was a fine penman, an expert and accurate bookkeeper, and an organizer of surpassing genius. His Sunday school was the Sunday school of Baltimore. He was not a teacher; but he could get the people there, arrange them in proper groups, prepare the material, look after the finances, and then practically say to the pastor: "Now here is everything to your hand." There seemed no disposition on his part either to oppose or ignore the pastor. He was not spiritually minded or poetical, but he was singularly practical and efficient in the sphere within which he voluntarily limited himself. Bethel Church in the eighties was very much what Isaac


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Myers determined it to be.

        I should add that but a few years later this old Bethel Church awoke from its past enthraldom and turning its face toward the future took a forward bound as startling as it was grand and statesmanlike. A church-building of commanding location and ample capacity was purchased and the congregation which had so long hesitated before the faint steps becoming to a people of moderate ability dared to assume the role of an organization of giants, and giants they proved themselves to be.

        The people of Baltimore, although not noted for literary activities, have nevertheless been long distinguished for business tact for industry and thrift, and for enterprise generally in economic life. They maintained good homes, knew how to make money, and how to organize. Hence should there appear among them a leader with sufficient wisdom not to offend their local pride, and with a purpose which would appeal to their deeper sentiments and a courage which would inspire concerted action, they were capable of accomplishing great things.

        Such a leader came to them in the person of Bishop Coppin, who was of them, and who was endowed with both courage and skill. He induced them, speaking after the manner of the times, to shout from the deep springs of an awakened enthusiasm: "Baltimore uber alles!" and led them into the possession of that great building, the occupation


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of which opened a new era in our work in that city.

        To maintain the social ground thus won until the congregation had recovered breath and developed strength for further advancement, Revs. D. G. Hill, W. H. Fickland, L. S. Flagg and J. W. Sanders labored earnestly in the church up unto the coming of the flood tide of war money when the Rev. William Sampson Brooks was called to the pastorate. These aforementioned faithful ministers served as effectually in building up the church and giving momentum to the general enterprise as did those others upon whom the crown of public praise has been bestowed. And I am sure none of them will wish to dim one laurel upon the brow of either Bishop Coppin who inspired the purchase of the building, or of Rev. William Sampson Brooks, under whose ministry the great debt was paid off. The raising of near one hundred thousand dollars among the colored people of Baltimore by that devoted servant of God was the last turn of the key which unlocked the door opening to the bishopric for Doctor Brooks. It was the crowning act of a brilliant pastoral career. Thousands doubtless are praying that the same measure of success, the same rich showers of blessings may accompany him in his great field in Africa whither he has gone as Bishop, bearing precious seed, and from which he will doubtless return rejoicing and bearing his


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sheaves with him. May the God of all Grace prosper his labors, preserve him for years of usefulness and enrichen his soul from that bounteous store that never exhausts.

        The schools in Baltimore during the period of my pastorate were very poor so far as they made provision for colored children. There was one school supported by the Friends in which colored teachers were employed which was respectable, but which did not go far on the highway of learning. It, however, inculcated good manners and good morals and thus contributed an important share in the well-being of the community. The public schools supported from the general school fund of the city were the poorest I had met anywhere. The teachers were uniformly white and perhaps as uniformly unfit for the positions they held.

        To illustrate the character of the schools I will relate a Christmas experience which came to me while living in that city. I had two small boys attending a school in Saratoga Street taught as I recall by Mr. Savalle, principal, with two ladies, assistants. The principal was one of those "finished products" who had learned nothing in a score of years, and the assistants were in all respects fit to be his associates. I called to the school to see how the teachers and children would welcome the arrival of Christmas. The school-building had a kind of balcony extending from its second story and


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on this I found the big, fat principal and his two assistants. The small school yard was completely enclosed by a high board fence and was paved with brick. This was the children's playground.

        As I entered I found these teachers on this balcony with a pail of cheap candy throwing it down on this dirty brick pavement for the children to pick up, and the children, even mine, were scrambling for it. I was so incensed that I immediately extracted my two boys from the crowd of innocents and with a look of as much scorn as I could command, and I know not what words, sent my boys home, while I went directly from this scene to the Mayor's office. I related to the Mayor just what I had seen and my story appeared to take proper effect.

        A new school house for colored children was building and it was said that in it the experiment of colored teachers was to be tried. In my sermon, which the newspapers reported, I said that trying the experiment as to colored teachers was just as necessary as it was to try whether the gas supplied by our city would burn. The building was finished and although Baltimore was gone over carefully and assistance was sought and obtained to prepare persons for examination, there could not be found eligibles enough in the whole city to supply this one building requiring only about a dozen teachers. The Board of Education then


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paused to await instruction from the colored people. In a conversation with one of the leaders, when this situation had arisen, I remarked: "I can have the teachers here within twenty-four hours." "Where can you get them," said he. "I cannot get them in Baltimore, that is certain," I remarked. He then said with great feeling: "Before I would agree to have teachers come here from Washington or Massachusetts to teach here over the heads of our girls, I would go back under the same old white teachers, and stay there forever." And here the conversation between him and me on this subject ended forever.

        The following incident will illustrate something of the hidden things in Maryland:

        One day while walking along the streets in Baltimore, I observed a policeman with a white man of middle age in custody, accompanied by a young colored girl, and also by a colored woman of rather striking appearance. A small crowd was following them. My curiosity was aroused and without asking questions I decided to follow likewise.

        The policeman with his prisoner, followed by the woman and the girl finally entered a magistrate's office, and thither I entered also. As the matter was explained I learned that the woman was a keeper of a house of prostitution; that this white man had brought this young girl there; that the girl had manifested unwillingness; and that the


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woman, although following such an abandoned course, was touched by the girl's aversion and had assured the girl that she should not be compelled to submit to the man's desires. This led to the call of the police and to the arrest. She related all this to the judge, the prisoner not refuting any of her statements.

        The girl was then questioned by the judge and gave her answers in a straight-forward and modest manner. Asked as to how she became acquainted with the man she replied:

        "He lives with my mother." Her appearance was such that it doubtless had something to do with the next direct question which the judge put not to the girl but to the lecherous culprit: "Is she your child?" The judge looked squarely at the biped, and he with a baboon grin replied: "They say so."

        The judge was evidently disgusted; but there seemed to be no statute under which the prisoner could be held. The fellow, assuming an air of discourtesy, the judge fined him five dollars for contempt of court, and reluctantly dismissed him, to go on his way of debauchery and incest.

        While very little change of any sort was made in the church while I was pastor, I did succeed in attracting the attention of the public press to the extent of getting reporters to the church; and also here I established Old Folk's Sunday. But sickness overtook me here and reduced me to a


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Illustration

ISAAC MYERS

very low state; and from the latter part of 1889 up to August 1891 my health was very poor. I tried to serve Mount Pisgah Church in Washington, and Water's Chapel in Baltimore; but was not able to accomplish much. I was carried through this period of great weakness by the untiring devotion of my noble wife and the faithful and loyal aid of my growing sons. Thus closes twenty-seven years in the regular pastorate of the Church during which period I had accumulated much experience, acquired some knowledge of men, and had learned how to be happy most of the time whether abounding or in want. Above all I had learned how to lean upon God.


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CHAPTER IX.

APPOINTMENT AS CHAPLAIN IN THE ARMY:

        Recommended by Honorables B. K. Bruce, John R. Lynch and John Wanamaker. With the regiment in Montana--Reception--Col. George L. Andrews, Mrs. Andrews--Refused admission to a hotel dining room--Protests--Commanding officer's attitude--Settled. Regiment ordered to mobilize for Spanish-American War--Recruiting--Montauk Point--Denver. Special order to write history of the colored regulars. Ordered to the Phillipines.

        Early in 1891, I was visiting at the home of Rev. Francis Grimke, who had been for years a devoted friend, and to whose fervent piety and exalted character it is a delight to bear testimony when Hon. John R. Lynch called on Doctor Grimke also.

        After some conversation Mr. Lynch remarked: "Well, this may be Providential. I came here on purpose to talk with Doctor Grimke about Doctor Steward, but now that I meet you both together I will say in Doctor Steward's presence what I had intended to talk with Doctor Grimke about." He then said there was a vacancy in the army for a colored chaplain and that I might fill it if I would accept it. I proposed that Doctor Grimke should take it; but he positively declined, urging that I should take it. I then said to Mr. Lynch: "I do not dare refuse it for it may be the Lord's


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way to provide for me. But I must consult my wife before I can give you an answer." He then said that if I wished the place I must meet him at Mr. Bruce's office the next day at eleven o'clock.

