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        <title>Autobiography of Asa Biggs, 
Including a Journal of a Trip from North Carolina to New York in 1832:
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        <pubPlace>University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, </pubPlace>
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    <front>
      <titlePage>
        <docTitle>
          <titlePart type="main"><emph rend="bold">AUTOBIOGRAPHY</emph>
			OF 
<emph rend="bold">ASA BIGGS</emph></titlePart>
          <titlePart type="sub">Including a Journal of a Trip from North Carolina to New York in 1832</titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <docAuthor><hi>Edited by</hi>
<name>R.D.W. CONNOR</name></docAuthor>
        <docImprint><pubPlace>RALEIGH</pubPlace>
<publisher>Edwards &amp; Broughton Printing Co.</publisher>
State Printers and Binders <date>1915</date></docImprint>
        <titlePart type="verso">
          <list type="simple">
            <head>
              <emph rend="bold">The North Carolina Historical Commission</emph>
            </head>
            <item>J. Bryan Grimes, <hi rend="italics">Chairman</hi>, Raleigh.</item>
            <item>W.J. Peele, Raleigh.</item>
            <item>Thomas M. Pitman, Henderson.</item>
            <item>M.C.S. Noble, Chapel Hill.</item>
            <item>D.H. Hill, Raleigh.</item>
            <item>R.D.W. Connor, <hi rend="italics">Secretary</hi>, Raleigh.</item>
          </list>
        </titlePart>
      </titlePage>
    </front>
    <body>
      <div1 type="main">
        <pb id="biggs3" n="3"/>
        <head>
          <emph rend="bold">AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF ASA BIGGS</emph>
        </head>
        <opener>DALKEITH, WARREN COUNTY, NORTH CAROLINA,<ptr id="ptr1" n="1" resp="AB" target="note1" targOrder="U"/> 1 March 1865.</opener>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>
            <hi rend="italics">For my children.</hi>
          </head>
          <p>I, Asa Biggs, was born on 4th day of February 1811, so that now I
am in the fifty fifth year of my age; and although I have passed
through many vicissitudes yet upon a general review of my history I
have abundant cause of gratitude and thankfulness to Almighty God
for His supporting and directing care and for the eminent success with
which I have been able to surmount difficulties and to attain among my
fellow men my present distinguished position.  I have concluded, my
dear children, if time and opportunity are afforded me, to note for your
instruction and information some of the incidents of <hi rend="italics">my</hi> life, with the
hope that this legacy of affection may prove useful and entertaining to
you, in the journey of life on which <hi rend="italics">you</hi> have entered, and may stimulate 
you to a course of conduct in which, on the termination of your
journey you may have as much cause to felicitate yourselves as your
affectionate father.  I shall not write with a view of critical composition, 
but to detail facts, with such lessons of experience as may suggest
themselves as I pass along.  In February 1862 we were driven from
our dear home at Williamston, (where you were all born) by the approach 
of the Yankee invaders up Albemarle Sound, after the fall of
Roanoke Island.<ptr id="ptr2" n="2" target="note2" targOrder="U"/>  About six weeks we lived at a small Cottage about 2
miles south of Tarboro' and from thence we removed to a dwelling, 3
miles west of Rocky Mount, where we continued to reside until I purchased 
this place in September 1863, and here we were all located in
December 1863.  Since the organization of the Government of the Confederate 
States of America I have been Judge of the Confederate States
for the District of North Carolina.  I selected this place as secure from
Yankee raids and invasion, and although we have been excluded from
society and the social intercourse to which we had been accustomed,
and find it difficult with my limited means to obtain sufficient “food and
raiment,” yet so far we have not suffered, and the Lord providing for
our wants we continue to this day, and I have confidence that He will
still provide.</p>
          <note id="note1" n="1" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr1">In the handwriting of Asa Biggs.  The original is in the possession of Judge Biggs'
daughter, Mrs. Anna Van Cleve, of Princeton, N. J.</note>
          <note id="note2" n="2" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr2">Roanoke lsland was captured by an expedition under Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside February 
7, 1862.</note>
        </div2>
        <pb id="biggs4" n="4"/>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">YOUTH AND EDUCATION</emph>
          </head>
          <p>And now to recur to early scenes and to the dawn of life.  My father,
Joseph Biggs, was a small merchant in Williamston when I came into
this world, and was a Baptist Minister.  My mother Chloe Biggs was
his third wife.  She was the daughter of William Daniel who resided
on Smithwicks Creek.  My father, by his two first wives, had several
children, nearly all of whom had left him at my earliest recollection,
and the children by my mother, who reached maturity, were 1 Joseph
D., 2. Asa, 3 William, 4  Kader, 5 Louisa F.  So far as at present advised 
all are now living.  Our brother William, last heard from in
1862 had been driven from his home about 6 miles from Vicksburg by
the Yankee invaders there:  The others are all now residing at Hilliardston, 
being also refugees from their former homes and hearth
stones, by the cruelty of the public enemy.  My father died in the year
1844 then in his 78th year.  My mother survived him until the year
1845, when she too fell asleep in her 70th year, in prospect of a better
world.  And here let me bear testimony to these dear departed ones.
