The Valley Campaigns
Being the Reminiscences of a Non-Combatant
While Between the Lines in the
Shenandoah Valley During the War of the States:
Electronic Edition.

Ashby, Thomas Almond, 1848-1916

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University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
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Library of Congress Subject Headings, 21st edition, 1998

LC Subject Headings:

• Ashby, Thomas A. (Thomas Almond), 1848-1916.
• Shenandoah River Valley (Va. and W. Va.) -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865.
• Virginia -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal narratives.
• United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Women.
• United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal narratives, Confederate.
• Slavery -- Virginia.
• Virginia -- Social life and customs.

• 1999-01-14,
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THE VALLEY
CAMPAIGNS
Being the Reminiscences of a Non-Combatant
While Between the Lines in the
Shenandoah Valley During
the War of the States

By

THOMAS A. ASHBY, M. D., LL. D.

AUTHOR OF "LIFE OF TURNER ASHBY," PUBLISHED BY THIS HOUSE, AND OF OTHER BOOKS

NEW YORK
THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY
1914

Copyright, 1914, by
THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY

        TO
THE HOME GUARD OF THE SOUTH
Who bore the anxieties, the sorrows, and the privations of war with courage and cheerfulness, and who tilled the soil and raised the crops that supported the Southern armies in the field; and
To
THE FAITHFUL NEGRO SERVANTS
Who remained loyal to their masters during the war this book is dedicated.

PREFACE

        IN this book the author has attempted to tell a story of the Civil War as related by one who was an eye-witness of the facts. The story is told from the standpoint of a boy, who here gives observations and relates experiences that are not usually recounted by the historian.

        The incidents connected with the story are located almost entirely in the Valley of Virginia, - a region that was a picturesque and important theater of military operations during the four years of strife, and that suffered as much from the effects of the war as any section of the South. The trials, sufferings, and privations of the people who remained at home and were non-combatants are presented in this chronicle as frankly and as truthfully as possible; for the author has tried to be correct in every statement that he has made, and just in every opinion he has expressed and in every criticism he has advanced.

CONTENTS

• PREFACE . . . . . 7
• I THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY . . . . . 11
• II THE JOHN BROWN INSURRECTION AND ITS EFFECTS . . . . . 17
• III VIRGINIA SECEDES. THE WAR BEGINS . . . . . 24
• IV GENERAL TURNER ASHBY . . . . . 32
• V AN INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE. HOSPITALS IN OUR VILLAGE . . . . . 53
• VI VISIT TO MANASSAS. IN WINTER QUARTERS . . . . . 61
• VII FEDERAL INVASION OF THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. BATTLE OF KERNSTOWN. STORMY DAYS . . . . . 70
• VIII FEDERAL TROOPS IN THE VILLAGE. THE SPIRIT OF THE SOUTH . . . . . 78
• IX THE SOUTHERN WOMAN. THE DOMESTIC LIFE OF OUR PEOPLE . . . . . 95
• X THE VALLEY CAMPAIGN. UNDER FIRE . . . . . 111
• XI WITHIN THE FEDERAL LINES. THE BATTLE OF PORT REPUBLIC . . . . . 127
• XII FEDERAL OFFICERS IN MY HOME . . . . . 143
• XIII SUCCESS OF THE ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA . . . . . 153
• XIV EVENTS IN OUR VILLAGE IN THE SUMMER OF '62 . . . . . 165

  ---

  Page 10

• XV STONEWALL JACKSON AND THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN . . . . . 176
• XVI FALL AND WINTER OF 1862 . . . . . 185
• XVII WINTER PLEASURES AND DANGERS . . . . . 196
• XVIII BOYISH SPORTS. VISIT TO RICHMOND . . . . . 206
• XIX COMPARATIVE STUDY OF SOME OF THE LEADERS OF THE '60's. THE CONFEDERATE POLICY AND THE FEDERAL . . . . . 217
• XX THE SPRING AND SUMMER OF 1863 . . . . . 227
• XXI THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN . . . . . 240
• XXII THE FALL AND WINTER OF 1863 . . . . . 254
• XXIII ROSSER'S RIDE AROUND MEADE'S ARMY . . . . . 263
• XXIV THE MILITARY OPERATIONS OF 1864 . . . . . 275
• XXV MOSBY AND HIS MEN . . . . . 288
• XXVI THE SPRING OF 1865 - THE SURRENDER . . . . . 301
• XXVII THE OLD FAMILY SERVANT . . . . . 309
• XXVIII REBUILDING THE WASTE PLACES . . . . . 314

THE VALLEY CAMPAIGNS

CHAPTER I
THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY

        FROM Colonial days to the American Revolution and from the Revolution to the middle of the nineteenth century the Southern States had grown in wealth, population, and civic pride. A civilization of rare culture and refinement represented the high spirit and virtue of the Anglo-Saxon race in the South. One of the foundation stones upon which this civilization rested was the institution of slavery, - an institution that began with the Colonies and was recognized by the Constitution that was established by the union of the States under the Federal Government.

        To the people of my generation in the South the ownership of slaves was an inheritance, representing an investment in dollars and cents, - a property interest as necessary and valuable to its possessor as bonds and stocks. The slaveowner was, therefore, no more responsible for this character of property, if it came to him through inheritance, than for any other form of inheritance,

- indeed, no more responsible than he was for the shape of his head or color of his hair. The ownership of slaves involved, as a general rule, as little discomfort as the ownership of domestic animals; and the owner of slaves was consciously no more unkind to these human beings than he was to his horse and dog, which he often valued with a strong affection.

        My childhood recollection of the negro slave is associated with many happy incidents, and my relations to him were most cordial and affectionate. With the young negroes of my age I often played and romped; I often worked with them in their easy duties around my home, and at all times found them companionable and respectful, There was a courtesy and kindness between us which was never abused. Negroes owned by the well-to-do and cultured classes of people were, as a rule, handed down by inheritance from parents to children through succeeding generations; and thus, through their long line of connection with these old families, they enjoyed better training in domestic service and were more intelligent and moral than the average negro of the present time.

        The good and bad influences that surrounded the slave were more fully illustrated by the character of the owner than by the slave's own disposition. In his natural temperament the negro is usually a happy, indolent, and frivolous character,

fond of his ease, his pleasures, and his appetites. He is easily influenced to do good and as easily led astray by bad associations. He responds readily to kind and generous treatment, and rebels with sullen and concealed passion against unkind and harsh authority, and his resentment is often expressed with violence; hence it was that the slave was alienated from his master, and the master became unjust and unkind to his slave.

        Where slaves were owned in large numbers by one individual his rights were often disregarded. He was dealt with as a piece of personal property not much better than the live stock on the plantation. It was this condition that brought odium upon the institution of slavery. All human rights were imperiled by a system that regarded human flesh as an article of barter and trade, - a system that degraded the manhood and humanity of both master and slave. The people who viewed slavery from the distance, who knew but little of its humane and civilizing influences over the negro as a race, took isolated and unusual examples for universal conditions.

        In the violence of prejudice and emotion, manufactured by false evidence, the people of the North arraigned the slaveowner as an inhuman tyrant. Totally disregarding his property interests, his constitutional rights, and his just desire to free slavery of its worst forms of servitude, the remote, uninformed

Northerner held up the slaveowner before the civilized world as the enemy of a lowly and servile race. No credit was given him for the service he was rendering the negro race through the gradual influences of civilization. The world forgot that the negro had been introduced into this country in a semicivilized or barbarous condition. Uncultured and unskilled, ignorant both of human and divine law, a victim of the lowest forms of superstition, vice, and evil passion, the negro had, by the institution of slavery, - despite all its bad features, - been raised to a plane of usefulness, of domestic service, and of happy contentment unknown to him in his natural home.

        The negro under slavery was far from being unhappy and discontented. He was, to the contrary, free from care and responsibility. He was well fed, well clothed, well cared for in sickness and in old age. His hardships were usually of his own making, brought on by vice and intemperance, or by his bad temper and unruly disposition. He had it in his power to win the confidence and esteem of his master without absolute servitude or humiliation of spirit. The pride of the negro under slavery was no more debased than that of the child under parental authority. Children have been held in bondage by their parents, and negroes have been treated with cruelty by their masters, as have prisoners of war and inmates of

penal institutions. The ill-treated slave, however, was the exception and not the rule among civilized people. The abuses of slavery were greatly exaggerated by persons who would not see its humane and civilizing influences. Whether the negro in this country has been made better or worse by his emancipation time must show. Had the negro been left in Africa he would have been on a level with his race in that country today. There, centuries of isolation have left him a barbarian. Even under the influence of civilization he has developed neither originality nor constructive ability. His administrative talents are of a very low order, hence he has never been able to exercise authority with discretion or skill. Nature has granted him one preeminent gift. He is fitted for domestic service, in which field of usefulness he has become a most efficient and faithful servant.¹

        Now when it is borne in mind that the responsibility for the introduction of slavery into this country lay as much with the people of the North as with the people of the South, and that the North had prospered as much by the importation and sale of the negro to the slaveowner as
1 The author admits that the idea of ownership of human beings is opposed by the better instincts of our humanity. It was this sentiment that led to the overthrow of an institution that did much to civilize and improve a race so low in the scale as to be classed as barbarians.

the owner had prospered by the negro's service as a laborer in the house and in the field, it can be fully understood how resentment and passion had been kindled in the mind of the slaveowning class against the antislavery agitator in the North.

        A controversy, beginning almost with the formation of the Federal Union, had grown from decade to decade, with increasing violence. Section had been arrayed against section, until a divided Union was threatened from year to year. It was becoming more and more apparent that the nation could not exist half slave and half free. The question was whether slavery should be abolished or the nation be split asunder. The solution of so grave a question could be determined in only one way. When reason ceases to guide the minds and hearts of a people anarchy is the result, - anarchy, in open protest against unrighteous and dangerous authority.

CHAPTER II
THE JOHN BROWN INSURRECTION AND ITS EFFECTS

        MY recollections of my early school days are crowded with many incidents of historic interest. It was when I was about eleven years old that the John Brown Insurrection at Harper's Ferry took place. As our village - Front Royal - was less than fifty miles distant from the seat of the insurrection our people were thrown into a state of great excitement. The attempt made by John Brown to arouse the negro and create race antagonism was regarded as a cruel, premeditated assault upon the institution of slavery, - an assault supported by an antislavery sentiment in the North. John Brown and his few associates were regarded as weak and deluded fanatics, harmless in themselves, but representatives of a sect that would stop at no act short of governmental interference. Their whole purpose was regarded by our people as the first step in the direction of an armed assault upon slavery, as a violation of Constitutional rights, and a cruel manoeuver to create distrust and animosity in the mind of the negro toward his master.