        My feeling was that my wife would object, but after prayer over the matter she decided that this was probably the Lord's way. On meeting Mr. Bruce I was affected by the warmth of interest manifested by him. Taking me by the hand, he said: "I know it is said 'Take no thought what ye shall eat or what ye shall drink or wherewithal shall ye be clothed;' but men do think about such things, and I want to see you fixed for life where you will not have to care for the wherewith to live." That he should thus concern himself about my welfare impressed me deeply. He had already secured a place for my son in one of the schools, and was concerned now, about me. It was thus that John R. Lynch and Blanche K. Bruce tendered me their influence and aid, requesting only that I should not breathe the matter to a soul, only as they should direct, which request I faithfully observed. With their permission, and upon their recommendation I laid the matter before Hon. John Wanamaker, then Postmaster-General, who had befriended me before, and who knew me well. Mr. Wanamaker joined my other two patrons and this great trio secured for me my appointment as Chaplain of the Twenty-fifth United States Infantry,


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the second colored chaplain appointed in the regular service.

        Assurances were given me that I should enjoy perfect freedom in preaching the gospel as I understood it; and on July 21, 1891, I accepted the appointment and was soon on my way to join my regiment then stationed in Montana. Ignorant of army ways beyond what I had learned by observation during the closing days of the Civil War, I arrived at the headquarters of the regiment at Fort Missoula, on the 24th of August. I expected no favors, and merely wrote to the Adjutant what time I would arrive, stating that I would thank him to make temporary arrangements for my accommodation. I was greatly surprised when I arrived to find the Adjutant at the depot with a buggy, an ambulance, and an escort wagon, with two men in it, besides the driver. Provision had been made for myself, family and baggage, but I was alone, with no baggage beyond a hand-bag and moderate trunk.

        On arriving at the post I was informed that I was to take breakfast with the Colonel. This was altogether surprising to me. I made my toilet as rapidly as I could, and was scarcely through when an officer, lieutenant, came bearing the first military message I had ever received, running somewhat in the following form: "The Commanding Officer sends his compliments to the Chaplain and informs


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Illustration

COLONEL GEO. L. ANDREWS

that breakfast is served." Promptly I responded and breakfasted pleasantly with Colonel George L. Andrews and his highly accomplished and amiable wife. On leaving the breakfast I was informed of the hour for luncheon and affably commanded to return for lunch. Meanwhile my trunk was still on the side-walk in front of the colonel's house; my grip was at the Adjutant's; but I had already reached the mental position that my course was mapped out by competent authority, so I said nothing and asked no questions.

        On coming to luncheon I noticed that my trunk had been removed, but I ventured no remark or inquiry. After luncheon the Colonel, leaning back in his chair remarked dryly: "Well, I suppose you would like to know what has become of your trunk."

        "If you please," I replied.

        "Come with me and I will show you."

        I followed him up stairs and into a large, well-furnished room, when showing me my trunk he said: "There is your trunk; this is your room. Come and go as you please. If you do not find here all you want, ask for it."

        In the afternoon the Colonel's wife took me into the town in her carriage, introduced me to the merchants as the chaplain of the regiment, bespeaking for me their confidence. The Quartermaster was directed to show me the quarters which


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were open to my selection and to put in order those that I should select. The members of the garrison came forward to lend me any household goods I might need for use until mine should arrive. Although enjoying the Colonel's hospitality, I set up housekeeping as soon as possible, employing a soldier's wife as cook and housekeeper.

        When my family arrived the Colonel's wife gave a dinner in honor of the new addition to his staff at which all the staff and field officers were present. In going into the dining-room the Colonel took my wife on his arm, and Mrs. Andrews went on my arm. My wife was seated at the table on the Colonel's right, and I was seated on the right of Mrs. Andrews. I take pains to detail this that the reader may appreciate the character of my introduction to the chaplaincy of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, under its noble commander.

        Colonel George L. Andrews was a man of commanding appearance, with a sonorous voice, an excellent administrator, regardful of the welfare of the men in his command, strict as to the matter of discipline, impartial and just in all his actions. He was temperate, and enforced respect for morality and religion, in a quiet and effective way more by example than otherwise. He had a Civil War record and when I arrived at the post was nearing his retirement age. He had been abstemious and had laid up for himself a good basis for the years

Illustration

MRS. ANDREWS


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which might come after leaving the active service. As a matter of fact he survived his retirement twenty-eight years, dying at the age of ninety-two.

        Mrs. Andrews was the daughter of General H. K. Oliver, the composer whose name appears in so many of our church hymnals. He gave us "Merton," and perhaps, above all, our "Federal Street." The daughter was a lover of music and flowers. She played the organ at our services, was loved by the men, and she was very proud of them in return. She had had long experience in frontier life and knew how to make the most out of her surroundings. She was an earnest Christian. Both she and her husband danced, usually leading the "Hops," but the Colonel always went about it as discharging cheerfully a "military duty," while Mrs. Andrews in the same manner fulfilled her social obligations as head of the post circle. The first invitation given to my wife to appear at anything social was from this First Lady, and it included the prescription that ladies were to appear without hats and with gloves. I remember how I felt a slight tremor when the delicate proffer was made to lend my wife anything she might need to wear. Later, I found that borrowing and lending with the old thoroughbred officers of the army went on with but little limitation. My big coffee pot did service whenever and wherever needed. The


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friendly helpfulness of the old officers of the Twenty-fifth, I speak from experience, was abundant yet delicate. When my great afflictions came, men said to me: "Do not embarrass yourself; here are ample funds. You have our sympathy and our aid to the full." Captain Glenn, now Major-General; Captain Edwards; Captain Loughboro; Captain Wilson, all of whom attained honorable careers and due promotion, and Major Chambers McKibbin, whose generosity endeared him to me for life--these were some of the men who made the Twenty-fifth so highly esteemed by me. Of course there were others. Of the younger men, I could not forget young Lieutenant McCorkle and his engaging wife, the daughter of Major Ritzius; McCorkle who sang so sweetly: "Flee as a bird to your mountain"; and who traveled with the pall of death hanging over him from Missoula to Chattanooga when our regiment was called into the war with Spain; McCorkle who fell pierced to the heart by a Mauser bullet while bravely commanding his company before El Kaney. Then I recall the many virtues of Lieutenant Vernon Caldwell, and recall also the many pleasant evenings spent in his bachelor's quarters while he related the story of a recent hunt or a fishing trip. And later there came Lieutenant Colonel A. S. Daggett, a prince among men.

        But if we had noble officers we also had men of


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Illustration

CHAPLAIN T. G. STEWARD

high character in the ranks. Men, six feet tall, soldierly from top to toe. Men with no guard-house record; men whose word was everywhere good. Sergeants, corporals and privates by the score, who obtained excellent discharges--soldiers worthy of the Nation. Thus I might go on and fill pages, but space will not permit and I must return to my story.

        Soon after arriving at the headquarters of the regiment I remarked to Mrs. Andrews that I had not expected any such treatment as I had received; I had expected merely to be shown the quarters I was to occupy. With all earnestness she replied: "Well, that would not have been very Christ-like." Her religion was of the practical sort, seeking to contribute to the comfort and happiness of others.

        I arrived at my post in August and in the following April Colonel Andrews took formal leave of the regiment going into retirement. The parting scene was deeply affecting. Many an old soldier wept as he shook hands with his old commander. Nor was the Colonel himself entirely unmoved. Indeed real tears were shed by both officers and soldiers. It was a beautiful sight to see these men, clad in the paraphernalia of war, hardened by years of service and discipline, giving way to the finer feelings of their nature, and manifesting a friendship as tender and rich as can be found anywhere in American life--officers and soldiers, white and black, all


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swayed by a common emotion and mingling their tears in a common regret. Colonel Andrews and been with the regiment over twenty-one years and as he now received the final salute of the officers on parade with choked utterance and voice shaking with emotion he remarked: "That is all, gentlemen." Colonel Andrews, a typical American gentleman and soldier, a useful object lesson for the youth of the Nation with his noble consort. May their virtues long live in their descendents and their memories be green for generations!

        My work among the soldiers grew more interesting daily. I became possessed of the army spirit and identified myself with its discipline and training as well as with its out-door life. I learned how to camp out, and to hunt. In Western Montana we were in the region of the deer, the bear and the coyote and bob cat. I have seen both coyote and bear within the limits of our post. I never hunted big game, however, although bear and deer were often killed by members of the garrison and not infrequently venison and bear meat was served to us as compliments. I limited my ambition to pheasants, prairie chickens, and grouse. Of these I shot many. My sons developed into disciples of Walton and kept us well supplied with fish. The clear mountain streams which ran down into the rich valleys of that region were then, and I presume are now, stocked with beautiful, gamey,


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speckled trout; and their waters soft, cool and excellent for drinking.