Through much difficulty did they rear their family; being poor and
illiterate they had to rely upon their own indomitable energy and their
moral and religious characters for support.  They gave to us all the
elements of education to the utmost of their ability and moral precepts
and examples which have survived them; and can enable me to say with
truth, no better parents ever lived than your grand father and grand
mother Biggs.  By the exertions of my father and others an Academy
was established in Williamston about 1820 and in that Academy I
received all the educational advantages I ever enjoyed. I grew very rapid[ly] 
and at the age of 15 was of manly stature weighing 180 and about
that age left school and substantially the home circle, to complete my
education as a merchants clerk.  In 1825 I resided a short time with a
Mr. Martin, a merchant in Washington.  In 1826 I resided at Hamilton
and was Clerk for a Mr. Edwards, a merchant at that place.  In June
1827 I engaged with Mr. Henry Williams of Williamston, to superintend 
his mercantile business at that place for one third of the <sic>nett</sic>
profits and so continued for two years.  My income by this arrangement 
I think was about $500 per year.  About this time I concluded to
read law and for the next two years until June 1831 I acted as Clerk
for Mr. Williams at an annual salary of $350, he furnishing me board.
I note this to show my beginning, and it certainly was small! and yet,
it, no doubt, was exceedingly useful to learn me economy, diligence and
<sic>perseverence</sic>.  I had no legal instruction, and consequently labored
under many disadvantages in pursuing my studies, but I applied myself
diligently in reading, whenever I could, consistently with my duties as
<pb id="biggs5" n="5"/>Clerk.  I determined to apply for license and in July 1831 visited
Raleigh for that purpose.  In addition to doubts as to my legal qualifications 
I needed six months age to make me 21, and altogether my anxiety
as to success was great.  The Judges however (Henderson and Hall<ptr id="ptr3" n="3" target="note3" targOrder="U"/>
who examined me) greatly to my relief treated me very kindly: omitted
to ask me any question as to my age and gave me license to practice law
in the County Courts<ptr id="ptr4" n="4" target="note4" targOrder="U"/> and I returned home with a light and joyous
heart.  The County Court of Martin County was held in a few days
after I reached home and during that week I realized in fees about
fifty dollars which was a good beginning and gave me much encouragement.</p>
          <note id="note3" n="3" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr3">Leonard Henderson, Chief Justice, and John Hall, Associate Justice of the Supreme
Court.</note>
          <note id="note4" n="4" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr4">Prior to 1868 two licenses were required in North Carolina, one admitting to practice in
the county courts, the other admitting to practice in the Superior and Supreme Courts, but
the latter could not be obtained until the applicant had practiced at least one year under a
county court license.</note>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">AT THE BAR</emph>
          </head>
          <p>The first Monday in August I attended the County Court of Pitt
where I made my maiden speech in an address to the Grand Jury,
among strangers.  I then took the Counties of Martin, Pitt, Bertie,
Edgecomb [e] and occasionally Washington and Green as a circuit but
the three first I could only attend regularly in the County and Superior
Courts during my professional course, which continued for about 25
years.  When I came to the Bar, the Courts I attended had several old
and able lawyers practising, and the prospect of my success appeared
very problematical; but I commenced with a determination to succeed
if possible, attended the courts regularly, applied myself unremittingly
to my studies, and gave diligent attention to any business confided to
my care.  Occasionally and year after year the older members of the
Bar retired, my practice increased, and altho' at no time did my annual
receipts amount to more than $4000 generally for the last ten years to
not more than $2000, (my circuit being very contracted) yet I consider
myself remarkably successful, by economy and prudence, to have accumulated 
a comfortable living, by my profession, particularly when my
expenses began to increase rapidly upon the increase of my family and
I have succeeded in providing for the wants and education of a large
family of children.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">MARRIAGE AND FAMILY</emph>
          </head>
          <p>On 26th June, 1832, I was married in Bertie County to your mother
Martha Elizabeth Andrews, who is the daughter of Henry and Elizabeth
Andrews, but who died when she was an infant and your mother was
raised by her aunt Mary Higgs, the sister of your grandmother Andrews; 
and they were the daughters of your great grand mother Cotton
<pb id="biggs6" n="6"/>
of Bertie County.  We have now lived together for upwards of 32 years.
She has had 10 children of whom 8 are now living: the other 2 died in
infancy.  Nothing remarkable occurred in my history from 1832 to
1840.  My wife brought to me a small estate consisting of several slaves
and some other property which materially assisted my small accumulations.  
It was constant, unremitted labor and an effort to provide for a
growing family.  In 1830 I purchased a lot in Williamston on which
I built an office and enclosed it with a good substantial fence.  After
my marriage until January 1833 we boarded with Mr. Williams and the
years 1833 and 1834 we resided at a rented house in town and during
that time I built a dwelling and outhouses on my lot - to which I have
since greatly added as my family increased; and there we continued to
reside until we were driven from home in 1862.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">IN THE LEGISLATURE</emph>
          </head>
          <p>In 1832 I attended a District Convention as a delegate from Martin
County to nominate an elector on the Jackson - Van Buren ticket.  Party
Spirit ran quite high at this period and the Democratic Republican
party in this State were divided - a portion preferring Barbour to Van
Buren for Vice President.  I had made up my mind to attach myself
to the Democratic party believing that the principles of the party
promised more good to the country: although in this I differed from
my father and the rest of the family who were in the opposition.  Soon
after my entrance into active life and until 1840 I was repeatedly urged
to engage in politics, but persistently declined, knowing that I could
not with justice to my family and future prospects enter into political
controversy, without neglecting my private affairs which required my
undivided attention.  In 1840, however, an election was pending of the
most excited character - the contest between Harrison and Van Buren
for the Presidency: and both parties were greatly excited, and the
result considered of the highest importance.  For the first time in the
history of the County of Martin, a convention of the people was called
to nominate candidates for the General Assembly.  At this meeting,
which was large and general, Capt. Jesse Cooper,<ptr id="ptr5" n="5" target="note5" targOrder="U"/> who had represented
that county for 20 years presided and by it he was nominated as a
Candidate for the Senate and me [sic] as a Candidate for the House
of Commons, and I was informed that my nomination was unanimous.