        The effect of the John Brown Insurrection is a matter of history. It is not necessary here to relate the results that in a few years followed the Harper's Ferry incident. I wish to show in a brief way the influence it had over the negroes of our community and over the minds of our people. I venture to assert that the institution of slavery, as it existed in our section of Virginia, was based upon as high moral and ethical standards as were possible in a slaveowning community.

        Our negro population was about one-half as large as our white population. The negroes were owned largely by our wealthiest and best people. The relations between master and servant were, as a rule, most friendly and cordial. The servant was most obedient and respectful to his master and yielded an affectionate and loyal obedience, simple, childlike, and faithful, while the master's regard for the servant was kind, thoughtful, and often parental. His interest in the slave was not so much one of property as of guardianship and responsibility. The negro had come to him by inheritance, - had been handed down from parent to child for some three or four generations, and there had grown up around this birthright a feeling of growing anxiety and concern for the negro which invested slaveownership with high moral considerations and conscientious convictions. There was an undercurrent of antislavery

sentiment among our slaveowners that would have had a wide expression, if a doorway could have been opened for a gradual emancipation. The interests of the slave, his equipment for the right of freedom, his moral and civil position in a slaveowning community, all called for the most careful thought and consideration. It seemed that neither the time nor the conditions were favorable for a general emancipation, even in our community, and far less so in other communities, where the negro population was large, where the intelligence of the negro was low, and where large industrial interests were involved. With these general views our people rested under a deep sense of responsibility; and they felt that it devolved upon them to adjust a domestic situation and a Constitutional right, without coercion from a section of the country that had no practical experience with slavery, understood none of the conditions involved in the ownership of the negro, and the people of which were moved by fanaticism and political interests in their attempts to destroy the institution.

        It was but natural that a people whose moral and legal rights were assailed, should have been aroused to a high sense of indignation by the John Brown Insurrection. The effect was immediate. The slaveowner became resentful and grew determined in his efforts to resist the wrongs that he

felt were being heaped on him. He resolved to defend his Constitutional rights with blood and treasure, if necessary. The spirit of rebellion and of secession had their origin in these passions that were kindled in every Southern heart.

        The effect of the Brown Insurrection upon the negroes of our community was but transient. A few slaves were moved by the hope of freedom to become restless and turbulent. In a few instances there was a slight degree of insubordination. The worst effect, however, was a feeling of distrust that arose between master and slave, weakening the warm attachment that had previously existed. When the master began to doubt the loyalty of his slave and the slave began to doubt the kindness and confidence of his master a mutual distrust began to express itself. I can recall but one or two open expressions of this distrust, and they were of a trivial character. A few of the more restless of the younger negroes showed a disposition to leave their homes after night and to meet in unfrequented places where, not infrequently, they drank and gambled.

        To break up this growing habit of meeting, the young white men of our neighborhood organized a patrol, and at night they visited different places where watches were kept. After the arrest of a few negroes, who were away from home without

permission, the negroes soon gave up their night wanderings and remained at home.

        The excitement growing out of the John Brown incident soon subsided; but the effect upon our people was made evident in other directions. In our community it was generally believed that the Brown Insurrection was the beginning of more serious political complications, - that secession and civil war would soon be the final solution of the conditions that confronted the slaveowning States.

        The principal of the school I attended had received a military education, and soon after the John Brown affair he organized a military company made up of the young men of the county. An armory was secured, and arms and uniforms were provided for the members. Regular drills were held once or twice a week until the company soon became well organized and drilled. These young men and boys of sixteen years of age were being prepared in the lessons of school and in training for military service. We will see that within a year or two they were enlisted in the army of the Confederacy and not a few of them gave up their lives in the service of their State.

        These days at school were exciting times for a boy of my age, though I was too young to realize the signs of the times and the results that would soon influence my future life.

        The disturbances growing out of the John Brown affair had scarcely subsided before the canvass for the Presidential contest was begun. The three political parties, - Democratic, Whig, and Republican, - soon met in convention and nominated their respective leaders. The Democratic party, split in twain, had two sets of candidates in the field, - Breckinridge and Lane, and Douglas and Johnson, - representing the two factions. Bell and Everit were the nominees of the Whig party, and Lincoln and Hamlin were the nominees of the new Republican party.

        Since the Republican party was the avowed enemy of slavery, it was regarded by our people with great alarm and hatred.

        The political contest in our section narrowed down to the two factions, - Breckinridge and Lane, and Bell and Everit. My county was largely Democratic, and the sentiment ran strong for that ticket. This sentiment in our school was shown by the number of Democratic badges worn by the boys and a few of the girls. There were a few Whig badges worn by the pupils, one Douglas and Johnson badge, but there was not a single representative of the Republican ticket.

        The excitement ran high until the results of the election were made known. When the election of the Republican candidate was announced our people were seized with anxiety and alarm. It was

openly predicted that secession and civil war were inevitable. The political leaders and men of influence in our county at once determined to prepare for the struggle. The military company, previously referred to, began to enlist new members, to get new uniforms and arms, to hold drills and to make every preparation for an active service when it should be called out.

CHAPTER III
VIRGINIA SECEDES. THE WAR BEGINS

        SEVERAL months passed before Lincoln and Hamlin were inaugurated. During that time the political feeling was intense. Candidates were brought out for election to a State convention, which was to decide upon the question of the secession of Virginia from the Federal Government. South Carolina and other cotton States had already withdrawn from the Union, and the Confederate Government had been organized, with Mr. Davis as President. The people of Virginia hesitated, deliberating long upon a line of action that would separate her from the Union. My county had elected to the convention a candidate who was committed to secession. In the contest between the two candidates for and against secession, the anti-secession candidate received only two votes, - votes cast by two of our oldest and most respected citizens, men of high intelligence and undoubted patriotism, who held that Virginia should maintain a neutral position and endeavor to check the extreme views held by the North and the South.

        This doctrine was soon found to be impracticable;

for when Mr. Lincoln called upon the States for troops to suppress the States that had seceded from the Union, Virginia cast her lot with her sister slave States and by vote in convention withdrew from the Union. This act at once put the State upon the defensive and the Civil War was inaugurated.

        At that time our village had no communication by wire with the outside world and the announcement of the action of the convention did not reach our community until early in the morning of the following day. The message was brought by a locomotive that reached the village before sunrise. Well do I remember the long and plaintive whistle of the engine as it roused us from slumber, stirring alarm in every breast. Its approach to the village at this unusual hour was an admonition of the message it bore, - a message from the Governor of Virginia announcing the secession of the State and ordering the captain of the military company to assemble his men with utmost rapidity and proceed at once to Harper's Ferry. Messages were sent out to the homes of the members of the company to meet in the village for immediate service. By ten o'clock all the men, armed and in uniform, were ready to march to the seat of war. Wagons, carriages, and other vehicles were got together to carry these boys to the front at Harper's Ferry, the objective point of

military operations. This place was selected as it was located on the northern border of the State line and contained a large arsenal and military stores belonging to the Federal Government.

        The assembling of the company, the preparation for leaving home, and the parting with friends and loved ones made a scene which can never be forgotten by those who witnessed it. Many of the boys were in high glee, for they regarded the incident as a mere outing for pleasure. Very few realized that some of them were leaving home for the last time and were entering upon a war which would try men's souls, bring infinite sorrow to their dear ones, and disaster on themselves.

        In the company that left our village on the morning of April 20, 1861, were ten of my schoolmates, ranging in age from 16 to 20 years. With drum and fife to inspire them, they formed in ranks and marched in column to the suburbs.

        Our older citizens, especially those who had sons and relatives in the company, took a more gloomy view of the situation; but few realized that a war of subjugation was being inaugurated by the Federal Government, and that the entire South would become the seat of a civil war which would have few parallels in the history of modern times.

        Our people were animated by hope, courage, and patriotism, and they resolved in the beginning

of the struggle to expend every resource in the defense of their institutions and liberties. There was no hesitation in this resolution. They rose en masse to meet a situation that confronted them, and, fired with zeal, they willingly submitted their cause to the God of battle.

        These were exciting times that tested to the utmost the spirit of heroism and fortitude. No people ever entered upon a civil war with greater confidence. It was believed that it would be a war of invasion and of attempted subjugation, that every resource of the Federal Government would be used to destroy the institution of slavery, and to force the seceding States back into the Union. Our people fully realized they were outnumbered as to men and greatly overbalanced as to resources, but they relied upon the justice of their cause and upon the courage and patriotism of the entire South to make up for the odds against them.

        As Virginia was a border State between the North and the South it was evident that her territory would become the first seat of military operations and that the lines of attack and defense would be drawn along her northern borders. Troops were therefore sent to the front as soon as they could be mustered in. The Governor of Virginia, acting under the authority and will of the people, called all the volunteer militia into active service and at once made a call upon the

citizens of the State for new volunteers. All the able-bodied men in the State between the ages of 18 and 45 years were asked to enlist in service.

        In my county an infantry company and one cavalry were raised within a few months and were enrolled into service. Volunteers poured in in large numbers and the two companies were organized, officered, and equipped with uniforms and arms. These two companies went into camp near the village, where they were drilled and disciplined under strict military regulations. As many of these men were unable to furnish their own horses and uniforms the county authorities authorized an appropriation from the Treasury of sufficient money to feed and clothe these volunteers. The gray cloth suitable for uniforms was not to be had in our county. My father was selected as the chairman of a committee to purchase this material. To this end he visited a large woolen mill located near Winchester and took me with him. He purchased many yards of gray cloth and gave orders for the early delivery of more.

        My father and I returned home. Tailors were employed to cut out the gray cloth for the uniforms of the two companies, - which were, however, all made by the women and girls of our village, aided by some negro women who were trained to do needlework, - and in a few days the two companies appeared in their military outfit.

The infantry company was sent to join the army at Manassas, where it soon performed gallant service in the first great battle of the war. In this fight four of its members were killed and some eight or ten wounded. I shall never forget the sorrow of our people when the death of these four men was announced. It was the first blood lost in battle, and brought home the solemn realization of what war meant.