        For my readers I must condense an account of one out of several interesting hunting trips. Our party consisted of myself and four sons, a corporal and three privates. We were furnished with one four-mule team, one spring wagon with two mules, and we had one saddle pony. We had also tent equipage, rations and camp furniture. Our leave was for fifteen days, during which we traveled about 320 miles, shot 28 grouse, and caught 327 trout, not counting other game and fish. We went through the Flathead Indian Reservation, stopping at the famous St. Ignatius Mission (Catholic); we crossed the beautiful Flathead Lake and made our way northward as far as to the little town of Kalispel, passing through the settlements of the Flathead Indians, and also of the Kootenai Tribe. We returned by nearly the same route that we had taken in our outward journey. We left on the 8th of August and returned on the 23rd, just before the time for the rains to begin. During our whole trip we had no rain whatever. In that part of Montana one could count on dry days from about July 1st to August 24th.

        There were disturbances in the mines in Idaho, in the Coeur de Lene region which became so serious that our troops were ordered there to protect life and property. Then came the Coxey


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craze, when a large disorderly mass of the so-called Coxey Army was moving through our neighborhood creating alarm, and some of our troops were ordered out to enclose these and hold them in check temporarily. They were corraled and guarded and taught something of camp life, until the fever by which they were infected subsided--I mean until the mental hallucination by which they were affected had passed away, and they could be trusted to go on their way as rational being. But most serious of all during that period was the Pullman railroad sympathetic strike in 1894. This cut us out of mail for about eighteen days. It came just as the berry crop of the Bitter Root Valley was reaching its full harvest and for eighteen days not a car moved from Missoula, the outlet for the valley. The cities of Butte, Helena and Phillipsburg, which would have taken all of these berries at a fine price, were cut off; as a consequence I saw the finest berries going at five cents a box, with creates offered as low as fifty cents. This was a serious loss to the farmers of that section, and a loss which they were illy prepared to stand. Also there were trains delayed on the railroads filled with passengers who were suffering all sorts of inconveniences. Bridges were set on fire and dynamite was used. Again our small but efficient regular army came to the rescue. Our regiment


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guarded the high trestles, and the threatening tunnels, leaving their comfortable barraks and camping along that great trans-continental highway, the Northern Pacific Railroad. I preached to our men while they were so encamped.

        Finally the Government took charge of the road and trains were run by the military, the soldiers from one department guarding the trains and patrolling the road until they were relieved by soldiers from another department. Thus at great risk and amid real dangers, traffic was slowly restored by the ever-ready American soldier.

        On the return of our troops to the post after their service along the railroad the following order of appreciation was issued:

"Fort Missoula, Mont., August 9, 1894.

        "ORDER NO. 81:--In view of the return of the troops who were detached from this post to prevent obstruction and resistance to the laws of the United States by railroad strikers and their sympathizers, the Commanding Officer deems it just and proper to convey to the officers and men so engaged his keen appreciation of the satisfactory manner in which they have conducted themselves, not only as well-disciplined soldiers but as patriotic citizens of this country. Their fidelity, patience and courage under trying circumstances


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are a lasting credit to themselves and to the service of the United States.

        "By order of Colonel Burt.

"H. A. LEONHAEUSER, Adjutant."


        In this work the Twenty-fifth Infantry took its full share and won fine complimentary orders from its commanding officer: And--That Is All. This service valuable and heroic as it really was, was the soldier's matter of course duty, for which no medals are given no reward or recognition placed to his credit. The whole nation reaped the benefit of the fidelity of our soldiers of the West at that time, and the Northern Pacific Railroad especially, but so far as I observed no increased consideration was given to the men in blue who delivered them.

        While on duty in Fort Missoula, I occasionally preached in the churches in the city, and up the valley, especially at a place called Lolo, and it is remarkable that while many of the settlers through this region were men who had served in the Confederate Army or their relatives and children, or as some described them, "The left wing of Price's army who had escaped the surrender," they were very cordial to me. I have eaten in their homes and at their general tables in basket meetings in the woods. Many of them seemed devoutly pious. It is also proper to remark for the credit of the men of the Twenty-fifth that although they were


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stationed here for ten years and women traveled these mountain roads on horseback or in buggies, these mountain women always regarded the soldiers of the regiment as their protectors. They were always relieved to see our men in blue.

        My usual work on Sunday was to visit the hospital and guard house in the morning after guard-mounting; to visit any in the garrison who might be sick, as well as any soldiers who might be sick in quarters, to distribute any reading matter I might have to the men in the barracks, visiting the companies for that purpose. Afternoon we would hold Sunday school for both children and adults; at night we would have general service for both officers and men. The officers and their families attended quite generally and their families, with the wives of some of the soldiers, took special interest in the singing. Beside the little cabinet organ we frequently employed some of the band instruments. I also, while here, gave two courses of lectures on European history to the ladies of the garrison.

        The year 1893 must stand in my history as the year of deep and harrowing grief; for in it I was forced to give up my oldest son, the one who graduated from the Institute for Colored Youth in Philadelphia in 1896. Not long before his death he wrote these pathetic and forecasting lines:


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                         "'Tis death. And what is death? Canst thou tell?
                         A separation. Well, of what, and why?
                         Is it the soul has loosed its carnal bounds
                         And gone to nobler, broader realms on high?
                         If so, 'tis well. But why? That there for aye
                         It may its powers employ. Sensations which
                         On earth it could not feel, in heaven it kens,
                         And knowing grows; and man--that soul--becomes
                         Alike to His creator. This is death!


                         "And this its reason clear. Then it is not
                         A dreadful termination, but of hope,
                         And joy. Yet Nature ever fears a step
                         Which disenthrones her; ever hopes that she
                         May claim man's homage undivided. She
                         Th' inevitable dreads."

        He passed away and was buried in the Gouldtown Cemetery, Rev. Francis J. Grimke, of Washington, D. C., officiating on the occasion, and delivering a most comforting discourse.

        Only a few months after the death of our son, the mother, who had nursed him in his illness as only a mother could, heard the summons from the Land of Peace and Rest. Quietly submitting she gave up her children, saying she hoped to be "Only remembered by what she had done," and calmly entered into rest sending out her last message


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Illustration

MRS. ELIZABETH G. STEWARD

to the absent ones of her household in the words: "Tell them to look to Jesus!"

        My son Theophilus Bolden, who was then fourteen years old, expressed the feelings and described the sad event in the following lines:


                         "I turn once more to look upon her,
                         Fading now away so fast;
                         Her work is done, her race is run,
                         She sweetly sleeps at last.


                         "She was indeed, my only friend;
                         In time of grief or joy.
                         Her voice of music had no end,
                         For she loved her merry boy."

        About the time our soldiers were concluding their tour of duty in guarding railroad property as I have mentioned in the railroad strike and as traffic was slowly becoming normal, Chaplain I. Newton Ritner, who was stationed at Fort Keogh, Mont., was passing through our section and took occasion to stop over in Missoula principally that he might have an interview with me. He had informed me, by telegraph of his coming and where I might find him. Accordingly, at the proper time I called at the Florence Hotel, where he was staying for a short time, and was invited by him to take dinner with him in the dining room of


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that hotel. What followed will be better understood by the reader from the correspondence here inserted. The first letter is to the Helena paper, which perhaps might be regarded as the representative paper of Montana; the second was published in the Missoulian local daily and headed "An Able Protest." Both articles appeared about the same time, August 10, 1894. To the Helena Journal I wrote:

"To the Editor:

        "While the soldiers of my regiment were performing the most trying duties in the highest possible manner, protecting the lives and property of citizens and preserving the peace generally, especially in and near the town of Missoula, I received a telegram from Chaplain I. Newton Ritner, of Fort Keogh, that he would arrive in Missoula on the evening July 25. He did so, and took rooms at the Florence Hotel, whither I went to call on him at my earliest convenience.

        "As he had but a few hours to stay in the town and particularly wished to converse with me, as I did also with him, he kindly invited me to stay and take the evening meal with him. I consented and dismissed the conveyance I had, expecting to remain with him some time. As we left his room to supper, or dinner as it seems to have been, he left me to go to the office to make the necessary


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arrangements, and what immediately followed I will allow him to tell in his own words.

        "He says: 'Upon reaching the desk, I said to the gentleman in charge 'Will it be necessary to register the name of my friend, Chaplain Steward, before we go to the dining room? He will take dinner with me.' He replied that he (the chaplain) could not be admitted to the dining room, as it is contrary to the rules of the hotel to admit a colored man there. I said to him: 'I'm astonished beyond measure that such a state of affairs exists here.' He replied: 'I'm sorry; but if a colored man is allowed in the dining rooms our patrons would all leave us.' I told him that I did not care to discuss the rules of the house, but that my friend who is a clergyman and an army officer should not be allowed to accompany me to the table was a new experience to me. It had never occurred before. He then proposed to send your dinner to my room if I so desired. I replied: 'No, not without previous consultation with my friend, and with his assent,' and left the office and returned to you.'