I did not participate in the proceedings of the meeting, being advised
that my name would be urged.  From such a nomination I concluded
there was no escape, and accepted.  I canvassed the county thoroughly
and although an opposition ticket was run, I was elected by an overwhelming
<note id="note5" n="5" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr5">He was a member of the House of Commons in 1822, and 1825 - '30, inclusive; and of the
Senate in 1831, 1834 - '42, inclusive.</note>
<pb id="biggs7" n="7"/> majority.  The discharge of the duties of this responsible
position gave me great anxiety - the Legislature was decidedly Whig and
the State had voted for Harrison by a large majority.<ptr id="ptr6" n="6" target="note6" targOrder="U"/>  I endeavoured,
however, faithfully to maintain my principles, though in a small minority.  
In 1842 I was again nominated and elected to the same position,
though I had Democratic opposition.  It had been the invariable custom,
up to this time, for candidates to “treat” with spirituous liquors while
canvassing and at the election.  I adopted the custom in 1840 to a
moderate extent, but my observation satisfied me this practice was highly
pernicious, and ought to be abandoned and therefore I refused to “treat”
in 1842.  This originated numerous false reports, as to my purposes - 
such as a desire to compel by law all the fruit trees to be destroyed and
to prohibit the introduction of foreign liquors.  This gave me an opportunity 
to discuss the question fully, and I boldly defended my position 
and denounced the custom, as injurious to the public morals and
interest.  Since then I have never treated, as was the former practice,
although I have been a candidate for popular suffrage repeatedly and
after the lapse of years I still commend my course on that occasion as
proper and entitled to imitation by others.  In 1844 I was nominated
for the Senate, and was opposed by the old Senator Cooper, who then
denounced nominating conventions, and a prominent Whig was also a
candidate.  This placed me in a very embarrassing situation and there
was a reasonable prospect by the division of the Democrat party the
Whig would be elected.  I conducted the canvass without appealing to
passion, firmly but temperately arguing principles and I was triumphantly 
sustained by the people - obtaining a handsome majority over
both of my opponents.  Cooper receiving but 25 votes.  By this I was
transferred to a new theatre and the Session of the General Assembly
was stormy and excited, the parties being <hi rend="italics">equally</hi> divided in the Senate,
and the responsibility of taking a prominent position in the debates and
proceedings being thrown upon me! but here as elsewhere I endeavoured
to discharge my duty with fidelity to the party I espoused, and the great
principles of administration in which I believed the good of the country
as involved.  This public service gave me considerable prominence in
the State and the approbation of my fellow citizens was sufficient to
gratify any reasonable ambition and although it interfered to some
extent with my domestic affairs and somewhat with my professional
duties I very cheerfully made the sacrifice, as a duty I owed to my
family and my country. There followed however a period to “try”
me thoroughly.
<note id="note6" n="6" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr6">13,141.</note></p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <pb id="biggs8" n="8"/>
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS</emph>
          </head>
          <p>The County of Martin had been attached to the ninth Congressional
District in 1842, having little or no intercourse with the other Counties
in the District except Bertie.  The District was decidedly Whig and
gave in 1844 in the Presidential election between Clay and Polk, nearly
a majority of 1000 for the Whig ticket.  Late in the Spring of 1845, the
Democratic party held a District Convention in the lower part of the
District, in which the county of Martin was not represented and much to
my surprise and embarrassment nominated me as a Candidate for Congress.  
The almost certain prospect was defeat; the Whig candidate Col.
David Outlaw<ptr id="ptr7" n="7" target="note7" targOrder="U"/> was a gentleman of talent and worth.  In a large number
of the Counties I was personally unacquainted, while he was well known
 - for many years had been the solicitor for that judicial District.  If I
did not accept I ran the risk of incurring the censure of friends whose
good opinion I highly valued and if the improbable result should be
success, it would effectually throw me out of the practice of the law and
deprive me of the personal supervision of my growing family.  I took
time for one week, to deliberate, at the end of which I accepted the
nomination and entered actively into the canvass. I concluded it was
<hi rend="italics">my duty</hi>.  The principles of the two parties were debated with ardor
but with proper temper and personal respect.  And here I will note my
entire disapprobation of the vicious practice of public men becoming
personal enemies and indulging in personal reproaches while discussing
political principles.  It prostitutes the public morals, unnecessarily engenders 
strife, exerts a baneful influence and develops the worst passions
of the human heart.  It gives me pleasure to say that Col. Outlaw and
myself canvassed the District on two occasions at a very excitable period
in 1847 during the progress of the Mexican War, without an unkind
personal remark; and although we did not spare each other's political
positions or arguments yet we maintained our social intercourse unimpaired 
and my personal respect for him increased rather than diminished.  