        As to the company of cavalry, the members were, at least, all trained horsemen and owned the best of mounts. Many of these horses had been used in tournaments, - a species of sport that was very popular with the youth of the '60's, - or had followed the hounds, as was natural in a country where the fox was found in large numbers in the mountain recesses and caverns. Their training had therefore fitted them for cavalry service. This fact gave a great advantage to the Confederate cavalry service during the first two years of the war, and while the men of our cavalry company were well uniformed, their equipment in other respects was extremely defective. All rode the Shafter saddle with iron stirrup, carried their clothing in old-fashioned saddlebags or rolled in bundles strapped in front or behind as best they could, and were armed with old-fashioned single-barreled or double-barreled shotguns or with squirrel rifles. I doubt whether there were a

dozen revolvers and cavalry sabers in the entire command, and such as there were were impossible. For example, a cousin of mine, a boy of seventeen, who was a member of this company, had an old single-barreled duelling pistol, which went off with a loud explosion, but could not carry a bullet thirty paces nor hit a barn door at the same distance. I looked on with admiration when I first saw him riding a spirited gray horse, shooting off his old pistol in order to accustom his horse to stand under fire. But the old pistol made such a loud noise that his horse bolted and ran as if his life were in danger. My cousin did not venture to fire the weapon again, and I presume that he soon consigned it to a junk pile, where it belonged; for it was more dangerous to its owner and his horse than it could possibly have been to the enemy, who might only have been alarmed perhaps by the loud report that it made.

        In spite of the character of the arms that our men had to use in the first year of the war, - and in the first engagements they were at a great disadvantage as to weapons, though their better horsemanship and dash made up for some of these defects, - it was not many months before the Confederate cavalry, by capture from the enemy, was fully mounted and equipped with a complete military outfit, - using McClellan saddles, and armed with revolvers, carbines, and sabers manufactured

by the Federal Government. This mode of equipment applied not only to the cavalry but, in a measure, to every branch of service. It is a matter of fact that the Federal Government supplied arms, ammunition, and military outfit not only to its own troops but also very largely to the armies of the Confederacy. As fast as captures were made the better outfit was substituted for the makeshift of the first days of the War, and, but for such success in acquiring, arms, the armies of the Confederacy would have yielded much sooner to the forces against them.

CHAPTER IV
GENERAL TURNER ASHBY

        ALTHOUGH a boy of but twelve years of age at the time of my trip with my father to Winchester, I vividly recall an incident that occurred on that occasion. Among the officers and soldiers awaiting orders who filled Taylor's Hotel, where we were entertained, my father recognized Colonel Turner Ashby, whom he knew well. I shall never forget the impression I there received of that daring and variously estimated military hero.

        Colonel Ashby had just dismounted from a magnificent white horse, - a noble animal, subsequently well known to the people of the Valley by his courageous death, - and was standing on the pavement in front of the hotel, holding the bridle rein. The horse was steaming with perspiration from his long travel that morning, but he stood, champing his bit, with head erect, and eyes full of spirit and fire, while his master, calm and erect, seemed absorbed in thought. My father went up to the Colonel, greeted him cordially and introduced me. He took my hand gently and spoke to me most kindly.

        At this time Colonel Ashby had but recently

been promoted to the rank of Colonel, which promotion gave him command of all the cavalry companies assembled in the Valley. He was just entering upon a career that soon made him an heroic character in the history of the Civil War. Dressed now in Confederate gray, with gilt lace on his sleeves and collar, wearing high top-boots with spurs and a broad-brimmed black felt hat with a long black feather streaming behind, his appearance was striking and attractive. He stood about five feet eight inches in height and probably weighed from 150 to 160 pounds. He was muscular and wiry, rather thin than robust or rugged. His hair and beard were as black as a raven's wing; his eyes were soft and mahogany brown; a long, sweeping mustache concealed his mouth, and a heavy and long beard completely covered his breast. His complexion was dark in keeping with his other colorings. Altogether, he resembled the pictures I have seen of the early Crusaders, - a type unusual among the many men in the army, a type so distinctive that, once observed, it cannot soon be forgotten.

        I remember that during the interview he remarked that he had ridden that morning on horseback between 30 and 40 miles, visiting outposts and camps of different companies under his command. Despite that fact, he showed no evidence of fatigue, nor did the gallant horse that bore him!

I afterward learned that it was no uncommon circumstance for him to ride 70 to 80 miles a day, using two mounts. His horses were the best to be had, and they were cared for with a most loving affection by their master. While on that visit to Winchester I heard also for the first time the name of Colonel Jackson, then in charge of the Virginia troops at Harper's Ferry. He was known at that time only as an eccentric professor who knew little of warfare beyond the drilling and disciplining of soldiers. Colonel Jackson was soon promoted to the rank of brigadier-general and given the command of the brigade that subsequently became celebrated as the Stonewall Brigade, - so named because of the title its commander won at the battle of Manassas, July 21, 1861.

        Turner Ashby, the third child of Colonel Turner Ashby and Dorothea Green, was born on October 23, 1828, at Rose Bank, a picturesque home across Goose Creek, about one hundred and fifty yards from Markham Station, Fauquier County, Virginia. He was the fourth in line of descent from Captain Thomas Ashby who moved from Tydewater, Virginia, and settled at the foot of Ashby's Gap, Fauquier County, about 1710.

        Four generations of Turner Ashby's family had served in our country's wars, - the Colonial Wars, the War of the Revolution, and the War of 1812.

There was a strong military bias in the Ashby family and this, no doubt, had much to do with the military spirit that was so firmly implanted in Turner Ashby's nature.

        While not trained to military service he early developed a love for the soldier's life, and while quite a young man he organized one of the best cavalry companies in the State of Virginia. He was selected as the captain of this company and gave it an efficiency that gained for it a wide distinction before it was called into active service in the Civil War.

        The country around Markham is one of great natural beauty, of fertility, and healthfulness. The foothills of the Blue Ridge surround Markham on all sides, dividing the landscape into valleys and elevated plateaus, covered with forests, grazing fields, and rich farm lands.

        The old and distinguished Colonial families early moved up to this section and founded a community of rare intelligence, refinement, and good breeding. There were before the war few sections of Virginia which could show such a citizenship of culture and independence as was found around Markham.

        It was among these people that Turner Ashby was born and raised. It was in this pure atmosphere of comfort and refinement that he developed those characteristics of courtesy, manliness and

courage which were so fully exemplified in his after life.

        As a young man he was noted for his gentleness, modesty and love of outdoor sport. He had great love for the horse and the hound. In the wild chase for the fox over field and fence and in his fondness for the tournament he was noted for being one of the most graceful and skillful riders in the South. As he grew to manhood he became famous as the most successful tournament rider in Virginia and when he appeared in the list the spirit of chivalry was never more beautifully illustrated than in the Knight of the Black Prince, which character he usually assumed.

        When the John Brown Raid occurred, in the fall Of 1859, Turner Ashby, with his company of cavalry, was among the first volunteer troops to arrive on the scene, and it was on this occasion that he first demonstrated his military daring and skill.

        He remained on duty at Charlestown with his company until after the execution of John Brown. It was on this service that he made the acquaintance of Lee, Jackson, and Stuart, whom he followed in the war between the States, and it was here, too, that he laid the foundation for that relationship with Stonewall Jackson that lasted until his death.

        The day after Virginia seceded from the Union

Turner Ashby marched to Harper's Ferry with his company, which was one of the first volunteer companies to reach that place. He was assigned at once to outpost duty along the Potomac, and took command of the bridge across the river at Point of Rocks. Here he assembled a battery of artillery, - under Captain Imboden, - and a number of infantry and cavalry, with which he successfully guarded the border line of the State until Harper's Ferry was evacuated.

        Within less than sixty days he had developed such a keen insight into military affairs that, upon the recommendation of Colonel Angus McDonald, he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of the Seventh Virginia Cavalry, then commanded by McDonald. His entire active military life was associated with this regiment, which contained the flower of the best blood of the northern counties of Virginia and of Maryland.

        Soon after his assignment to the Seventh Virginia he was ordered with his regiment to do duty in Hampshire County and along the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad between Harper's Ferry and Cumberland. Upon his promotion to the lieutenant-colonelcy his brother Richard Ashby was made captain of his old company.

        Dick Ashby, as he was affectionately called, was three years younger than Turner. For several years he had lived in the then far West, where he

had had numerous adventures with the Indians and with the rough civilization of that unexplored country; but had returned to his old home just before Virginia seceded. Dick was a larger and handsomer man than Turner, full of fire and daring and cheerfulness of spirit, and was also more demonstrative and showy in social life. In June, 1861, he was sent with a small squad of his company to arrest some Union men who were giving trouble as informers. On this expedition he ran into a company of Federal cavalry on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, near Hancock, Maryland. Being largely outnumbered, he was forced to retire along the track of the railroad. He was riding an indifferent horse that fell in attempting to jump a cattle-stop. Dick, being dismounted, took refuge in the stop, where, refusing to surrender, he fought single handed and alone. He was soon desperately wounded and left for dead. Among other wounds he had received a bayonet stab in the abdomen, which caused his death some eight days later near Romney, to which place he had been taken by his brother Turner, who had come to his rescue and had found him lying by the side of the railroad in an exhausted condition.

        The death of Dick was a great sorrow to Turner, for the two brothers were devotedly attached to each other. Turner became another man after Dick's death. His life was consecrated to the

cause of the South, and he dared and risked all in the service of his country.

        Colonel McDonald was advanced in years and in feeble health. He soon resigned the command of the Seventh Virginia Cavalry to Turner Ashby, who became its leading spirit. He was soon placed in charge of all the cavalry under Stonewall Jackson, and until the close of his earthly career was Jackson's right hand.

        The popularity of the cavalry service attracted the young riders of the Valley counties to that branch of the service, and before the close of a year there were 26 companies in the Seventh Virginia, under the command of Turner Ashby. The large additions to the regiment made the work of organization and discipline exceedingly difficult and were embarrassing to the efficiency of the service, which kept the cavalry in constant motion and in almost daily contact with the enemy. These companies were often widely separated, so that a compact regimental organization was impossible; in fact, at no time during the campaign of 1862 were all these companies united for a combined attack upon the Federals.

        During the fall and early winter months of 1861 Turner Ashby was on the go day and night, covering a wide territory that extended from the Shenandoah at Harper's Ferry along the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and Chesapeake and Ohio

Canal as far west as Cumberland, Md. He and his detached companies were busy destroying the railroad and the dams of the canal along the Potomac between Cumberland and Point of Rocks.