        "I did not allow myself to talk or even to think of the matter while Chaplain Ritner was with me because I was anxious that his visit should not be further marred, and the above statement was obtained from him after his return to the station, and of it he says: 'The above is taken from the


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notes I made of the occurrence at the time for transfer to my diary.'

        "After waiting five days I addressed the proprietors of the hotel the following note to which they have not at this writing seen fit to reply:

"Proprietors of The Florence Hotel, Missoula,
Mont.

        "Gentlemen: On last Wednesday, July 23, about 6:30 p. m., I called at the Florence Hotel to see my friend Chaplain I. Newton Ritner, U. S. A., who then occupied Room 27, therein. Soon after meeting him he invited me to take dinner with him, and as this was my only opportunity of conversing with him and as he seemed so urgent to have me stay, I consented and allowed the ambulance to drive off, leaving me there. Coming down from his room to the dining room he asked me to excuse him while he went down to make necessary arrangements. On his return he informed me with much apparent chagrin that he had been forbidden to take me into the dining room. Hence there was nothing left for me to do but to turn away and thus free my friend from his embarrassment as quickly as possible. Up to the present I have not mentioned the affair, because I have indulged the hope that so unusual and, to my mind, so rude a proceeding would not be left to go unexplained; but as no word has yet come, it seems not only


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my right but my duty to ask of the proprietors of this respectable public house some explanation of this very strange conduct. I cannot consent to the gratuitous outraging of my friend's feelings, and the apparent very, very cruel indignity perpetrated upon myself, without at least asking the reason why. Being entirely unconscious of any reason why I should be thus treated anywhere upon this broad earth, much less in this my own country of more than a half dozen generations, I respectfully but anxiously await your reply.

        "That the churches do not share in such a feeling is evidenced by the fact that they have been very free to call upon me for service, and have again and again born testimony to the satisfactory character of the service rendered. At the time of the refusal I was supplying the only Presbyterian pulpit in the city Sunday mornings. And only a few days before, I had taken dinner and supper at the Rankin House, a popular hotel of the city. I had not the slightest idea that there was objection lurking for me at the Florence, or I should have kept well out of the way; and I publish this in order that all others of like character as myself being forewarned with respect to it, may be forearmed, and so avoid running against a disagreeable snag.

"T. G. STEWARD."




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        To the Local Paper I wrote as follows:

"Editor of the Missoulian:

        "Some days ago it was my misfortune to be invited to take dinner at a public hotel, only to have the proprietor tell my kind friend that I, because of my color, could not be admitted to the dining room, assigning as a reason for this prohibition that all the patrons of the hotel would leave in case a colored man should enter the dining room. Now this may or may not be true; but that there is enough of probability in it for it to arise to the mind as a reason, entitles it to some consideration. If what the proprietor says is true generally, then it is impossible to carry on the hotel business under the laws of our land. If it is merely true locally, then it argues the need of something to be done for its correction. As to my own experience, I will say that I have stopped, or eaten, in good hotels in New England, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Ohio, Illinois and Montana; and have never seen any disaster follow, so I cannot believe the reason assigned is one of general application. I have also taken meals at a respectable house in Missoula, and no unpleasantness whatever was noticeable. I incline therefore to the opinion that the majority of Americans are sufficiently advanced in intelligence to distinguish between so-called privileges, and


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business transactions--between private prejudice and public rights.

        "With regard to social matters, I have not the least concern. I happen to belong to no social 'set,' hence in that world I am, and have been for years, practically a 'free lance,' associating with individuals whom I find agreeable and avoiding those who affect me otherwise. This privilege I freely accord to every human being, far or near. If a man finds any comfort in cultivating what he supposes is a 'race prejudice,' I have no quarrel with him; only he ought to treat his prejudices just as he would his curs--keep them on his own premises or muzzle them when he takes them in public. Personally I have never been conscious of anything signified by the term colored. I can feel my individuality and my responsibility, but my consciousness fails to give any response to the adjective that unreasoning prejudice attaches to my person. As a physical fact, I freely admit it, as a thing neither to be ashamed of nor proud of; as of no more moral, intellectual or social worth than height or weight. It is physical, and that is all. As to all other ideas of whatever sort or kind that are sought to be pressed into the word "colored," as applied to people, I have all my life-long failed to find any verification of them either in my own consciousness, or in my actual intercourse with other human beings.


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        Would anything be lost if the custom of classing people as colored should be dropped? I do not think the colored people themselves care anything about it, one way or the other; but would it not be better to allow all those words which make distinctions in our citizenship to fall into innocuous desuetude?

        Let me add one thing more: There is no more loyal element in the country than the African element. It is thoroughly American, is physically powerful and enthusiasticly loyal to the national government. This element could furnish one million of soldiers. Let the nation treat them well. No element in the land is advancing so rapidly in the accumulation of property, in the acquisition of intelligence and in the development of strong character. They are rapidly winning places in the front rank of scholarship.

        I again beg to add that in social manners and matters, the cultivated colored people of Washington, Philadelphia, New York and Boston, to speak of those only that I know, are not only the equals of any of their own financial standing, but as a rule, in musical and literary taste, in conversational ability, and in refinement generally are far superior. This is the uniform testimony of foreigners and even of unprejudiced white Americans.

T. G. STEWARD.



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        My commanding officer, Colonel Andrew S. Burt, backed me squarely in my protest and went with me to consult the most prominent lawyer of the place. The next day the proprietor came out to the post to see me, apologized and begged and requested that no action be taken against his house. I demanded that he put his apology in writing, which he did, and also extended to me the freedom of his hotel, with the pledge that thereafter colored persons would be accommodated therein on the same conditions as others. And so ended the matter, with what after results I never learned.

        In the years 1894-95-96 and 97, especially 94 and 95, I did considerable newspaper and magazine writing. My contributions to the daily papers included papers from New York to New Orleans, for all of which work I was paid merely space rates. Several important magazines also received and published my contributions, among which I may name Harper's, Leslie's, The Independent and the military magazines. In a list of army writers made up during that period and published in The Californian, five names were given with cuts and sketches and among them was my own.

        The article immediately following was written in defense of the army in general and in answer


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to the feeling which was aroused in our garrison by the circumstance which it relates:

(The "United Service," October, 1895)

Starving Laborers and the "Hired Soldier"

        Senator Allen, of Nebraska, in a speech delivered in Butte on Labor Day, in depicting the sad state of the country caused by ill advised silver legislation, said: "While I speak to you, four million men, women, and children are in enforced idleness in this country and without enough to eat. And when they arise, as such people must airse, they are met by the baton of the hired policeman, or the bayonet of the hired soldiery."

        I do not think it out of place to call attention to a question of taste in this remark. Why should the soldier and the policeman be singled out and described as "hired?" Would it not be manifestly improper for soldiers to speak publicly of senators as "hired?" And yet senators are paid from the United States Treasury as are soldiers. Military manners will not permit soldiers thus to speak of people intrusted with the powers of city, state or nation; and this fact alone ought to protect them from such remarks as the above, especially from the lips of men who occupy so exalted a position as membership in the American Senate.


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        But, aside from matters of taste, this statement of fact is made to bear witness on the wrong side of a prodigious question. The fact that in the ever changeful conditions of industry in this age and in this country, receiving as it does thousands of workmen annually from other countries, there are but four million persons necessarily unemployed, is a marvel. And when in order to make up this "four million," even in these times of depression, it is necessary to include "women and children," the "calamity howler's" occupation is well nigh gone. The "four million men, women and children" amount to less than six per cent of the whole population; and not a single industry is suffering for want of workmen.

        That there are laborers in plenty is proved from the facts that great crops have been harvested, and that we are sending away about thirteen dollars worth of goods for every man, woman, and child in the country; and that three-fourths of this amount exported comes from the fields. We have enough and to spare; and the fact that those who say the worst, can speak of but four million unemployed is greatly in our favor.

        It is also to be noted that the policy of our city, state and national government is in the main, against child-labor; and that a powerful sentiment, and in some instances positive law, are in favor of child-education. The general opinion of


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Americans--to the glory of the country be it said--is that the best work children can do is to go to school.

        Nor are women to be regarded, too generally, as wage-earners. Wives and mothers are largely housekeepers and home-makers; and, as such, are not to be too largely included in those who live in "enforced idleness." Wives and mothers do not enjoy the blessings of "enforced dileness" to any alarming degree. The "women and children," then, who are in " enforced idleness," are to be found among those who work in factories, and stores, and such like places; and who are now forced out of employment.