And I had as well mention now that in 1848 I canvassed an
electoral District in the Presidential election of that year with Edward
Stanly,<ptr id="ptr8" n="8" target="note8" targOrder="U"/> estimated one of the most violent partisans in the State, and
who I regret to say has since become a degenerate son.<ptr id="ptr9" n="9" target="note9" targOrder="U"/> He was
<note id="note7" n="7" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr7">David Outlaw was a native of Bertie County.  He was graduated from the University of 
North Carolina in 1824, studied law, and practiced at Windsor.  In 1831 he was elected a 
member of the House of Commons and served through 1834.  He was elected as a Whig to 
the Thirtieth, Thirty-first, and Thirty-second Congresses, serving from March 4, 1847, to 
March 3, 1853.  He again served in the House of Commons 1854, 1856, and 1858; and in
 the State Senate in 1860 and 1866.</note>
<note id="note8" n="8" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr8">Represented Beaufort County in the House of Commons in 1844, 1846, and 1848; Speaker 
in 1844 and 1846; member of Congress, 1837 - '43, 1849 - '53.</note>
<note id="note9" n="9" rend="sc" place="FOOT" anchored="yes" target="ptr9">In 1853 Stanly removed to California, where he became prominent in politics.  In 1862 
President Lincoln, in an effort to organize a “loyal” state government in North Carolina,
appointed Stanly “governor.”  Stanly followed the Union army to New Bern, where he 
issued his proclamation and set up his government.  Soon perceiving the hopelessness of his 
task he resigned and returned to California.  His conduct was bitterly denounced by his 
former friends and acquaintances in North Carolina.</note>
<pb id="biggs9" n="9"/>elector on the Taylor and I on the Cass ticket; and but one unpleasant
passage occurred between us which was at the conclusion of the Canvass;
and his unkind personal remark was retracted as soon as the heat of the
moment passed and we closed the discussion personal friends.  My conclusion, 
therefore, is, that if a public man, while firmly sustaining his
personal dignity, does not unnecessarily provoke personal <sic>criminations</sic>,
the vicious example of public men debasing themselves and the public
mind by personal feuds will be avoided.  The great issues at that day
were a modification of the Tariff of 1842; a United States Bank instead
of the Independent Treasury, and a distribution of the proceeds of the
public lands.  The question was also debated as to the propriety of
terminating the joint occupation of Oregon by Great Britain and the
United States.  I was in favor of a modification of the Tariff so as to
make the burdens of taxation more equal, being opposed to the protection
afforded to northern manufactures; I was opposed to a United States
Bank and in favor of the sub-treasury.  I also opposed a distribution
of the proceeds of the public lands, and was in favor of giving notice
to Great Britain to terminate the joint occupation of Oregon.  Col.
Outlaw took opposite positions to those I assumed.  The result was, I
was sustained by a majority of 146 votes, showing a very close race, out
of 10,000 votes.  I attributed my success mainly to the position I took
on the Tariff question.  During the canvass some of my friends, knowing 
the former party majority against me and governed by their ideas
of policy, advised that in certain counties I should not argue against
or for certain measures, in which I disagreed with a majority of the
people.  But my judgment and principles taught me differently and
therefore on all occasions and in every county I boldly advocated the
cause I represented and I therefore went to Congress a representative
man, no voter being able to reproach me with concealing my opinions or
deceiving him as to my position.</p>
          <p>Upon taking my seat in the House of Representatives at Washington 
in December 1845, I felt oppressed with the weight of my
responsibility, and being so deficient in education, and a general
course of reading and political information I greatly feared I should
disappoint the expectations of my friends and should fail to do credit
to myself and the State.  Every thing was new and I must learn
everyday.  I had the disposition of application and therefore was
assiduous in the acquisition of knowledge to fit me for the duties of the
Station.  For one month I gave myself but little sleep and no exercise
and this with the change of habits and diet came near prostrating me.
After feeling the effects upon my constitution, which before I thought
could stand any amount of such labor, I was compelled to change my
<pb id="biggs10" n="10"/>course, but the effect of this unremitted application I did not recover
from for two years.  We had a very protracted session and one incident
gave me great pain and severed a friendship in a very unpleasant manner.  
Mr. W. H. Haywood was one of the Senators from the State,
elected partly by my vote when I was a member of the Legislature.
The tariff question was one in which my constituents felt a deep interest.
The House of Representatives had passed a bill to modify the Tariff
for which I had voted.  Parties so stood in the Senate that the vote
was doubtful, and as the time for voting approached it was reported that
Mr. Haywood would vote against the bill.  I proposed to the Democratic
members of the House to call upon him and remonstrate.  They declined, 
none of them having assisted in his election but myself.  I
sought an interview in which we had a very animated and excited conversation 
at the door of the Senate Chamber; the last we ever had.