        The activity and physical endurance of Ashby were fireside talks in his camps. His restless and energetic spirit allowed no time for repose and no doubt, contributed in a measure to the want of organization and discipline of the companies coming to his command; for Turner Ashby was not a strict disciplinarian by nature. He was a leader, and he relied on his men to follow him. The necessities of the situation, the surroundings, and the character of the men who made up his command made an efficient organization an almost impossible task; for at that time of the war the cavalry service was poorly equipped with military saddles and the comforts of the camp, was armed with double-barrel shot guns and old pistols and rifles, and many of the men were without sabers or had those of a very indifferent kind. In good horsemanship these men excelled, and this fact added to the dash and fury of the charge, the vigorous assault and worry of the enemy, unprepared for the cavalry methods of warfare, gave them a decided advantage.

        Turner Ashby was probably the first officer in the army to use both cavalry and artillery on the advance and in the retreat against infantry. His

tactics and strategy were so unorthodox that he confused his opponents and held them in check by their ignorance of his strength and purpose.

        In the summer of 1861 Ashby added to his command a battery of horse artillery, commanded by Captain R. P. Chew, a young graduate of the Virginia Military Institute.

        This battery was in almost daily service and was most efficient both in attack and in defense. It undertook to fight infantry or cavalry, was on the firing line at one moment, then would suddenly change position to another hill and resume work, with vigor and daring. Ashby and his cavalry operated entirely in the northern counties of Virginia until Jackson evacuated Winchester, March 12, 1862. When Jackson retired south of Strasburg General Shields entered Winchester and pushed forward to Strasburg. Shields had in his command 11,000 men and 27 guns, while Jackson had not more than 4,500, including infantry, cavalry, and artillery.

        At this time Banks had under his command, including Shields' division, some 40,000 men operating in the counties of Berkley, Jefferson, Clarke, and Frederick. The division under Sedgwick had been sent to join McClellan in front of Richmond, and the division under Williams had begun its march toward Manassas, March 20, 1862.

        It was necessary for Jackson to make an advance

on Shields, who had now withdrawn from Strasburg to Winchester. The object of this movement was to force the recall of the Federal troops to the Valley and prevent their union with McClellan. The strategy of Jackson worked well; for as soon as he had advanced as far north as Kernstown the division under Williams returned to the Valley to protect Shields and to make impossible an invasion of Maryland by way of the Valley.

        On March 22, 1862, Ashby, with 280 cavalry and 3 horse artillery guns, struck the pickets of Shields one mile south of Winchester. A skirmish took place, in which Shields was wounded with a shell. Jackson hurried his command from Woodstock, and on the 23d arrived at Kernstown, five miles south of Winchester. A general engagement was brought on and the battle of Kernstown was bitterly fought. Jackson, whose force was largely outnumbered by that of Shields, was compelled to withdraw in the late afternoon.

        In the battle of Kernstown Turner Ashby, - with less than half of his command together with Chew's battery, - won his first laurels, protecting Jackson's right wing with such courage and obstinacy that he saved the infantry on the left from rout, and enabled them to retire in order from the field.

        Colonel Chew, who commanded the artillery, speaking of Turner Ashby, says: "I have always

believed his audacity saved General Jackson's army from total destruction at the battle of Kernstown. Ashby boldly moved forward with his command, consisting of a few companies of cavalry and my three guns, and protecting his men from observation by woods and ravines, opened on them with artillery, and withstood the fire of the enemy's artillery, sometimes as many as three or four batteries. When the enemy moved forward he dashed upon them with his cavalry. Had the enemy known our strength, or had he not been deceived by the audacity of the movement, they could have swept forward upon the turnpike, turned Jackson's right flank, and cut off his retreat by way of the turnpike. They, however, made little effort to advance and we remained in our position until Jackson retired to Newtown."

        After the battle of Kernstown Jackson retired slowly up the Valley. He had accomplished a brilliant strategic movement in forcing the Federals to concentrate their forces in the Valley. During this retreat, - a retreat that has become famous in the history of the Valley campaigns, - Jackson's rear was ably protected by Ashby's cavalry and Chew's guns; and no commander enjoyed greater distinction than did Turner Ashby.

        The subsequent operations of Ashby and his cavalry were confined to the Valley and ended

with his death on June 6th, 1862. In the great work that Jackson did in defeating Milroy at McDowell and Banks in the Shenandoah Valley Turner Ashby ably seconded his chief and shares with him the great distinction that that campaign brought to Jackson and his men.

        The last time I saw Turner Ashby was the morning following the battle of Front Royal, May 23, 1862. My father and I were riding over the battlefield of the evening before, and as we were returning in the direction of home we met him riding in the direction of Winchester, and passed him on the road. He was mounted on a handsome black stallion and was going at a brisk pace, pressing forward to join his command. He made a hurried salute and rode on. He had been to the village to pay the last tribute of respect to Captain Sheetz and Captain Fletcher, two gallant officers of his command, who had been killed the evening before in an engagement at Buckton.

        Two weeks later Turner Ashby fell, leading the Fifty-eighth Virginia Infantry, in a small engagement near Harrisonburg. He had that morning routed and captured Sir Percy Wyndham, a boastful Englishman, colonel of the First New Jersey Cavalry, who had planned to capture Ashby and who wound up by being a prisoner in Ashby's hands. The day was perhaps the most brilliant in his life and he had found great satisfaction in

capturing the boasting Englishman. In the evening of the same day, having undertaken to lead the infantry in the charge on the Pennsylvania Buck Tails, - a regiment of some distinction, - he advanced in front of his men, and fell dead from a wound in his heart.

        A great deal has been written in prose and verse about Turner Ashby. One of his biographers (Avirett) has eulogized his memory; another (Thomas) has described him as the "Centaur of the South." His deeds and his virtues have been extolled beyond measure. Could he come back to this earth and read what has been written about him, his modesty would be shocked and his pride would be wounded.

        That his career was phenomenal is true. In less than fourteen months he had been promoted from the position of captain of a small volunteer company of cavalry to the rank of brigadier-general. He had won his promotion by untiring energy, courage, and devotion to duty. He possessed many of the qualities of the soldier: Courage, energy, coolness, and resourcefulness. His judgment was clear and his character was forceful. If his past was an indication of his future, greater honors and distinctions awaited him. In so short and active a career no man could have made better use of his opportunities. Without military training, he soon grasped the

essential principles of military operations and played the drama of war with the skill, delicacy of movement, and inspiration of the born soldier.

        At the age of 32 he was leading the quiet life of the country gentleman in an atmosphere of refinement and quiet repose. With his horses and hounds and the social life of the farm, he had easy duties and no great responsibilities. At the age of 33 he was in command of large bodies of men, in daily excitement and anxiety, intensely impressed with a sense of duty to his country, moving rapidly from place to place with restless energy, and at all times striving to measure up to the requirements of his position. During this one year he aged rapidly, changing from the simple life of the young civilian to the larger sphere of the hardened soldier. When death came to him he was in the prime of life, surrounded by a halo of glory. The cause of his country was prospering, and he escaped that sorrow and humiliation of spirit that came later to many of his comrades.

        In giving this brief sketch of the life of Turner Ashby and of his brother Dick, I may say a few words in regard to the personality of these two men, so unlike in many respects, yet so blended in spirit, motive, and in ties of affection that they were one in action and in devotion to the cause for which they gave up their lives.

        As a man Turner was as modest as a woman;

the soul of honor, courage, and manliness, while his ideals were high and his devotion to the South gave full play to all his emotions and sentiments. It was these qualities that gave to his character a type of heroism that has brought more distinction to his name and greater satisfaction to his family than his military record. He was at all times a gentleman, a loyal friend and an affectionate relative; gentle in manner and thought, reticent in speech. While always genial and companionable, he was a man of few words, free from gossip and anecdote, and a good listener rather than a fluent talker. Whether in the social life of camp, on the march or on the firing line, he never harangued or gave utterance to wordy exclamations. His mind was intent, rather serious, and filled with a keen sense of responsibility. He led the charge with the wave of his hat or of his sword and the clarion cry: "Come on, boys. Give it to them!" giving this command or that as the situation presented itself. He directed by action rather than by command; losing sight, in a manner, of the higher functions of the commander of men by means of written instructions and explicit details, he was carried away by his own spirit of dare and do, and relied upon his men to follow him instead of forcing them into action. With this heedlessness of danger and with the eager desire to do personal service as an actual combatant,

he exposed himself to many unnecessary risks and failed at times to get the most efficient service from his men.

        His personal achievements were phenomenal and perhaps attracted more attention than did the work of his command. He was always in the front; and in the charge or in the fray he was alive with fire and energy. He used his pistol and sword with vigorous effect, and often he did the fighting he should have required of his subordinates. His love of adventure and of horseback exercise led him to go by himself on long and hazardous scouting rides, and he also often made his rounds of inspection alone.

        Ashby's horses were as well known in the army as the man who rode them. A coal black stallion and a pure white one were his usual mounts. These two noble animals entered into the spirit and excitement of their master's life with all the energy and fire of their rider. They swiftly and safely bore him from place to place and gave a picture of knightly prowess that was an inspiration to the men of his command.

        There was a singular admixture of military ability and of chivalric bearing in Turner Ashby; and when these two qualities met they were often antagonistic; and his skill as a commander was often overmatched by his chivalrous instincts.

He was too deeply intent upon his individual prowess, - too easily influenced by the excitement and danger of battle to give to the organization and discipline of his command the personal attention that military requirements demanded. His command was too often dispersed and scattered to produce the most effective results. It is marvellous how he accomplished as much as he did. His success must be attributed to a small band of men who clung to his person, followed his leadership and dared to do what he recklessly did.

        Whatever position Turner Ashby made as a soldier, his record rests more on his heroic character, his pure and unselfish nature, and his devotion to duty. In battle he had the courage and daring that no difficulties could overcome. When the battle was over he was the mildest of the mild, the gentlest of the gentle, - tender, thoughtful, and kind to friend or enemy in distress. There were no brutal instincts in his nature. He fought for the sake of conscience, and duty held full control over every passion and ambition. His sweetness of disposition, his manliness of character, the purity of his soul, will ever hold his memory dear in loving minds and hearts.

        Dick Ashby, too, was a very handsome man, - large, well-built, and commanding in person. In

disposition he was social, lively, and cheerful. His morals and character were built on the gentleman's code.

        He was a manly man with the courage and dash of the cavalier. He entered into the life of the soldier with the energy and passion of a strong nature, and but for his short military life of less than three months he would, no doubt, have achieved distinction as a soldier. He died from wounds unnecessarily inflicted by a brutal soldier, after he had been shot a number of times and lay prostrate on the ground. It was this act of barbarity that so angered his brother Turner and made him the desperate foe he soon became. Turner never forgave this brutal murder of Dick, but in his revenge he never inflicted cruel punishment upon individuals. In the heat of combat he fought in the open like a tiger; but when the combat was over he was compassionate toward the wounded and the prisoner. After an engagement his first act was to care for the wounded with the gentleness of a woman.