        The senator all through his speech proceeds upon the assumption that the legislation on the silver question is responsible for the non-employment of these millions. Upon this subject I will not enter; but is there not some significance in the fact that more machinery is now used than ever before? Was it silver legislation or electricity that drove the horse from the street railways in our large cities? Was it silver legislation or electricity that reduced the demand and prices of horses, and probably prompted the canning of horse-flesh? Production increases, while hand-labor diminishes; and the marvel to my mind is that with workers coming all the time, and with the constant advance in the application of


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other than man-power, the margin of unemployed labor is so small.

        But there is one remark made by the senator in this connection that deserves the deepest thought. He says these willing workers have "not enough to eat." This ought not to be. There is plenty in the land for all; and the willing worker ought to be supported in a way not to degrade and unman him. He should not be involved with the criminal, the imbecile, or the invalid. The man who is willing and able to work ought not to be placed upon charity; the man who is able and not willing, ought not to be indulged with charity. If the state can do something for the criminal and the lazy, can it not do something for the willing and able? The state should not follow in the footsteps of that charity which drives away the poor, good woman, in order to make room for the poor "abandoned" woman. With regard to the criminals and unfortunates, and the attention the state gives them, it can well be said, "These things ought ye to have done;" and in regard to the four million unemployed who have "not enough to eat," and who are entirely neglected by the state, it can be added, "and not to leave the other undone."

        How are the worthy poor to be furnished with "enough to eat"--with the necessities of life? I answer, by the only way in which it can be done consistently with the common good, their own


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included--i. e., through the medium of work. These four million of enforced idlers ought to be furnished with work, and furnished it by the government, at such rates as would not draw unnecessarily from other channels. Let work be given at wages not high enough to interfere seriously with those employed, and men would come and go according as the times rose and fell around them. Plain work for unskilled labor is the thing needed. It need not, ought not, be a great unnecessary work such as the building of the fort at Dry Tortugas was, which was said to have been built "for the sake of making profitable employment for slaves," and which cost the government in the whole during its existence not less than twenty million dollars.

        What was done for slavery, should in a sense be done for freedom; what was done for slave-holders, should be done for the free-men with this provision: that it should be work really necessary, or at least decidedly beneficial.

        What then are the things that could now be done under state or government control that would supplement the ordinary demand for labor, and distribute the products of the land so that all would have enough to eat? In the light of what has been done in other countries and in other civilizations, including the ancient civilizations on this continent, it seems to me two subjects force themselves


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upon our attention--irrigation and roadways. The men who are pressing these measures upon public attention, are not only employing the qualities of genuine statesmanship, but it seems to me are obeying the dictates of the purest philanthropy. These two fields of labor alone, promise not only relief to the labor problem but immense gain to the country at large.

        The questions as to how this should be done can be readily left to the practical judgment of the people whose hearts are in favor of it. Cities and counties can usually keep their own highways in order if they will, under general supervision, exercised by the state. So with local irrigation; but on a large scale these subjects should be placed alongside of rivers and harbors, under national control, as doubtless they will be some time.

        I would favor, however, as much government aid as possible in the building of good roads within the new states, and the consequent drawing of the unemployed to the less crowded portions of the country, where every encouragement should be given to induce them to settle.

        Labor's margin is now a small and manageable matter; but with the increase of population and of machinery, and the decrease of labor and other irritating causes, it is liable within a very brief period to become a question of great moment. Men, women and children who do not have enough


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to eat, and who are willing to labor for their bread, are not the kind to sit quietly down and starve. "Rise they must," says the senator, but such people are not usually rioters. They will rise, and they will demand; but they are not likely to destroy.

        Should even these worthy people, however, be so far misled as to become law-breakers, the army can be relied upon to perform its duty, painful as it may be; and yet it is safe that the worthy poor have nowhere warmer and stronger friends than in the United States Army. Scores of poor people who have been helped by our soldiers and officers, are ready to bear witness to what I say. Many a poor family has been fed and clothed by Uncle Sam's soldiers; and there are men, women and children today who speak of their kindness with tears in their eyes. The soldier may be relied upon to do his duty, even to bringing the bayonet against the breast of his own countrymen; but he will do it as a patriot, true to his oath and loyal to his flag, and not merely as a "hired" instrument.

Negro Mortality

        (The Social Economist, October, 1895)

        Every now and then we hear a great wail from Southern writers about Negro shiftlessness and


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mortality. The two latest utterances of importance of this sort have been given out by Dr. De Sausseau of Charleston, and by the Rev. Dr. Hoss, editor of the Christian Advocate of the M. E. Church, South. Dr. De Sausseau says the Negro deaths in the city of Charleston exceed the births in the ratio of three to two; and that in Savannah and New Orleans the death rate is even greater. The question is even raised, whether the Negroes can live in towns. Dr. De Susseau explains this alarming death-rate, "By the Negro tendency toward immorality and vice; and the disposition to consumption which is carrying them off by the thousands." The Rev. Dr. Hoss explains it by, "Poor food, poor houses, and ill conditions of living generally." Dr. De Sausseau, however, admits that there is but little difference in the death-rate of the whites and blacks in the country districts.

        Here, then, we have one side of a picture, and it amounts to this: The Negroes are submerged in poverty and vice, and as a consequence are rapidly dying off--and dying especially by consumption. Here is the social, moral and sanitary problem confronting the cities of Charleston, Savannah and New Orleans; as also other Southern cities. It is a problem especially addressing itself to the minister and the physician.

        To assist them in the solution of it, I will offer them a little testimony. That Negroes can live in


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cities is abundantly proven. But I will present one striking case. The city of Port-au-Prince, Haiti, is certainly not more favorably situated than Charleston. I was there in '73, and its population was less than 30,000; and here is what is said of it now. Hon. Henry M. Smythe says of himself, "I am a Southern Bourbon;" hence his testimony ought to pass in South Carolina or Georgia, and he says: "Port-au-Prince is a fine city of 60,000 people, and I venture to say that in the intelligence, wealth and refinement of its population, it will compare favorably with any place of its size in this country." The Negro population has not only held its own, but has doubled itself in twenty years in that city. Hence, it is plain that it is not merely the city that kills.

        Let us look at another fact. It is admitted that the mere number of homes is an important element in determining the tendencies of a people. Now, by the census of 1890, homes among whites are as 1 to 4.0 of the population; and among the blacks as 1 to 4.8 of the population. In the occupation of homes there is an almost exact similarity. But the homes of the blacks were vastly inferior to those of the whites. They were, as Dr. Hoss says, "poor houses," and furnished "ill conditions of living generally." How do we account for this great difference in condition. Plainly in this way: the whites inherit the results of ages of freedom; the


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Ngroes are trying to throw off the heritage of slavery, and have had but thirty years in which to do it.

        Again, 88:58 per cent of the homes owned by Negroes are held without incumbrance. The colored people started with nothing, and are kept quite rigidly to the cash system; they must pay as they go; while all around them others obtain large and long credits. The colored people of the country in 1890 owned 234,747 homes, free from debt, mostly in the late slave states. Will the reader just sit down and reflect over this fact and ask himself: How have these people been able to feed and clothe themselves, to pay doctors' bills and bury their dead, and yet pay for these homes?

        Oh, it is said, they have received abundant help from the North. They have--thank God for it--and to the Northern people who have helped them they are ever grateful; but this help has come in the way of schools almost altogether. The North has done marvels for them in the way of instruction, and it is because of this superior instruction that they have advanced so rapidly. But something must be credited to the industry and thrift of the Negro himself. His hands have earned the money to pay for the homes and the funerals--funerals that might in many cases have been post-poned.

        Now, the doctor says, that the enormous death-rate


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among colored children in the cities is to be attributed to the Negro tendency to immorality and vice. If the doctor would strike out Negro and insert slave he would then be nearer the truth; but it would not be the whole truth. The same law that prevents children being born in some cities, puts them to death among the colored people of Charleston and Savannah. More intelligent people look out on their surrounding and say the child cannot live; it shall not be born. The poor colored people have either too much conscience, or too little knowledge to do this; and as a consequence more than half of their babes die before they have completed their first year. To my mind this isolated fact does not furnish proof of immorality; but it does furnish proof of a severe condition. Infants cannot live without care; and care cannot be had where extreme poverty is the rule. Again, the doctor says consumption is "carrying them off by the thousands." But why should consumption be allowed to sweep such cities as Charleston and Savannah?"

        As there were strictures from time to time finding their way into the public press as to the physical hardiness of the colored troops in the services compared with that of the whites, and usually coupled with these strictures upon the physique would be some insinuations as to the moral short-comings of the colored soldier, I


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took occasion to study carefully the surgeon-general's reports for several years and made the following statements which obtained wide circulation.