Shortly afterwards on the same day he resigned as Senator which placed
the fate of the bill more doubtful.<ptr id="ptr10" n="10" target="note10" targOrder="U"/>  Fully impressed with a sense of my
public duty and feeling sensibly the unpleasantness of my situation I,
on the next day, in the House, publicly denounced his conduct.  It is
proper to state that Mr. Haywood was universally condemned by his
party in this State for his course, and never recovered any political
standing thereafter.  During this Session the War with Mexico was
recognized and efficient measures adopted for its prosecution.  For all
these measures I voted.  I had become greatly chagrined at the corrupted 
course of public affairs and my North Carolina ideas of frugality
and economy in public expenditures were greatly shocked.  Long absence
from home had deranged all my private arrangements and my family
were suffering for my personal superintendence.  At the commencement
of the short Session in December 1846 I wrote to the leading men in the
District declining to run again as a Candidate and requesting that steps
might be taken to run some other person at the next election.  In response 
to these letters there was universal dissent, and I fully ascertained 
that the public dissatisfaction and censure would be general and
I should incur the disapprobation of many of my warmest and most
valued personal and political friends.  I concluded therefore to sacrifice
my personal wishes and desires to a sense of duty.  In 1847 Col. Outlaw
was again my competitor and all the old political issues were evaded or
abandoned and nothing was discussed in this canvass but the Mexican
War and its incidents.  In <sic>connexion</sic> with this some of my votes were
misrepresented by my political opponents in some of the Counties, by
which I was made to appear as opposed to an increase of the soldiers
pay and the result was that the former party vote was nearly rallied
<note id="note10" n="10" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr10">For an account of this incident, together with Haywood's defense of his course, <hi rend="italics">see</hi>
Connor, R. D. W., <hi rend="italics">North Carolina Review</hi>, July 2, 1911.</note>   
<pb id="biggs11" n="11"/>in opposition to me and my opponent was elected by upwards of 700
majority.  I can truthfully say that except for the mortification and
disappointment to my friends, after the excitement of the moment
passed, the defeat was neither unexpected nor viewed with regret.</p>
          <p>I could now honorably retire from public life, and could devote myself
to the prosecution of my profession and attention to my family.  I
found, however, as all will who have tried it, that it required time to
recover practice lost by irregular attendance on the Courts.  But I set
to work with diligence in reading to refresh my mind for the practice and
regularly attended the Courts, by which I partially, if not fully, succeeded 
in regaining my business.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">DELEGATE TO CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1835</emph>
          </head>
          <p>I will now before I proceed further supply an omission at the proper
place.  I have stated that I persistently declined engaging in politics
until 1840.  But in 1835 I was elected and served as a member from
the County of Martin in the State Convention called to amend the
Constitution of the State.  I was then only 24 years old and I considered 
myself highly honored by this position of distinction.  This body
was composed of the most experienced and talented men in the State,
“grave and reverend <sic>seignors</sic>”; and my association with such a dignified
and able convention was an admirable and useful school for me, being
nearly the youngest member of the body.  I did not participate in the
Debates, but was an attentive and careful learner, and always feel gratified 
that my native county thought me worthy to represent them in such
an important assembly.<ptr id="ptr11" n="11" target="note11" targOrder="U"/></p>
          <note id="note11" n="11" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr11">His associate from Martin was Jesse Cooper.</note>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCES</emph>
          </head>
          <p>And now I approach a period in my history of a deeply interesting
character.  Surrounded as I had ever been by religious influences and
associations my mind had often been drawn to a consideration of my
latter end, but no decided impression had ever been made.  I had generally 
been guided by moral principles, and had never indulged to excess,
or to any great extent, in the vices and wickedness, common to many of
my acquaintances and associates.  Endeavoring to guide myself by the
strictest rules of honor, and sobriety, absorbed in the pursuit of wealth
and fame, and the gratification of what I esteemed a laudable ambition;
I concluded that it was time enough, in my declining years, to turn my
attention to religious matters - very suitable for those in advanced life,
but for me, they would seriously interfere with my success at present.
Above all, I entertained a decided opinion that no person could pursue
the profession of Law, and be a Christian; and to abandon my profession,
<pb id="biggs12" n="12"/>would disappoint all my hopes of wealth and fame.  I quieted my
uneasiness of conscience which occasionally disturbed me, by the consideration 
that I stood much better than many others, and I had a
better opinion of myself than many who professed religion.  I always
paid due respect to religious characters, and religious ordinances and
worship; frequently attended preaching of all denominations - more
generally upon Methodist service as their Meeting House was on adjoining 
lot - and often the Ministers and members of that society visited
my house, partook of my hospitality, and with some of them, I was on
terms of intimacy and friendship.  I often passed through periods of
religious excitement, and while occasionally serious impressions would
force themselves upon me, I condemned the noise and tumult of such
scenes.  When I was engaged in religious conversation, it was in reference 
to the differences in doctrine and practice between the Baptists
and Methodists, and, if I was with a Methodist, I argued for the Baptists 
and, if with a Baptist, I argued for the Methodists.  But my most
mature reflection, could not explain satisfactorily how God could be
just, and save a portion of the human family, and condemn the residue.
Thus I speculated and acted, and thus I should have speculated and thus
I should have acted, until this day - aye, even to the last day of my
earthly existence; if, God in his mercy, had not opened my eyes, and
changed the whole current of my thoughts and speculations.</p>
          <p>“In the early part of April 1851, there was a religious excitement in
the Methodist Church in this town.<ptr id="ptr12" n="12" target="note12" targOrder="U"/>  For some time before this, I
had discovered that my wife was deeply concerned on the subject of
religion and during this excitement, she attended the meetings, and
appeared to be more powerfully operated on.  I was laboring under a
violent cold and hoarseness, but I went with her on Thursday night,
and after the sermon, when an invitation was given to go up to the
altar, I came to the conclusion that she was prevented from going, by a
fear that it would not be agreeable to me; and, to relieve her, I went
across the house, and told her if she felt an inclination to go, to do so;
and, at my solicitation, she went up, and I went with her.  After the
services, we came home, and I did not feel any particular impression on
my mind - it appeared to be entirely sympathetic for her and we went to
bed, and I took some paregoric for my cold.  This was 10th April 1851.
About 2 o'clock of that night, I awoke in great agony of mind - at first
thought I was laboring under fever, but soon became satisfied that my
mind was powerfully awakened as to my awful condition as a sinner,
so that in a few minutes, the visitation was so great, as to compel me to
cry aloud for mercy and arouse the whole house.  I thought my mental
<note id="note12" n="12" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr12">Williamston</note>
<pb id="biggs13" n="13"/>powers were giving away.  This continued for two hours.  Some Methodist 
friends, who were staying with us, sent off after Mr. Carson and Mr.