        Dick received his mortal wounds on the morning of June 26, 1861. Owing to his great vitality he lingered eight days and died at the home of Colonel George Washington, six miles north of Romney. Turner was in constant attendance during his illness and did all a loving heart could do to soothe the pains of his dying brother.

        After Dick's death Turner Ashby wrote the following words to his sister:

        "Poor Dick went into the war like myself, not to regard himself or our friends, but to serve our country in this time of peril. I know your Ma and Mary will all be too good soldiers to grudge giving to your country the dearest sacrifice you could provide. . . . His country has lost the services of a brave man, with a strong arm, which he proved to her enemies in losing his life. . . . I had rather it had been myself. He was younger and had one more tie to break than I.² I had him buried in a beautiful cemetery at Romney. . . . I lose the strength of his arm in the fight and the companion of my social hours. I mean to bear it as a soldier, and not as one who in this time of sacrifice regards only his own loss."

        Turner Ashby was killed on the evening of June 6, 1862, - eleven months after Dick's death. He was buried in the cemetery of the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. In the fall of 1866 the bodies of Turner and Dick Ashby were re-interred in the beautiful Mt. Hebron cemetery at Winchester, Va., where they now sleep, surrounded by their companions in arms and eight hundred and fifteen other soldiers, who are covered by a mound, above which rises a monument to the "Unknown Dead."
2 This no doubt refers to his engagement to be married.

                        "Bold as the Lion Heart -
                        Dauntless and brave;
                        Knightly as knightliest
                        Bayard could crave;
                        Sweet - with all Sidney's grace -
                        Tender as Hampden's face -
                        Who, who shall fill the space,
                        Void by his grave?"

MRS. PRESTON.

CHAPTER V
AN INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE. HOSPITALS IN OUR VILLAGE

        THE months following the opening of the war were crowded with activity and excitement. Our village was filled with visitors, soldiers, and parties passing through on their way to the seat of war. Each day brought some new event, some reminder of the struggle into which our country had entered. After our two companies had left for the front our citizens were busy preparing in many ways for the comforts of the boys in the army. The women, - young and old, - organized sewing societies and made clothing and other articles for the personal use of the soldier. Cooks were busy preparing food supplies, - such as hams, poultry, bread, cakes, and pies, - which were packed in boxes and shipped almost daily to the members of the companies or to the officers in command. I remember that my mother shipped a large box to the Confederate general in command at Manassas, and in going over my father's papers I find the following interesting correspondence between her and General Bonham.

FRONT ROYAL, WARREN COUNTY, VA.
June 6th, 1861. General M. L. Bonham,
Commander C. S. A.

        DEAR SIR: I have the pleasure, upon the part of the ladies of our little village, of presenting to you and through you to the gallant officers and men under your command, a lot of Virginia cured hams, with other substantials of life, which have been prepared; and you will please accept as a voluntary contribution to your usual rations, and as evidencing our appreciation of the sacrifice you make in coming to the assistance of our honored old Commonwealth in this her hour of need. Allow us to say that as wives we know how to sympathize with those you have left in deep anxiety for their absent husbands; as mothers, our hearts yearn in tender love for their young, inexperienced, but chivalrous sons; as sisters there is a ceaseless throb for our brothers' care, which knoweth not rest, and as ladies, our voices mingle in grateful strains to cheer and encourage you to deeds of valor. We know that the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong; and vain is he who trusteth in the arm of flesh. May we, therefore, all look for success to Him who calmeth the seas and rideth upon the waves, trusting He may so lead and direct as to restore peace to our borders and give separation from our assailants. We believe in the justice

of our cause and rely on the valor of our men.

         Very respectfully yours,

ELIZABETH A. ASHBY.

MANASSAS JUNCTION, VA.,
June 6th, 1861. Mrs. Ashby.

        MY DEAR MADAM: The very acceptable present from the patriotic ladies of Front Royal is just received, and will be disposed of according to their wishes.

        Allow me, Madam, to return to the ladies the heartfelt thanks of the entire command for their kind consideration, not only in sending us these very appropriable good things, but also for their generous sympathy for those near and dear ones we have left behind us. Whatever sacrifice we make in giving our services to the common cause on the soil of the great "Old Dominion" is much lightened by the frank and generous hospitality of the citizens of Virginia, - especially the ladies.

        Accept in behalf of yourself and the ladies you represent our sincere wishes for your own and their prosperity and happiness.

         Very truly yours,

M. L. BONHAM,
Brig.-Gen. C. S. A.

        At about this time our village began to be a place for the care of the sick and wounded brought by rail from Manassas. When the wounded were but a few, the sick men were taken into the homes of the people and cared for until restored to health; but as the number of patients grew it soon became necessary to establish a hospital for the overflow.

        Our old Academy building was first pressed into service. Benches and desks were removed, and beds were established. It was soon overcrowded, however, and the court-house and two of the churches were converted into hospitals; and later, owing to the accommodations still being inadequate, additional quarters were required. The Confederate Government then began to erect three large hospital buildings on lots adjacent to the village, in accordance with a plan that provided for a large hospital plant, and the work was pushed with vigor.

        After the first battle of Manassas the arrival of the wounded and sick was so large that every bit of available space was utilized. All of our people, especially our women, were kept busy looking after the needs of this rapidly growing population.

        Too much cannot be said about the zeal and faithful services of our women. They went into the kitchens and prepared dainties, visited the

wards and gave personal attention to the sick, looked after beds and bedding, and in many ways added to the comfort of the hospital inmates. In their patriotism and unselfish service no act of self-sacrifice was neglected. But for our women, these sick soldiers would have fared badly; for the overcrowding and inefficient hospital service were at times deplorable.

        I well remember the sorrow at the first death in the hospital, - the death of a man from a Southern State, who had left a wife and children in his far-away home to serve his country. He had been brought from Manassas with a severe attack of fever, which carried him off a few days after his arrival at the hospital. His funeral and burial were marked by the most profound respect. A small military company, on guard duty in the village, turned out to give him a military funeral. With fife and drum the company marched to the yet unused spot that had been selected for a soldiers' cemetery. Our citizens, - men and women, boys and girls, - turned out to follow the remains of this poor fellow to the cemetery, his last resting-place. It was a beautiful Sunday afternoon in the early fall and the exercises were made most impressive by the large company that had assembled to pay respect to the dead soldier. When the casket was deposited in the grave a squad of soldiers fired a salute over the grave and paid all

the military honors possible on such an occasion.

        The solemnity and pathos of that first soldier's burial was made most striking by comparison with other ceremonies that soon followed. A few days later a second death occurred in the hospital. This poor fellow was escorted to his grave by a few citizens and a squad of soldiers that fired a salute and then retired. Very soon another poor fellow died, and this one was buried in the simplest way.

        As the days came and went deaths followed so rapidly that the new cemetery grew and grew till it soon became a city of the dead; indeed, God's acre was filled so fast that within a few months over one hundred bodies were sleeping under the sod, now consecrated by the devotion of our people, - a field not filled with men who lost their lives in battle, but who died from disease contracted in camp. As the men were buried, wooden head-boards were placed at their graves giving name, date of death, and regiment. This care was exercised for a time but later many unknown were placed in the ground, - men whom it has never been possible to identify. Many of them were from the States further South, North Carolina being largely represented.

        An incident that occurred at this time gave me much distress. In one of the hospitals near my

home there was a tall, lean, pale-faced boy, not over 18 years of age, - a member of the Eleventh North Carolina Regiment, - who had entered the hospital as a convalescent from camp fever and was able to take exercise in the yard. His delicate and refined features and depressed spirits greatly excited the interest of his companions who tried to cheer him up by making good-natured fun of his homesickness. However, the poor boy grew weaker day by day, then took to his bed, and within a week's time was buried. His name was Joseph Hoover, and his grave can be found in the soldiers' lot. No doubt his parents and friends have thought of him as lying buried on some field of battle among the unknown dead, as do many who have long since been forgotten. And speaking of such burials I recall that in my own county several hundred men belonging to the Northern and Southern armies were so hastily buried where they fell in action that their graves were torn open by wild animals and their bones scattered over the ground, and are now dissolved in clay by the hand of time. During the winter of 1864 I saw a number of graves of this type. Dogs had dug up the remains, and there were bones under bushes, under rock piles, or scattered all over the ground. These things were all that was left of men who had been killed in battle and whose bodies had remained unburied for days until

some of our citizens had hurriedly covered their remains with dirt and stones as best they could. I recall the remains of a poor fellow who was mortally wounded in a charge through a deep ravine, filled with loose stone and wild brush, under which he had crawled, and there died. His body had not been discovered until winter had killed the brush that had concealed it. When found his bones were bleaching under the frost of winter. Such cases were not unusual. Often bodies were found in wild mountain gorges; in the beds of rivers, or in some unfrequented place death had come either by sickness or by a wound. These are a few of the tragedies of war, - inevitable when men appeal to the use of arms for the control of governmental power.

CHAPTER VI
VISIT TO MANASSAS. IN WINTER QUARTERS

        THE first battle of Manassas had been fought with brilliant success to the Southern cause. The affairs of the Confederacy were in a most hopeful condition. Our people were moved with deepest patriotism and every preparation was being made to advance the welfare of the armies now defending our rights. Our farmers were busy making and gathering in their crops. Every industry was employed in making arms, ammunition, and military supplies. Men were being recruited, organized into companies, and sent to the front for service. All of these activities indicated that the people of the South would make every resistance possible against the Federal forces now invading their soil.

        Our village occupied a strong strategic position and was used as a base where supplies were collected from adjacent counties for shipment to Manassas, where men were gathered for enlistment and drilled, and where the sick and wounded were cared for until ready for service again. So crowded were the hospitals at times it became necessary to take many of the convalescents into

the homes of different families. For weeks at a time every available room in my home was occupied by some convalescent soldier.

        With the opening of the fall months I had to take up regular school work. There were, however, too many important events taking place to admit of a boy's giving much attention to books and studies.

        At this time we had the greatest abundance of food supplies and plenty of servants to wait on the guests in our home. The home of every family in the village and surrounding country was filled to overflowing as was my own; for the hospitality of our people knew no limit and their kindness to the Confederate soldier, whether sick or well, was unbounded.