(Fort Missoula, Montana, Special)

        "Much has been said of late years concerning the utility of the Africo-American and the opinion has gained considerable support that as a rule they are less hardy than the whites, and there is much in favor of this belief, since statistics from cities where the colored population is large show that the colored death rate is larger pro rata than the whites; but it is also worthy of note that the highest death rate is not found in the Northern cities where the Negro is unopposed, but in the South the supposed home of the Negro. In like manner it is officially reported by the surgeon-general that the colored troops "suffered a much greater degree of constant impairment of force in the hot climate of the southern division than in the colder climate of either the northern or middle division." Army reports show that the colored troops stand the cold just as well as white troops. In 1884 the death rate among white troops was 9 to the 1000, and among colored troops 7.2; but this was unusual. The general average is 11.1 to the 1000 for whites and 13.4 for the colored. It will be seen that there is but little difference


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in the death rate, and this difference I presume would be made up were the conditions and encouragements brought to exactly the same level. The average above given is made up from reports covering the ten years from 1878 to 1888. Please note the wide difference between these figures as they bear upon the two races, and those coming from the vital statistics of almost any Southern city. As hard as the army is, colored men do not die in the services as fast relatively, as they do in their Southern home. Again, during the same period the discharges for disability among the whites was 32.1 to the 1000, and for the colored 30.7, so that the losses from death and disability taken together, are just about equal as to the two races. The blacks lost more by two per 1000 than the whites by death, and two less per 1000 by disability. Another fact of importance is the following: From 1866 to 1885 alcholism claimed 54.04 per cent of the sickness among the whites, while among the colored troops it counted only 2.18 per cent. A larger per centage of white men are rejected than of colored men; and few colored men are rejected for evident marks of intemperance. The colored soldier`s sin is not intemperance, and I think a few more years will show him as hardy as any who bear arms."

        In 1896 after three years of widowed life I married a second time, taking as my wife Doctor

Illustration

DR. S. M. STEWARD


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Susan S. McKinney of Brooklyn, N. Y. Doctor McKinney was a member of an old Long Island family of Indian extraction, descended from the Montauk tribe, original owners of the northern part of the island. She was the first colored woman to graduate in medicine, known to be colored; and at the time of her marriage to me enjoyed a good practice in her native city. She was also an accomplished organist, having studied under Zundell of Beecher's church, and Brown of Talmage's church. She was the widow of Rev. W. S. McKinney, an Episcopal minister, native of Charleston, S. C., and was the mother of two children, the present Rev. W. S. McKinney, rector of a church in Jamaica, L. I., and Mrs. Annie M. Carty, teacher in the New York public schools. Both of these children were grown and married at the time of our marriage. She entered heartily into the work among the soldiers and became an excellent step-mother to my children.

        In 1898 our regiment was ordered to Cuba; I was detached by no wish of my own, and sent out upon recruiting duty accompanied by Corporal Baskervill, now the Rev. E. S. Baskervill, archdeacon in the Protestant Episcopal Church at Charleston, S. C. While in the service Mr. Baskervill rose to be First Sergeant and was nominated for a commission because of efficiency and


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bravery on the field. I remained on recruiting duty until after the battles of El Kaney and San Juan, when I asked to be sent to the regiment. After the usual delays my request was granted and I was ordered to proceed by way of Tampa, Fla. I started at once, and actually reached Tampa, only to find that the famous "Round Robin" had started all the fighting troops for Montauk Point, Long Island. In consequence of this change, my order was countermanded and I was later directed to proceed by rail to Montauk Point.

        The watermelon season was on in New Jersey, and I conceived the idea while on the train of calling upon my old friends of Bridgeton, N. J., to send me a carload of fresh and good Jersey melons that I might have them to distribute among the men when they arrived. The Bridgeton friends responded nobly and my melons were the cynosure of the great camp. I was offered any price for them; but they were not for sale. The surgeon of our regiment feared ill results should the melons be given to the men. Perhaps because of my ignorance, perhaps otherwise, I had no fears; and the commanding officer took my view and the surgeon was over-ruled in that instance. I distributed the melons so that each man should have a half of a melon, with the instruction that, "If the melon tastes at all sour, do not eat it at all; throw it way and another piece will be given; if


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it is fibrous but sweet, swallow the juice, but do not swallow the pulp." The melons were distributed and eaten with the happiest results.

        All four of the colored regiments were here encamped, accompanied by three of their chaplains: Chaplain Prioleau of the 9th Calvary, Chaplain Anderson of the 10th Calvary, and I of the 25th Infantry. Chaplain Allensworth of the 24th Infantry was in the West.

        After recuperating here a few weeks, our regiment was ordered to Fort Logan, Colorado, near Denver, and remained there until it entrained for San Francisco to embark for the Philippines.

        When we reached Fort Logan the regiment was in command of Major Hooton, and was so very short in officers that the following orders were graciously handed me by the commanding officer's orderly, for which I gave the accustomed receipt and prepared myself to carry them out: "Chaplain T. G. Steward, 25th Infantry, is hereby detailed as Ordnance Officer, Signal Officer, Engineer Officer and Exchange Officer."

        I was to get instruction as to these various offices from one Captain Cotter of the 15th Infantry. These four offices combined in one person, gave me no little trouble, especially the Ordnance Officer. It was not until August 12, 1902, that I finally got loose from bayonets, scabbards, ramrods and gunslings. I was at last piloted


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to the exit of my difficulty by one of our excellent old-time First Sergeants. It was indeed a relief when long after we had reached the Philippines I received from the Chief of Ordnance of the U. S. Army, Washington, D. C., a statement showing that all the stores had been accounted for, that my "return" had been compared with those of other officers with whom I had had transactions and the same was found to be correct; "all the property issued to you was found to be properly accounted for. It will therefore be unnecessary for you to render further returns in view of the facts stated, your accountability at Fort Logan having been closed in this office June 25, 1901."

        On our arrival at Denver the people showed their appreciation by giving to the men a collation at the depot, coffee and sandwiches, of course; the cigarette craze had not captured the country at that time; the tobacco interest was less stalwart than in 1918. I found the schools of Denver excellent. The superintendent also advised me so that I might get the most benefit from them during my temporary stay.

        I was relieved from duty at Fort Logan on the special request of Bishop B. W. Arnett and assigned to the honorable task of writing the history of the Colored Regulars, dealing particularly with their work in Cuba. I may quote from the letter


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of the Adjutant General of the Army to Bishop Arnett of date of March 1, 1899, in which he says: "The Secretary of War desires me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 23rd, ultimo, requesting that Chaplain T. G. Steward be allowed the necessary time to write a history of the colored regiments in the United States Army, and to inform you that the Chaplain is regarded by the War Department as a very suitable man to write the proposed history, and that every facility will be accorded him for the prosecution of this task." This letter was signed by H. C. Corbin, Adjutant General.

        No limit was fixed as to the character of the work or the time I should occupy in writing. All details were left to my judgment and conscience. The book published under the title of "The Colored Regulars" was the result of my efforts. Meanwhile our regiment had sailed for the Philippines, and as early as I could conscientiously consider my work accomplished, I reported to the War Department and asked to be sent to the regiment. Promptly I received from San Francisco an order relieveing me from special duty and directing me to proceed to Manila by the transport Newport which would sail from that port on or about October 23, 1899.


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CHAPTER X.

VOYAGE TO THE PHILLIPINOS:

        Meet with a fall--Services on board--Report to the regiment at Bamban--Stay in Manila--My first social dinner with Filippinos. Close 1899 with a "Personal." School work in Zambales Province. Devout Catholics--Letter to Archbishop Chapelle. Filippinos: Mabini; Poblete; Aguinaldo. Color on the transports. Color Line World-Wide Thoughts written in 1900.

        The steamer Newport on which I sailed belonged to the Pacific Mail Company of which C. P. Huntington was then president; had been built in the John Roach shipyard at Chester and fitted up with engines in San Francisco in 1897. Her length was 326 feet with 32 feet beam--an iron or steel vessel. On board I found facilities for advancing myself in both French and Spanish. One of the cabin boys was from Martinique and spoke Spanish well, and there was also a Frenchman on board who had travelled extensively in South America, and he also spoke Spanish well. We started off on our long trip on the morning of October 26, 1899, about 11 o'clock, with delightful weather, and I soon found the ship was a magnificent roller. The sea was smooth with just a little swell, but as I wrote in my note book, "she rolled sweetly for those who like that sort of motion." I can't say whether it is the Dutch roll


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or the American; but it is the kind that might suit a bow-legged man, but is not well adapted to the infantryman."

        After a monotonous run of seven days we reached Honolulu where we spent about thirty hours. I went ashore and passed the night with Honorable T. McCants Stewart, baptizing his infant child while in his residence on the evening of November 3rd. I there met a fine Hawaiian family, Mr. Fernandez and his two daughters. The young ladies were clad in Hawaiian style, pure white dresses with no girdles or bands. They sang a number of the Queen's songs and also sang "Sweet Alice, Ben Bolt" for me, very sweetly.