Martin the preachers - they came and prayed - but no relief could I
find.  After about two hours I became more composed, but the melancholy 
and depression of spirits continued, more or less, and all the time
very great, until the next Tuesday evening 15th.  On Friday and Saturday 
mornings, I went to the prayer meetings.  On Saturday, I went
to Skewarkey, and heard Bro. Hassell<ptr id="ptr13" n="13" target="note13" targOrder="U"/> preach from 33 Psalm 18 and
19th verses.  Monday was Court day.  I went to the Court House and staid
a short time.  On Tuesday I did not go.  On Tuesday evening, while
meditating, the 8th verse of 3d Chapter of John came to my mind with
such power I repeated it aloud: and I became thereafter more composed,
and for several days my soul was drawn out to praise the Lord for his
goodness and love; and frequently I was in a flood of tears praising and
blessing the Lord.  On the Saturday before the 5th Sunday in June,
being Union meeting at Skewarkey - the 28th, I was received a Member
of Skewarkey Church; and on the 29th baptized in Roanoke River at
Williamston by Elder C. B. Hassell in the presence of a large crowd of
spectators.  At some other time I propose to write my exercises more
at length.”</p>
          <p>Commencing with, and including the quotation points above, is the
Copy of a memorandum I made in January 1853, which I now transcribe 
as fully disclosing my feelings at that time; but it signally fails
to give an adequate description of my conviction, and as I humbly trust,
my conversion by the Holy Ghost, from darkness to light, and from the
power of sin and Satan to the service of the true and living God.  If
I make the attempt to “write my exercises more at length,” I shall fall
infinitely short to give you a faint representation of my conflicts, trials,
hopes and rejoicing; but, I venture to say, that the awful gloom, that
hung over me at the time I awoke out of sleep, may be compared to an
impenetrable overhanging cloud, ready to burst upon me in all its fury,
and to sink me to everlasting despair and ruin; while I was anxiously
looking for some ray of light, through the gloom, by which I might hope
to escape the impending danger; but no glimmer could I discover.  I
felt indeed, that I was a poor, miserable and lost sinner; condemned to
punishment for my iniquities; and my cry was, Lord! save or I perish!
All my moral rectitude did not avail me.  I could see nothing to extricate 
me from this awful dilemma.  My intense suffering, forced me to
cry out in despair, and I readily concluded that I was going deranged,
and frequently enquired, Am I losing my mind?  During this deep
<note id="note13" n="13" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr13">Cushing Biggs Hassell, a noted Primitive Baptist Elder.  For an interesting biographical
sketch by Francis D. Winston, see Ashe, S. A. (ed.): <hi rend="italics">Biographical History of North Carolina</hi>, 
V. 124.</note>
<pb id="biggs14" n="14"/>distress, all my sins and improprieties seemed to be brought before me, 
and I am reminded that I felt sincerely desirous, to make friends with 
all those with whom I was not then on friendly terms, and felt willing 
to accommodate every difficulty I had ever had with my fellow men.  I 
was willing to obtain relief in any way, and from any body, and readily 
attended the meetings with the hope of being relieved: yet my inclination 
was to seclude myself from observation and read, and pray, and meditate 
in secret; and thus I was engaged the most of the time for several days. 
Nothing that was said or done appeared to soothe or console, I was 
unalterably miserable, and could find no solace or hope.  And here, I 
had as well transcribe in full, the text of Bro. Hassell to which allusion 
has been made, <hi rend="italics">33d Psalm 18 and 19 verses</hi>.  “Behold, the eye of the Lord 
is upon them that fear him, upon them that hope in his mercy; to
deliver their soul from death and to keep them alive in famine.”  It is 
a blessed promise to a sin - sick soul, but from it, or his sermon could I 
derive no consolation.  I had no sudden deliverance from this deep distress.  
The first composure and serenity of mind I enjoyed, and that 
slight, was on Tuesday evening when, as I have heretofore said, the 8th 
verse of 3d Chapter of St. John was forcibly brought to my mind.  It 
reads thus, “The wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest the sound  thereof; but cans't not tell whence it cometh or whither it goeth; so is 
every one that is born of the Spirit.”  Commencing here, my mind 
grew more calm and composed, and my soul, for several days, was 
melted in thanksgiving and praise to God for his loving Kindness and 
for being delivered from the deep gloom through which I had passed. 
My wife and myself, had often conversed about family prayers.  It 
seemed impressed upon me for years as proper, but I never could determine 
to discharge this duty; but during the week, one night, I called 
the family together and in a trembling manner, bowed at the family 
altar, and, I hope, most sincerely implored mercy and supplicated blessings, 
from our Heavenly Father.  In the discharge of this duty, I 
experienced more, <hi rend="italics">sudden</hi>, sensible, consolation, than I have ever enjoyed; 
and therefore I continue the same to this day, believing it a 
duty acceptable to God.  My mind was soon drawn to the consideration 
of Christian association; and a desire was excited to partake of the 
Lord's Supper.  I had conversation on experience with some Baptists 
and Methodists; among the latter were some friends I highly esteemed, 
and whose exercises, induced me to believe they were truly converted by 
the Spirit of God.  But when I compared their professed faith with 
the Bible, I concluded they must be in error.  And yet I reasoned -  
how is it that Christians so essentially differ as to doctrine and ordinances?  