        During the winter months active military operations were suspended and the armies were held in winter quarters, where they had only the lighter duties to discharge. The boys from our county frequently came home on furlough, and our people often made visits to the boys in camp at Manassas. Trains leaving the village at an early hour in the morning arrived at Manassas by nine or ten o'clock and returned late in the afternoon, thus giving visitors some six or eight hours' stay in camp. I remember once making this trip in the early fall with my father, mother, and a few friends. We carried with us a large box of provisions

for the boys in camp and spent the day there with the then happy fellows. They were living in tents, but were comfortably fixed, with only light duties to perform and experiencing all the pleasures of gay companionship. The hardships of military service had not up to this time been felt. We passed a most pleasant day in camp with the soldier boys from our county, and had a fair view of the life of the soldier.

        At the time of our visit it was estimated there were some 30,000 troops camped in and near Manassas, - a place that had at that time only a few hundred actual population. Located at the junction of two railroads, - one leading from the Valley of Virginia, and the other from Richmond and points south, - with a single-track road extending from Manassas to Alexandria and Washington on the Potomac, it had been selected as a military post on account of its connections.

        After the first battle of Manassas, July 21, 1861, the Federal army had withdrawn its main force to Washington and the south bank of the Potomac; and there were a few outposts between Alexandria and Manassas, the intervening territory being held by scouts, raiding parties, and small encampments on outpost duty.

        At Manassas the Confederate army was acting on the defensive. Large forts and fortifications had been built, - or were in process of building, -

and the place had been put in a very strong position for defense. It was believed at that time that the Federal line of invasion would follow the line of railroad that led through Manassas. While the Confederate troops were being gathered and organized at Manassas it was known that large Federal forces were assembling in Washington and that preparations on a large scale were being made for the invasion of Virginia in the spring.

        General Geo. B. McClellan had been placed in command of the Federal army and he began to forge the weapon that was to play the chief rôle in the subjugation of the South. Every resource at the command of the Federal Government was brought to bear in the work of preparation and organization. It was known that more than 200,000 men, at the command of the Federal Government, were in arms at the time. While the North and Northwest were pouring in their volunteers to swell the Union army the Confederate Government was singularly apathetic. It failed to realize the vast importance of the thorough organization and equipment of its military forces and allowed the winter of 1861 to pass without making an aggressive movement. By holding its forces on the defensive, it allowed the Federal armies to remain in camp and perfect their organizations for

aggressive movements in the following spring and summer.

        After the brilliant victory at Manassas the South seemed to develop a spirit of overconfidence in her resources, - a confidence that was not justified. She magnified her own prowess and minimized that of her enemy. Of the Southern generals Beauregard and Stonewall Jackson were in favor of an aggressive movement, advocating the invasion of Maryland and an assault on Washington. The Confederate authorities decided to remain on the defensive and assented to the policy adopted by the Federals.

        This policy gave the North an abundance of time to prepare for a war of gigantic proportions. The South had at the same time the opportunity to equip its armies with arms, ammunition, and military supplies from foreign countries, as her ports were then open to European countries. The South had at that time millions of bales of cotton that could have been shipped to England and sold for money that would have given the Confederate Government a financial backing sufficient to purchase and outfit a navy, - a navy that would have embarrassed that of the Federal Government and would have kept the Southern ports open.

        The theory of the Confederate authorities was that the withholding of her cotton would force

the European powers to recognize the Confederate Government. This theory was adopted in practice, at least; for the Confederate authorities allowed the opportunity to pass during the first year of the war and after that time it was too late. No one can now say what might have been the difference in the result of the war had the Government at Richmond been controlled with the same wisdom and sound maxims of business policy as was that at Washington. The historian may speculate on such matters, but, in the light of facts, the man of common sense can easily see that the South owed her defeat to her civil policies, not to her armies.

        About the 1st of November Stonewall Jackson was promoted to the rank of major-general and assigned to the command of the Shenandoah Valley. He made his headquarters at Winchester, having with him a force of less than 5,000 men. The Federal army opposing numbered some 28,000 men, who were placed at different points along the Baltimore and Ohio railroad from Point of Rocks to Cumberland. General Jackson was alive to the situation and kept his forces in action during the greater part of the winter. While the Confederate army was stationed at Winchester our village was within the Confederate lines, and our people were not disturbed by the fear of the enemy.

        The winter was full of activity. With four hospitals filled with the sick, and many private homes caring for the convalescents, there was little time for tranquillity. Everyone seemed to be employed, our women giving personal attention to the care of the sick. I cannot claim that these serious duties absorbed all the time of our women, - it certainly did not monopolize the time of the younger set, for the social life of the village was kept in a whirl of excitement by numerous private entertainments, dances, and musicales, in which the convalescent soldier, the boys at home on furlough, and the young girls were brought together. The game of love was played with as much ardor as the game of war. In this way the winter months soon rolled around and, with the approach of spring, thoughts were turned to other fancies than those of love.

        It was during the fall and winter of 1861 that the new Confederate bank notes began to circulate, and with this new currency came a flood of State bank paper, corporation paper, and small shin-plasters, issued in denominations of 5, 10, 25, and 50 cents by any individual engaged in commercial business. A watchmaker in our village, with a combined capital of less than $1,000, issued his notes, made payable at the close of the war, and then as opportunities were presented, passed them out in change for purchases or for other notes.

The capacity of the printing press seemed to be the only limit to the issue of this bogus currency. From the Government down to the small dealer, paper money was poured out in such abundance as was never before witnessed. Money of every description, except in the form of metal, was in the freest circulation. Everybody had money and everybody felt rich, - even those who had never before known the sensation of having money. Money became cheap and everything else grew in value. A few who had property to sell accepted this money in payment and converted it into Confederate bonds. Small fortunes soon grew in this paper security that had no other value than the promise of the newly organized Government back of it.

        So intense was the spirit of patriotism that many of our well-to-do citizens were induced to sell their personal property and invest in Confederate bonds. This was one way they had of giving support to a Government that based all its credit on the loyalty of its people and none upon sound and conservative measures of financial policy. I was present at a private discussion between several of our best citizens on the financial policy of the Government, in which they expressed the opinion that the Government would fall because of its own inefficiency rather than by the arms of the enemy. They held that a public credit that had no basis of strength

other than moral support would crumble under its own weight. Patriotism, they claimed, would raise armies and fight battles, but it could not arm, clothe, and feed men. During the winter of 1861 it became quite evident to men like my father and to other leading citizens, that the Government at Richmond was full of weakness and inefficiency. They recognized the symptoms of a disease for which they could offer no remedy. However, at this time an intense patriotism buoyed them up to hope that conditions would improve and that the arms of the South would overbalance the defects of the civil administration.

CHAPTER VII
FEDERAL INVASION OF THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. BATTLE OF KERNSTOWN. STORMY DAYS

        IN the spring of 1862 it was announced that Manassas would be evacuated by the Confederate army, and that the Federal attack would be made by way of the Peninsula. The Confederate forces were transferred to the Peninsula, with the advanced lines at Williamsburg, Va. After the evacuation of Manassas the hospitals in our village were closed, and all Government supplies were moved into the interior. Notice was given that our people would soon be within the enemy's lines.

        During the latter part of February General Banks, with an army of some 40,000 men, crossed the Potomac at Harper's Ferry and began the invasion of the Shenandoah Valley. The army at Manassas withdrew to Orange Court House on March 8, which left the Confederate lines in the Valley exposed, and made it necessary for General Jackson to withdraw to a higher position in the Valley.

        On March 11, 1862, Winchester was evacuated

by the Confederates, and on the following day General Shields, with a division of 11,000 men, took possession of the place. Jackson then fell back to Strasburg and upon Shields' advance he retreated to Woodstock, twelve miles further south. The army under Banks consisted of three divisions, aggregating about 40,000 men. Two of these divisions had been sent to reinforce McClellan, leaving Shields, with over 15,000 men, to watch Jackson, with less than 5,000. Shields withdrew from Strasburg to Winchester and Jackson followed him as far as Kernstown, about five miles south of Winchester, where on March 23rd, he engaged Shields in battle.

        The battle of Kernstown was bitterly contested, Jackson, - having less than 4,000 men opposed to Shields' 9,000, - was forced to retire from the field, but he held his men in good order. The battle while a tactical defeat was a strategic victory for the Confederates, since it recalled to the Valley the troops sent to the aid of McClellan, and relieved the pressure that McClellan was making against the Confederate forces on the Peninsula. And Jackson, with his small force of some 4,000 men, kept some 40,000 Federal troops in the Valley, thus preventing a reënforcement of McClellan.

        For the next thirty days Jackson was busily manoeuvering with the Federal forces to hold them

in the Valley. His army now numbered about 6,000 men, nearly one-half being cavalry. On April 30th he went from Elk Run Valley, leaving General Ewell, - who had recently joined him, - with 8,000 men, to watch the movements of the enemy, east of Harrisonburg, crossed over the Blue Ridge into eastern Virginia and then returned by rail to Staunton. After reaching Staunton by this indirect route Jackson united his forces with those of General Edward Johnson, who had about 2,800 men, and marched west along the pike leading from Staunton to McDowell, where the Federal forces under General Milroy had been concentrated. On May 8th Jackson attacked Milroy and soon won the victory of McDowell, driving the Federal forces back into the mountains of West Virginia.

        On May 12th Jackson returned to the Valley and took position on the pike between Staunton and Harrisonburg, where he organized that movement that soon went into history as the Valley Campaign, - the most brilliant achievement in the War between the States.

        I must now return to the narrative of events that took place in our village while the movements in the Valley were going on. The withdrawal of the Confederate forces from Winchester, and the retreat up the Valley placed our county within the Federal lines. The hopes of our people were

greatly depressed and all fully realized the gravity of the situation. We were left to the invasion of the enemy and felt the apprehension that an enemy's presence is sure to create. Many of our people had shipped their most valuable horses, cattle, and other personal property within the Confederate lines, only keeping at home such stock as was needed for farming purposes. Stores and business houses were closed, but our farmers went on cultivating their crops with as much diligence as conditions would permit; for at this stage of the war we did not know what effect an invading army would have upon the lives and property of our people, - whether all rights would be swept away, or our old men, women, and children would be insulted, imprisoned, and maltreated, and our property confiscated. At that time some confidence was held in the humanity and justice of the Federal Government, which was believed to be conducting its war against men in arms and not against non-combatants. All knew that the war was for subjugation of the seceding States, a restoration of the Union, and the emancipation of the negro. However, the means by which these results would be brought about were not fully understood; for at that time the bitter experiences of civil war had not been tested.