        Leaving Honolulu we took a course a little south of the 21st parallel of north latitude and sailed due west at an average rate of 285 miles per day, and on November 8th we reached the 180th meridian or the extreme of western longitude. We ran up to this line Wednesday night and consequently we had no Thursday, but awoke the next morning to find it Friday, November 10th. Consequently in 1899 I had only 364 days. I failed to catch November 9th. On the night of the 17th we passed the Ladrone Islands. I was able to see two small mountain islands as the moon shone very brightly.

        Unfortunately I had met with a severe fall and had been partly disabled; so of November 17th I


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record the following: "Sunday, November 17th, the fourth Sunday on board the transport and the second on which I held service. On the other two Sundays my arm pained me so much as to unfit me for any such public duty. This morning the troops assembled midships and we began services by singing "My Faith looks up to Thee." In leading the hymn I was assisted by a young man from Omaha with his violin. He is an excellent performer and willingly rendered his services. He is a government clerk. Another clerk, Mr. Carson of Chicago, also aided in leading. He possesses a fine bass voice and is a trained vocalist, and enjoys singing. After singing the opening hymn and offering prayer we followed with "My Jesus I love Thee," "Showers of Blessings," "Blessed Assurance," "My Country 'Tis of Thee." The soldiers took hold and sang heartily and I felt within me the spirit of praise. I gave them a brief address, but did not preach a sermon. The weather has been quite cool today and a good breeze has been going although the sea is not rough."

        We had some very hot days, but it was always possible to find a cool place. I have lost the exact date of my arrival in Manila, but it was about November 24th, or one month from the time we went on board in San Francisco. We went on board the transport in October 25th, and sailed


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the next day, and landed in Manila the 24th or 25th. The cabin crew of our ship was something of a curiosity. The chief steward was a black man from Nantucket, R. I.; the assistant or second steward was a Dutchman, Hollander; the waiters were about one half white, and one half colored.

        Soon after arriving in Manila I reported to my regiment at Bamban. Later the regiment moved to the Zambales province along the shores of the China Sea, and continued its work here until ordered home in 1902. The colonel in taking leave of the regiment on April 17, 1902, spoke of the work done by the men in Zambales as follows: "That you are as gallant as the best, remember El Caney, O'Donnel, Arayat and numbers of lesser fights in Zambales. Zambales! One province in Luzon that was absolutely cleaned up of ladrones and insurrectos, this, by your marching and fighting, in and out of the rainy season. Oh, that was a grand piece of soldiering."

        There occurred quite an interval when by direction of the commanding officer of my regiment I remained in Manila during which I became acquainted with many Filippino families. Hitherto, under Spanish and Roman Catholic rule, it had been quite difficult for people to marry. When it was found that I could perform marriage I had many applications. It was the performance of one of these marriage ceremonies which secured


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me an invitation to the first social dinner among the Filippinos, which is here described.

My First Social Dinner with Filippinos

        Today, January 29, 1900, I have taken my first social dinner with a Filippino family and I cannot better refer to it than by saying it was to me a great surprise. The family with whom I dined does not belong to the high class, but represents the plain, common people. My invitation came as a result of a marriage ceremony uniting Louis and Sabina for life. I give their first names only, because I am unable to give the other names, my book of records not being just now available.

        Louis and Sabina are both operatives in a tobacco factory and although the feast today was held in their honor, neither could attend. The mother of Louis, really his step-mother, and an elderly relative of Sabina prepared and managed the dinner, which I must now describe.

        I will begin with the guests. I was the chief guest; but fearing to enter upon such an undertaking alone, I managed to work in Chaplain Allensworth, and by accident there was brought in also a German-American protestant. There were several ladies whose names I cannot give, and several gentlemen. There was also an orchestra


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of ten or a dozen pieces. All told there were over fifty persons present, including the family.

        The dinner took place at one o'clock and was served in good style. It consisted of chicken in two forms; beef, rice, soup, potatoe croquets and sweet-meats. The soup was not served as a course, but put in nice bowls to pour over your rice in soup plates if you so wished. While the utmost good cheer prevailed there was no effort to make you eat more than you would, or to complain because you did not eat.

        After dinner three ladies sang songs accompanied by the instruments, all being good singers, one an actress. Toward the close of the entertainment the actress sang a little love song which I could not understand at all; but which required effective acting. I may explain that while it is difficult to acquire the art of understanding Spanish when spoken, it is much more difficult to learn to understand it when sung. The former difficulty I have to some extent overcome; but have made no headway in regard to the latter. (I had been in the islands about two months then.) But to return to the story.

        To render the piece it was necessary to have one man sit in the chair in the center of the room to personate the lover; while the girl walked around him keeping time to the music, and then stopping at the proper place; singing to him in a most passionate


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style and then come up to him coquettishly and throw herself beside him in a very graceful attitude, leaning upon his shoulder. A young Filippino was chosen. The lady marched, and sang, and threw herself upon his shoulder. He stood this, and she withdrew and made her second attack, this time putting her arm around his neck. This was more than the Filippino could stand, as the people laughed so; he then, all embarrassed, left the chair, and no one else of the natives would accept the place. Being anxious to see the play finished, I suggested to Chaplain Allensworth to take the part, and suggested the same to the actress, but she replied, "No, he is a minister." This pleased me much. She did not think it becoming in a minister to do such a thing, nor was she willing to perform with him as a companion. Finally our German-American friend consented to act the lover, and she finished the play which consisted of three movements: the first in which she stands beside her lover; the second in which she puts her arms around his neck loosely, and rests upon his shoulder; the third in which she brings her face down to his, draws her arm more tightly about his neck, and makes use of her fan--all the time keeping up her song. The voice was rich and sympathetic and the acting effective.

        While these people are tropical and Spanish, yet they are not at all like the Haitians in the treatment


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of their women. I noticed that the women guests took their places in the room with great freedom, and that they were seated at the table with the men and treated with marked ceremony.

        After dinner, instead of the men withdrawing to smoke, the men and women all sat down and smoked together. The lady who had sat beside me at the table, and who opened the way for me to have soup for my rice, and who carved chicken for me, soon after dinner smoked one cigarette, and then was preparing to light a genuine man-cigar, which out of respect to me she put aside. Nearly all women here smoke, and I hear that many English and American women are taking to the practice. Of this, however, I cannot say, as I have never seen an American woman with a cigar in her mouth.

        Experience has proven that English and American white men are ever against the elevation of others. They corrupt, deprave and degrade whereever they go; not, because they do not have good men among them, but because they have so many bad men among them, and because their bad men are so bad. The Filippinos have learned much of sin within the past year; and vice and immorality have increased greatly, as I believe, since the country has been overrun with American soldiers and sailors and their English cousins.


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        In my note book I find the following marked "A Personal."

        Today completes the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and ninety-nine, and I awake on its morning thankful for health, vigor and peace of mind. I stop somewhat as the navigator does to look around me, take my bearings, and determine my position. Like the sailor, it is only myself that stops; all else on the ship goes on. The engines are puffing, the sailors are washing the decks, the cooks are at work on the food and the cabin boys are preparing tables and dishes for dinner; but the navigator stands looking over the rail. He has a line from the stern measuring the rate of speed, he gets the temperature of the water, he gets the sun's altitude with watch in hand, he figures out the ship's position by latitude and longitude and tells us how far we have gone since yesterday.

        Some such work as the navigator does I have been doing this morning. I have taken the sun--the Sun of my soul--and have found the position of my bark and I know its course. I have taken the temperature of the water and compared it with my Chart, God's Holy Book, and my soul has Good Cheer. I know where I am.

        On this day I baptized my first Chinaman.

        Meantime two colored volunteer infantry regiments, the 48th and 49th, arrived; the former commanded by Colonel Duvall, the latter by Colonel


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Beck. In this latter regiment my son Frank R., who had recently graduated from Harvard University, and the Harvard Law School, served as captain. Three men in our own regiment, to-wit: Macon Russell, W. R. McBryr and Wyatt Hoffman, had received commissions as second lieutenants to serve in these regiments. For several months prveious to the arrival of the volunteer regiments, these new officers had been on duty in the 25th Infantry and had commanded with respect the enlisted men with whom they had but recently served in the ranks. Soon after the arrival of the contingent of troops which included the regiments above mentioned, manifestations of a desire for peace became evident.