Does God permit his children to see so different[ly] when they
<pb id="biggs15" n="15"/>are led by the same Spirit?  This gave me much trouble; but it finally
occurred to me that it may be permitted for some wise and good purpose;
as inscrutable to finite creatures as the dispensation of His providence
in temporal matters, where we see the righteous and pious bowed down
by poverty and disaster, when the wicked and vicious are permitted to
prosper.  The important question for my decision and action, is, what
path the lights afforded <hi rend="italics">me</hi> teach <hi rend="italics">me</hi> to walk; and, I soon came to the
conclusion, that it was my duty to attach myself to the Primitive Baptist  
Church at Skewarkey; altho' by so doing I should incur the contumely 
and disapprobation of all the world besides.  From April to
the last of June when I was baptized, I passed through many scenes, I
attended the Supreme Court and argued my cases there; I visited
Chapel Hill at the commencement exercises of the University of North
Carolina; and was thrown into a variety of company and associations;
and in reviewing my course and feelings, it was made evident to my
mind, that the finger of a merciful God had directed my pathway down
into the liquid grave in which I was buried in the Roanoke River; and,
on that day, if I could have had my choice, I would preferred to have
had the whole world present to witness my profession.  And yet, on
that day, never did I feel a more humbling sense of my weakness and
ignorance about divine and heavenly things.  For many months, did I
enjoy refreshing seasons in attending the churches and upon the administration 
of the word and ordinances; but for many years back I have
failed to receive those sensible, and feeling, tokens of love I then enjoyed;
yet, I thank God, I continue to this day, more confirmed in my faith,
and no cause to regret that I am one of that despised hardshell sect
every where spoken against.  The foundations of God standeth sure;
and I believe we have built upon the foundation of the prophets and
apostles, Jesus Christ being the Chief corner stone; and the gates of
hell shall never be able to prevail against it.  If in this I am not
deceived, why should I be afraid or ashamed of man whose breath is in
his nostrils? or why should I shudder or attempt to avoid, the reproaches
of a gainsaying world.  Perhaps I have written enough of my religious
exercises; possibly too much to interest you; as you cannot in a great
degree appreciate it <hi rend="italics">now</hi>; yet I hope, and pray, that in years to come,
you may be abl[e] to add yours to my testimony, and rejoice in the
same truth: And, while I would not desire in the slightest degree to
fetter your consciences in regard to religious faith, nor would I wish to
influence you except for good, I would however, firmly, but affectionately
impress upon your youthful minds, never to permit yourselves to join 
the cry of contumely and scorn against the old Baptists, much too
frequent in this sin - disordered and false professing world.</p>
          <pb id="biggs16" n="16"/>
          <p>I could greatly enlarge in noting my spiritual conflicts and warfare,
and give you some lessons from my experience in relation to spiritual
wickedness in high places, but it would occupy too much time and space,
to but little profit I fear, and therefore I pass on to the relation of
other incidents of my history: remarking here that your mother was
also received a member of the Skewarkey Church and baptized on the
2d Sunday in Nov. 1851. </p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">CODE COMMISSIONER</emph>
          </head>
          <p>In 1851 I was associated with Judge Saunders and B. F. Moore Esqr.
in a commission appointed by Gov. Reid to revise the Statutes of
North Carolina.  This Commission was suited to my taste and inclination 
and I entered upon the duties with alacrity and diligence.  Judge
Saunders soon resigned, and the whole responsibility rested upon Mr.
Moore and myself.  We found it impracticable to report to the Session
of 1852 and the General Assembly of that year by a law continued Mr.
Moore and myself as Commissioners and <sic>authorised</sic> us to proceed without 
an associate.  It was an arduous labor, and I was absent from home
at Raleigh very frequently; engaged often night and day for months.
It was to me an interesting and useful pursuit adding greatly to my
professional knowledge.  During this employment I was again solicited
to engage in political life.  I was nominated in 1852 as a candidate for
the State Senate from Martin County but I declined the nomination so
flattering[ly] tendered; assigning among other reasons the responsible
duty in which I was then engaged, from which I would be diverted, by
being a representative in the Legislature.</p>
          <p>The General Assembly of 1852 rearranged the Senatorial Districts,
and as the County of Martin theretofore entitled to a Senator, did not
then pay into the public treasury sufficient taxes, my County was attached 
to the County of Washington to form a Senatorial District.<ptr id="ptr14" n="14" target="note14" targOrder="U"/>
As parties were pretty equally divided in the State, and the Counties
differed in politics, great interest was manifested to secure the representation 
of that Senatorial District; and in the Spring of 1854, I was
nominated as the Democratic candidate for the District and strongly
urged to accept.  I was not unmindful of the unimpaired partiality of
my fellow countrymen and the gratitude I owed them for my support
and elevation in the past; and the duties of the Commission being
nearly performed, I consented to accept the nomination; and entered
actively into the canvass.  I was strongly opposed, and the result was
doubtful.  I felt much anxiety about it, because I was then desirous
<note id="note14" n="14" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr14">Under the Constitution of 1776 each county had one senator; but the Convention of 1835
amended the Constitution, and the amendment was ratified by the people so as to limit the
Senate to 50 members chosen from districts to be laid off by the General Assembly, on a
basis of the taxes paid into the State Treasury.</note>
<pb id="biggs17" n="17"/>
to be on the floor of the House to superintend the passage of the Revised
code through the Legislature.  The professional reputation of my colleague 
and myself was involved, in obtaining the consent of the Legislature 
to pass the revisal as we had prepared it, knowing how liable it was
to be marred and disjointed by amendments, I was sustained by a majority 
of 21 votes only in the District, so equally balanced were the
parties of that day.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">UNITED STATES SENATOR</emph>
          </head>
          <p>The session of 1852 was the regular period for the election of one
Senator of the United States and the Session of 1854 of the other.  In
consequence of the nearly equal division of parties in 1852 a contest
arose between Mr. Dobbin, who was the regularly nominated candidate
of the Democratic party, and Judge Saunders, who opposed him; and
the session terminated without an election.  The election of two Senators 
was therefore thrown upon the Legislature of 1854, and of course
excited much feeling and interest.  Many names of high prominence were
canvassed in the newspapers, and among a large number my name was
mentioned; but I can with sincerity say to you that while it was gratifying 
to my ambition, I certainly felt no confidence or expectation that I
would stand prominent[ly] for the position.  I did not reach Raleigh
until the night before the session was to open; and then I ascertained,
that an active canvassing had been going on for a week, by aspirants for
these distinguished positions, and that my name was generally discussed.