        Soon after the Confederate forces were withdrawn from our village, we were surprised on the

afternoon of March 27th by a raid of Federal cavalry, consisting of one company, commanded by Captain David Strother, a Virginian by birth, better known under the nom de plume, "Porte Crayon."

        The company dashed into the village, halted in front of the hotel in the Public Square for some fifteen minutes, and after asking a few questions, seeming satisfied with their investigation, they turned their backs on the crowd that had assembled to see the men who wore the blue.

        Looking back over these stormy days of war, I recall the fact that there were several Union men in our county who took no part in the great civil strife, but who used their influence to defend our people, - who respected their opinions because they were conscientious and honest, - against the cruel spirit of our Northern invaders. They were known to the Northern army as Union sympathizers, but as non-combatants; and on all occasions they were ready to assist our people in the recovery of property that had been taken by the Union army or to intercede for those who had been unjustly imprisoned. The services of these Union men were invaluable.

        In one instance some negroes belonging to one of our prominent citizens ran away in the night and took with them a wagon and four horses. They were traced to the Federal lines, and their

owner, taking with him one of these Union sympathizers, went to the camp, made claim to the horses and wagon, and secured their return from General Milroy, the officer in command. The negroes were left to their freedom, for they were an untrustworthy, unreliable, and sorry crowd. In justice I must say that no Union man in our community was either spy or renegade, but sought to live peacefully with both sides engaged in a fratricidal strife, knowing full well that the passions of men engaged in civil war could only be subdued by the survival of the strongest. War has no respect for the individual. It has no sympathy for the weak. It seeks only to advance the interests of the strong. Those who appeal to its decision must accept its results.

        After this first visit of Federal cavalry our people soon became accustomed to the sight of the Federal troops. From day to day small bodies of soldiers or raiding parties came to the village. The place became a stamping-ground for the men of both armies. One day the Confederates came to see us, and the next day the Federals. Between the two we were kept in a state of constant excitement, bordering sometimes on anxiety, sometimes on hope.

        During these months the domestic life of the community was filled with innumerable disturbances; anxiety, fear, joy, and sorrow found place

in every heart. There was not a family that did not have a father, brother, son or some other relative in the Confederate army, - relatives who had enlisted in different commands located in Virginia or in the Western army. All these men were exposed to the dangers and casualties of war; and though there was a constant communication by letter between the loved ones at home and the absent soldier, the mails were irregular and uncertain; days frequently passed before the results of a battle were known.

        The Richmond newspapers were sought eagerly, but items of news were often unsatisfactory. The progress of the war was so uncertain, - apparently so hopeless, - that the success of our arms seemed clouded in doubt. We were now in the enemy's territory; our lives and property were exposed to death and confiscation, our homes were open to the insults and cruelty of an invading army that was seeking to trample upon our liberties and destroy our institutions. The only hope that animated our people was the belief that everyone had in the justice of our cause, and in the patriotism and valor of our armies. Those unable to take part in the military service, - our old men, our women, and the children of tender age, - remained firm in spirit and daring in purpose. Willing to endure every privation, to make every sacrifice, they sent words of love and encouragement to their

kindred in arms, inspiring them to deeds of valor and heroism. Our old men and boys were busy in the fields with their crops, sewing seed which would bear crops for the enemy to gather or destroy. Our women, young and old, were busy with the loom, spinning-wheel, and needle, making their own apparel or that of their friends in the army. All attempts at ornamentation were abandoned: our men were clothed in the plainest woolen or cotton fabric, our women, in homespun dresses dyed with the bark or root of trees. In food, as in raiment, there was simplicity and temperance.

        As the war continued from year to year these methods adopted in 1862 were enforced with greater rigidity.

CHAPTER VIII
FEDERAL TROOPS IN THE VILLAGE. THE SPIRIT OF THE SOUTH

        THOUGH small bodies of Federal troops were frequently seen in Front Royal, it was not until May 14, 1862, that a large body of soldiers encamped near us. This occurred when the division of General Shields, on its retreat from the Upper Valley, passed our way and went into camp for several days in the suburbs. As the weather was cold and rainy, and the roads were in the worst condition possible for travel, the men were muddy, wet, jaded, and looked most miserable. Then, too, they had seen hard service in following Stonewall Jackson through his wanderings in the Valley.

        There came to our home at this time a Federal officer, Col. Thos. C. McDowell, in command of a Pennsylvania regiment in Shields' Division, who asked for quarters for himself and staff. His request was granted and he was entertained by my parents with as much courtesy as was possible under the existing conditions. My father soon learned that he was a gentleman of culture and refinement, a Democrat, and a much dissatisfied

soldier. Colonel McDowell soon became very confidential and related his history to my father with a frankness that was pathetic.

        It seems that at the beginning of the war he was editing a Democratic paper in a large city in Pennsylvania. Being a Union man and what was known as a War Democrat, he had been given a commission as Colonel of a regiment of volunteers by the Governor of his State and in this capacity he had entered the army. He was a man with a family, one of his sons being a lieutenant in his regiment. While a guest in my home he expressed to my father his dissatisfaction with the policy of the Federal Government both in its purpose and in its conduct of the war. He said he had entered the army under the conviction that the war was for the restoration of the Union, but he had discovered that its main purpose was to destroy the institution of slavery. With the latter purpose he had no sympathy. He then told my father that he had decided to resign his commission in the army and resume his duties as editor of his paper which was opposed to what he conceived to be the policy of the Government. During the few days this officer was in our home we became strongly attracted to him, and when he left we had no thought of ever seeing him again. Later I will tell of a visit he made to our home a few weeks afterward.

        General Shields' army remained in camp only two days and then crossed the Blue Ridge into eastern Virginia. Shortly after this the First Maryland Federal Regiment, under the command of Colonel J. R. Kenly, went into camp on a high hill one mile north of our village. It was a large and well-organized regiment, made up almost entirely of Maryland men. With the regiment was a battery of artillery. Two companies were detached and stationed in the village as a guard for the Provost-Marshal, whose office was in the hotel. Outposts and pickets were stationed on the main roads that led into the village. These Maryland men were well behaved, orderly, and kind to our people, and they created a good impression. At this time all private property was protected, and, when needed for the use of the army, was paid for. The soldiers paid for the small things they wanted, such as milk, pies, cakes, and fruit. There was no disposition to rob or pillage. Colonel Kenly camped on land owned by an estate of which my father was the administrator, and he gave an order on the Government to indemnify the estate for the use of grass and other property taken by the men of his command. Though the Government never respected his order and has never paid for the property the men took, it was not due to any fault of Colonel Kenly. He was a gentleman and respected

the rights of the citizens; which is more than can be said for the Government for which he was fighting. His action indicated that the Federal authorities were fighting men in arms and not robbing and destroying the property of unarmed citizens. Even the Confederate authorities were not at that time more considerate of the rights of our citizens than were Colonel Kenly and his men. Had a policy like his been adopted during the subsequent years of the war, it is more than probable that peace would have been made sooner and without so fearful a waste of life and property.

        It was for the reason that the policy of the Federal Government with regard to the people of the South during the last two years of the war was so exasperating to the men, women, and even children of that section, that no sacrifice was considered too great to make in defense of their lives and property. When it became a war of extermination few shrank from the hardships inflicted on them; for life and property seemed of less value to the Southerners than freedom from tyranny and oppression.

        And that is why fathers and mothers, wives and sisters, bore their sorrow with stoicism when their loved ones fell in battle. Only those who lived through the storm of war, - who experienced the hardships and sorrows of a brutal and

inhuman struggle, - can fully realize the sufferings, the sorrows, and the courage of the Southern women, of the old men, and even of children of tender age when brought face to face with starvation and death. We will never know how many innocent lives were destroyed, what brilliant hopes were crushed by the conditions that surrounded the non-combatants, nor how many actually perished from disease due to starvation. Even at this late day, when I think of that time of war, and recall the many incidents that came under my personal notice, I often wonder how so many lived through them, - how the spirit of men, women, and children could have endured the situation presented to them.

        But I must not dwell upon these now long-forgotten incidents, for the boys of my generation were then too young to bear arms and now should be too old to remember the hardships of a struggle that came into their lives when the fire and passion of coming manhood were fiercest. We boys were everywhere, we saw everything, we grew up in an atmosphere in which human suffering and human life were the cards with which men played the game of life and chance. To be wounded, to be killed, to die in hospital or in home from disease contracted in camp were daily experiences. And if such happenings did not come there was no excitement, - nothing to arouse the deeper passions,

nothing to create an interest in the day's adventure.

        Each year as the war advanced the boys older than myself, - whose companionship I shared, - enlisted in the army; and though still of tender age, they made gallant soldiers, doing faithful service in their country's cause. One by one these boys were cut down with wounds or killed in battle. They were little better than targets for the enemy's bullets, for, knowing little of the caution of men experienced in war, they rushed wildly into danger and lost their lives from heedless exposure. Of the ten boys who were my schoolmates during the winter of 1862-3 four were inmates of hospitals and five were killed in battle before the close of the war. Four of these boys, who had scarcely passed their sixteenth birthday, enlisted during the spring of 1864, and were killed in battle before the end of the year.

        I mention these facts to show the spirit of our people and the sacrifices that were made necessary by the fortunes of war; for when parents and relatives were willing to give their sons and their dearest ones of tender age to the defense of the South the limit of heroic sacrifice had been nearly reached. When the surrender came I had scarcely reached my sixteenth birthday, yet my father had selected the company and the branch of service in which I was to enlist, and a few weeks' prolongation

of the struggle would have seen me an enlisted soldier, and in all probability I would not have lived to write this story.

        It was a common remark that the Confederate Government had robbed the cradle and the grave in its demand for men. The conscript officer had raked our country as with a fine-tooth comb, and had left only feeble old men and small boys, unfit for military service. In fact, so few men had been left to cultivate the soil and care for our women and children that our people would have been almost destitute but for our faithful negro men and women. When the Federal troops seized our village but few of the negroes left their masters. The vast majority consented to remain with their owners and work for our people. Only one of my father's negroes ran away. Two of our faithful old negroes, Lewis and Susan, took possession of our property and rendered an invaluable service. Uncle Lewis cultivated the land and took care of what live stock was left us, while Susan managed the kitchen, dairy, and poultry. These two old servants were as careful of my father's interests as if they owned everything on the place.