        Military government is rarely acceptable to any people except as a defense against anarchy, and the Filippino leaders soon tired of it as administered by the Americans. The rule of the military was intended to be fair and just, but at that time there were insurgents in the field armed and active, and it was difficult to determine how far these hostilities were supported by the apparently peaceable natives of the towns. Those who were "amigos" in the day might be "enemigos" at night; so that it was necessary for the military to use considerable vigilance even over those who were quietly pursuing their daily occupations. The pacification of the country went on slowly, accompanied


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with much difficulty and some loss of life.

        When the Civil Commission arrived with Honorable William H. Taft at its head, there was a tendency manifested on the part of some of the Filippino leaders to join in heartily in the work of constructing a government of laws. A celebration of peace was carried out in Manila and an effort made by means of an elaborate banquet to inferentially commit the Commission to a policy which looked toward the establishment of autonomy with the United States exercising a protectorate over the country. The arrangement failed however, although very skillfully planned by able politicians. The Commissioners declined to commit themselves in any way.

        The Commission did busy itself heartily, however, in the work of organizing civil government in the various provinces, in establishing schools, and in promoting the common industries and seeking to establish good feelings between the natives and the American occupants. Mr. Taft particularly left no means untried to assure the people of the good will of the United States toward those who had so lately come under its care. My school work was done altogether in co-operation with the civil authorities.

        Anticipating the work of the Commission, the colonel of our regiment, Andrew S. Burt, appointed


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me military superintendent of education in the province over which he had jurisdiction as military governor. The regiment was extended throughout the province, and the commanding officer was responsible for not only the conduct of the military, but also for the peace and good order of the province. The work of Americanizing the schools was therefore begun and was well under way before the civil educational agents were on the ground. The following quotations from my diary will exhibit the early steps taken in this work:

        Wednesday, November 21--Called upon the president of the town and on the ex-governor of the province, and arranged for a meeting to be held at the president's house the next day at 10 o'clock A. M.

        Thursday, November 22--Meeting assembled at the house of the president at the hour appointed. I delivered an address on the subject of education in general and on the importance of studying English. Also I explained the liberal purpose of the U. S. Government in this respect.

        Friday, November 23--The ex-governor, Senior Camara, reported to me that arrangements had been made to open the schools--one for boys and one for girls--on the first of the month; that a building had been rented for the boys' school for $6.00 monthly (Mexican money); that the girls' schools would be taught in the house of the teacher,


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for which no rent would be charged. The teachers were to receive respectively $12.00 and $10.00 per month. The same day I sent off the following letter:

Iba, Zambales Province,
November, 1900.
The Supt. of Public Instruction,
Manila, P. I.

Sir:

        I have the honor to report that on the 22nd of this month, at 10 A. M., a meeting was held in the house of the president of this town to consider the question of establishing public schools.

        The meeting was attended by the ex-governor of the provine, and by all the principal men of the town, and was earnest, if not enthusiastic I delivered an address setting forth the advantages of education in general, and the special necessity of acquiring a knowledge of English; also showing the liberal purpose of the government on the subject of education. The address was well received and work was begun at once.

        The next morning (23rd) the governor reported to me that the work of organization was so far along that he could say that the schools, one for boys and one for girls, would begin on the first of the coming month. Funds have been raised to pay the salaries of the native teachers and the rent of one building. The girls' school will be taught


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in the house of the teacher for which no rent will be charged.

        The salaries provided for the teachers are ridiculously small: the man to receive $12.00 (Mex.) monthly, the woman $10.00. I shall labor to have this pay increased as conditions improve.

        I respectfully ask for supplies to be used here and throughout the provinces, as follows:

        100 Lecciones de Lenguaje.

        100 Baldwin's Readers.

        100 Copy books.

        Ink, pens, slates and pencils, inkstands, sponges, etc., according to the supply on hand.

Respectfully,

T. G. STEWARD,
Chaplain 25th Infantry.
Supt. of Schools for Zambales Province (Milit).


        Saturday, November 24--Sent the following telegram to the commanding officers at Santa Cruz, Masniloc and Botolen:

        "Is there a prospect of opening a school in your town the first of next month to be supported from funds of the town? Government will furnish books, and probably give further aid.

"(Signed) STEWARD, Chaplain."


        Sunday, November 25--Held services at 9 A. M. in H Company barracks; about 50 men present


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who took part heartily. First Sergeant Baskervill came right to the front as a natural leader. The subject dwelt upon was, "How to be Righteeous and How secure Righteous people are." Text, "He shall never suffer the righteous to be removed."

        Monday, November 26--Visited the ex-governor and suggested to him the propriety of a formal opening of the schools on Saturday by a speech and music. Afterward visited the hospital; found several sick; among them Corporal Jerry Wright, an old soldier.

        November 28--Visited Botolen and found schools in operation, two teachers employed, man and woman, each at a salary of $12.00 a month.

        November 30--The teacher of the boys' school called early this morning to inform me that the municipal school would open tomorrow at 8 A. M.

        December 1, Saturday--The boys' school opened this morning with 31 on the register. There were special exercises. A representative of the highest class in arithmetic performed the operation of reducing fractions to a common denominator and adding them. One of the next lower grade performed an example in division. Some of the boys read and some spelled. They sang "Jesu Cristo ha Unido," although they had never seen it before but didn't make out much with it."

        Returned to Iba.


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        December 3--Left Iba at 8 A.M. in company with Lieutenant Arrowsmith and a large mounted detachment, about thirty men with twenty-one led horses besides; arrived at Botolen without incident. At 9 o'clock visited both schools merely to announce my intended visit on the next day. I am stopping at the officers' quarters which are occupied now solely by Lieutenant Straat and his wife. He commands his company well and is liked by the men.

        December 5--Visited the boys' school taught by Jose Oruzco, who continued smoking cigarettes all the time of the session. The school was divided into three sections and is following the old methods of teaching, using the "Monitor," and committing everything to memory. The teacher is bright, and some of the writing of the boys was very fine considering their ages. Four or five little boys sang two religious songs in Spanish and one in Tagalog--a barber's song; and then the teacher told me they could sing an American song and asked if I would like to hear them. Of course I said, "Yes." One little fellow then stood out on the floor and two other little fellows got in front of him about four feet from him with their faces toward him--all barefoot with shirts outside; none over eight years; as I suppose. The leader then put out his foot and began to clap his hands and sang out, "Hello ma honey, hello ma


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baby, hello ma ragtime gal," while the others struck the most lively minstrel dance. This was their idea of American song and music, and yet these little boys had just sung elevated music almost startlingly refined that they had learned from the Spanish, imitating the instrumental interludes. In Manila I saw a well educated Spanish lady singing, "A hot time in the old town," etc., supposing it to be our national air.

        December 5 (afternoon)--Visited the girls' school taught by Sra Agapita Empeno. The girls all had on clean clothes and were well instructed in the words of the church. They recited the mysteries, prayers, etc., with precision, pronouncing both in Spanish and in Latin; little tots pronouncing correctly such words as "bienaventuranza," without probably the slightest idea of their significance. I catechised some and found them perfect in the book, so far as a knowledge of the word goes. How much time and labor have been lost in teaching learning what can be of but little profit.

        There are buildings sufficient at Botolen, but books are greatly needed; unless there is some way of supplying English teachers, there should be text books in either Spanish or dialect. The teachers at hand can teach Spanish and the children


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can get considerable help in that language.

        Telegram:

Botolen, December 5, 1900.

The Adjutant,
Iba.

        Found schools in operation here. Two teachers, two schoolhouses, and 143 pupils enrolled. Great scarcity of books. I wish to hold services with the company Sunday, and then will need transportation to next station. Will prepare a complete report with photographs as far as possible.

STEWARD.


        December 5--The teacher Agapita Empeno brought me her register and asked from me a certificate as to her work. I gave her the following: "He visitado la escuela de ninas de esto pueblo registrado par la Sra Agapita Empeno; he examinado en parte las ninas quienes yo he encuentrado bien instruido en las libros religiosos. Ellas se manifiestaban mucho de urbanidad y buen orden. Yo creo que la Sra Agapita Empeno is buen calificada a fuerza de esperiencia y de buen corazon para su posicun honorada de maestra de escuela."

        The register she presented me was very neat indeed.

        Reply to my telegram:

Iba, December 5, 1900.


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Chaplain Steward:

        You are authorized to hold services at Botolen next Sunday. On the 10th, inst., proceed to Cabangan, applying to C. O. Botolen for escort and transportation.

By order of

COLONEL BURT, LEONHAUSER,
Adjutant.


        December 7--The teacher of the girls' school called on me at 12 o'clock, and in writing made the following request: "Tengo el honor de suplicar a V. que me dara licencia de devertir los dias de vacacion, Domingo y fiestas para jugar panguingue." (I have the honor to request of you permission to engage in the diversion of "panguingue" days when school is not in session--Sundays and feast days.) "Panguingue" is a species of small