        The persons who charge the Southern people with harshness and brutality to the negro slave can have no better answer to their foul slander than the behavior of the negro population toward the women and children of their masters during the

war. Though urged to acts of violence, they remained loyal and kind to the people who owned them, protected their lives and property and rendered a domestic service that no servile race would have discharged if the bonds of servitude had held them. Though free after the first year of the war to leave their homes and go North, only a few took advantage of this opportunity. Those that remained were as respectful, obedient, and loyal as though a war for their liberation was not in progress. In many instances these faithful old family servants showed their devotion to the people who had raised them, and who, according to the Northern idea, had enslaved and maltreated them.

        The baseness and falseness of this idea was repudiated by the slave himself. Thistles do not bear figs, nor does servitude bring love and loyalty for the oppressor. If the Southern land was debased by the blighting influence of slavery, why was the negro so slow in trying to break the shackles? Why, when the opportunity came, did he not rise, with brutal passion, and resent the wrongs that had been heaped upon him by his master? We know, as a matter of fact, that during the war, with very few exceptions, the negroes manifested no violence nor insurrection but were submissive, kind, and loyal to the people that were fighting to hold them in slavery. Why

are these facts as stated? An explanation will be found, I believe, in the character and disposition of the negro race; and then, too, the older and more intelligent negroes believed that their race was not yet prepared to profit by freedom.

        The negroes were, in the main, a happy and contented people, unwilling to assume the responsibilities that their independence would bring them. They realized the fact that when brought into an industrial competition with the white race they would experience greater hardship than had ever been their lot in slavery. They foresaw that several generations must come and go before the privileges of freedom would equal those of slavery. The results of reconstruction and the present condition of the negro race in the South have demonstrated the correctness of these opinions if one is willing to investigate the facts, with an open mind. The older negroes were the first to experience the bitter fruits of their liberation, while the younger generations have, as a race, failed to reach the standard that their emancipators had hoped for.

        It is true that during the progress of the war a large number of negroes were enlisted in the Federal army and took sides with the North. If we study the influences that led to this service in behalf of the Union it will be found that the bounty money, the pay for military service, the excitement and display of the soldier's life had

more to do with their enlistment than motives of patriotism or a spirit of revenge toward the slaveowner of the South.

        In the Confederate army there were numbers of negro men who served as teamsters, orderlies and employees. These negroes were as loyal to the South as were those of their race in the service of the North. Had the Confederate Government enlisted and armed the negro, there is little doubt that he would have made an efficient and courageous soldier in the Southern ranks. The policy of the Confederate Government was to keep the negro a non-combatant and to make use of his services as a laborer in the field or on public works, such as forts and fortifications. Many of the negroes remained on the farms and plantations and raised supplies for the armies in the field. There were probably two strong considerations which led to this policy; the stronger of which was that the negro was valuable personal property, and his owner was unwilling to have his life endangered by active military service. The slaveowner was willing to expose the life of his son to the hazard of war but not his negro.

        I may illustrate this statement by a case that I know to be true. A young Confederate officer, whose father owned a valuable negro man, wrote home to his father requesting the use of this negro for his personal services. The father refused the

son's request, with the very innocent (?) statement that he feared his slave might be killed in battle. He did not seem to think that his son's life was equally as valuable as that of his negro servant. This was not an isolated case if the facts be known. It represents a principle that had much to do with the defeat of the Southern cause. It can hardly be a surprise why the South went down in disaster when patriotism was often shackled by such a narrow policy. Who doubts but that when the States of the South announced to the world their withdrawal from the Union, in defense of the right of self-government, if they had stated as their policy a gradual emancipation of the negro, the Confederate Government would have been established upon an enduring basis? Does not the South owe her humiliation to the narrow policy of contending for the extension of the institution of slavery, - an institution condemned by the almost universal sentiment of civilized nations? She stood alone in her contention for human slavery, - no doubt honestly and, as she believed, for the best interest of the negro race; yet, as the war progressed, she had the opportunity to modify her position and to declare for a system of gradual emancipation, which would have met all the conditions of her political and national independence.

        Slavery in the South was doomed when the first

gun was fired from Fort Sumter. Had the Confederate Government succeeded by arms, the gradual emancipation of the negro would have come as surely as the night follows the day; for the Southern Confederacy could not have held a dominant position among civilized nations, with slavery undermining the very life upon which nations live and prosper.

        In the border States the principles of gradual emancipation grew stronger and stronger as the war progressed. With the successful establishment of a Confederate Government this principle would have prevailed in the border States and would gradually have extended to the large slaveholding States. The element of time was only needed to bring into force a policy that would have made negro slavery disappear by gradual steps as the negro was prepared to exercise the privileges of freedom.

        In the light of results we may vainly speculate on things that might have been. The mistakes of rulers and of governments have filled history with innumerable crimes. Time must show whether the war between the States was worth all it cost in blood and treasure. This claim has been made by some of our most distinguished men who took an active part in the bitter struggle between the North and the South, - notably by General Grant in his "Memoirs." The men of my generation

have not fully assented to this view. We live too near the period of reconstruction that followed the war to forget the humiliation that was heaped upon the South by the political party that dominated the Federal Government for a quarter of a century following the conclusion of peace. The four years' bitter struggle with arms does not represent the full sufferings of the Southern people in the contest they made to secure their political freedom and to establish the civilization of the South upon a basis of law and order. She has ever fought for the Anglo-Saxon domination, for equal rights, and justice in the government of the nation.

        We have been told but little of the doings, of the suffering, or of the spirit of the old men, the women, and the children who were afflicted by the civil or foreign wars in which their fathers, husbands, and brothers were involved.

        The history of the War between the States has been written from many points of view, but I have been unable to find a work of personal reminiscences which gives pictures of individual acts and actors or a story of the inner life of the people who stayed at home and bore the sufferings of war without murmur and without weakness of spirit.

        In the contests between nations and peoples of kindred blood the courage and heroism of the people who have remained at home have played an

important part in the results of war. To the valor of our Colonial ancestors we owe the final success of the Revolutionary forces that for eight years maintained a struggle for independence, which would not have been won but for the patriotism of the men, women, and children at home. In our Civil War the vast odds against the South were held in check by the Home Guard, - the old men, the women, and the children. They gave hope and inspiration to the men in the field, and by their unyielding spirit they made the struggle for independence a contest of endurance, - a contest that ended only because of complete exhaustion.

        History has been too silent in its estimate of these quiet forces that have had the greatest influence over men in arms, over rulers, and leaders of public affairs. When, at the conclusion of the Third Silesian War, Frederick the Great, with his five million Prussians, had dissolved the coalition of Russia, France, and Austria, with one hundred million population, and his country lay prostrate in the dust, all property and resources destroyed, cities and villages deserted, there was only one pillar of strength left: the invincible spirit and patriotism of the people, - a determination to perish or win out in the struggle for national life.

        The men, women, and children in the South were filled with this spirit, and I deny that it can

be shown that these suffering people at any time weakened in courage, valor, or endurance.

        It can be shown, to the contrary, that they bore their privations and hardships at home and urged their friends and loved ones in the army to remain faithful to their country's cause.

        I have tried to tell in this story a few things which our non-combatant population in the South did during the four years of strife. The details are short and, perhaps, of minor importance but they have a practical relation to the events that were going on, if not a positive influence over the spirit of the times. The men and women who write the poems and songs that inspire a people with a spirit of zeal and patriotism play a noble part in the life of nations. It may be said with equal justice that the fathers, mothers, wives, and sisters who give life and courage to the men who fight battles are powerful influences in determining the actions and fates of peoples and nations. All public sentiment is modified and molded by the influences of home life and those men who seek to direct the life of a people in opposition to these influences are working against dangerous odds. The common sense and justice of home thinking is the great safeguard of national life and liberty. As our rulers cultivate and enlarge the life, spirit, and wisdom of the home to the same extent do they

advance the cause of good morals and sane government.

        The social and domestic life of the Southern people was built upon the home as its foundation. The home dominated the spirit and influenced society, regulated its morals, and erected standards that made a civilization of rare virtue, culture, and refinement. The population of the South was largely rural. There were no large cities at the beginning of the civil war and no great commercial or manufacturing centers. Life on the plantation and farm gave health and vigor of mind and body, and cultivated a spirit of chivalry and manliness, - a spirit that held woman in the highest esteem. It was this aspect of domestic life that gave the Confederate soldier daring and confidence in battle, patience under privation, and endurance in the long struggle for national independence.

        The influence of the home was with him in the camp, on the march, in battle, in hospital, and in prison. He seldom lost sight of the claims of duty, of patriotism, or of home ties and obligations.

        When disaster came to the Southern cause this same spirit of chivalry, of home life, and love of the land's domestic institutions clung to the men and women of the South; and during the trying days of reconstruction they never wavered in their

loyalty to the Anglo-Saxon rule. In the racial struggle between master and slave there was no compromise with conditions that threatened to destroy a civilization of rare virtue and culture. Step by step the racial difficulties were removed and the proper relations between the white man and the negro were adjusted. History will grant to the people of the South rare patience and forbearance in solving a domestic problem made embarrassing by national laws and political animosities. To-day the South has come to know her duty to a nation that her forefathers labored to establish. She realizes her relation to this national life, the value of her influence in national affairs, and her patriotism and loyalty to a government that now leads the world in the general uplift of humanity.

CHAPTER IX
THE SOUTHERN WOMAN. THE DOMESTIC LIFE OF OUR PEOPLE

        WHILE writing up these recollections of our men and boys I must not neglect to relate some of my observations on our Southern women, whose loyalty and devotion to the Southern cause knew no bounds.

        In my section of Virginia, the larger number of the women had been brought up under the institution of slavery and knew little of the hard drudgery of domestic service. They had been taught to direct the management of the home and to do light needlework, but they relied almost entirely on the old negro women and young negro girls to do the heavy work about the kitchen and in the house. In nearly every large family there was an old negro "Mammie," as she was called, who took general charge of the domestic care of the house and managed the young negro girls employed about the home.

        This old negro "Mammie" had usually nursed the children and looked after their clothes and comforts. The negro cook not only prepared the meals but usually milked the cows, attended to

the dairy and poultry and, as a rule, bossed the other negroes. Young negro women were trained to wait on the table, to clean the house and to do the heavy needlework required for the children and negro men on the farm. In some families these negro women carded the wool, ran the spinning-wheel, knitted the socks and, not infrequently, worked the hand loom, for in those slave days few manufactured clothes were bought. They were made on the farm, largely by negro labor. Hence the negress was an important factor in the home life of the Southern woman. If of agreeable manners, she was much respected and beloved by the children on the place.

        I knew a number of these female servants in the homes of our old families who were treated with almost as much consideration as the children of the family.

        A relationship was established through this domestic service which brought the servant into close