It was soon evidently the desire of the members to decide these elections
as early as practicable, and to that end a caucus of the Democratic party
was held on Tuesday night.  I did not attend, although urged by some
of my friends to do so; nor would I visit the members, as customary
with others, concluding that it was a position not to be attained by
personal solicitation.  The session of the caucus was protracted but the
result was that I was nominated for the six years term and Gov. Reid
(then Governor) was nominated for the short term of four years.  On
Thursday the election was held by the General Assembly and Gov. Reid
and myself were elected according to the nominations, which placed me
as the successor of Mr. Badger.<ptr id="ptr15" n="15" target="note15" targOrder="U"/>  Thus, unsolicited on my part, was
I elevated to one of the most distinguished places in the gift of the
State: and certainly enough to gratify the highest, laudable ambition.
I received this distinction with great diffidence and a feeling sense of
my deficiencies, but as a great honor to my County and family.  With
a firm resolution I determined to devote myself unremittingly to the
best interests of my native State and if possible reflect credit upon my
constituents and myself.  Upon a review of all my surroundings I
<note id="note15" n="15" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr15">George Edmund Badger, Whig, had been Senator since 1846.</note>
<pb id="biggs18" n="18"/>strongly impressed upon my young friends, that the great element of
my success was a firm but temperate maintenance of principles, pursued
with energy and a settled conviction of their truth.  It was a remarkable
success of one, unaided by family or fortune, with all the disadvantages
of early life and a limited education, emphatically “the architect of his
own fortune” - rising to a most exalted position suddenly and unexpectedly.  
I can sincerely assure you that no fawning sycophancy or corrupting 
influence was practiced by me.  I became the untrammeled and
honored representative of a proud sovereign State: and one, not of the
least of my gratifications, was the credit I had thus been able to give
my dear children, with the hope that neither of them would ever bring
reproach upon or tarnish the fair name I had thus attained.  And now
in humble adoration to that kind Providence who has so signally exalted
me above my fellows, I would implore Him to watch over, guide and
direct my offspring to the same honorable, if not exalted end.  As my
Senatorial term did not commence practically until December 1855,
though the nominal beginning was 4th March 1855, I continued a member 
of the Senate until the Legislature adjourned: and being at the head
of the large joint committee of both Houses, on the Revised Code, composed 
of the ablest members,<ptr id="ptr16" n="16" target="note16" targOrder="U"/> I was laboriously engaged on that subject,
but I did not neglect a faithful discharge of my other legislative duties.
And here I am reminded of a temptation to which I was subjected during 
the session of a most trying and unpleasant character.  There were
many schemes of internal improvements.  Some of the most extravagant 
and visionary kind; and altogether of the most alarming magnitude;
but they were urged with earnestness by members from the different
localities, many of whom had cordially voted for me and who sought
my aid and assistance for their favorite schemes.  A strong appeal was
made to me: that as I was about retiring from the Legislature, I could
run no risk of my constituents by supporting these measures, and
thereby I could sustain my friends.  Governed however by a high sense
of public duty, and my integrity of character, as the representative of
the wishes of my district I firmly opposed many of these darling projects
of my friends, and thereby for several weeks I became odious to many,
who in the early part of the Session, seemed greatly attached to me.
I was gratified however before the Session terminated, as many of these
projects failed for want of a “<hi rend="italics">faithful</hi>” cooperation among those engaged
in the “log rolling,” and to which was attributed their defeat, above
all when the enormous liabilities proposed, was calmly considered, justice
<note id="note16" n="16" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr16">The other members of the Committee on the part of the Senate were William A. Graham
of Orange, William Eaton, Jr., of Warren, Thomas S. Ashe of Anson, Charles F. Fisher of
Rowan and John H. Haughton of Chatham; on the part of the House, Jesse G. Shepherd of
Cumberland, A. J. Dargan of Anson, Patrick H. Winston, Jr., of Bertie, J. S. Amis of
Granville, and W. T. Dortch of Wayne.</note>    
<pb id="biggs19" n="19"/> was done to my course; and I regained the good will of all, I think,
before we separated.  This is another instance, to which I direct your
minds, where substantial good was accomplished, by resisting a specious,
and trying temptation to error.</p>
          <p>And, now I was necessarily compelled to change all my <sic>arrangments</sic>
for the future.  It was a thorough disruption of all my professional,
domestic, business and family affairs, to enter upon the sea of political
life; in which I will say that, although it was gratifying to my ambition,
yet the turmoil and strife necessarily incident, did not suit my inclination.  
Add to this, I was to be separated from my <sic>christian</sic> friends and
associations; and I felt greatly oppressed with my responsibility and the
trials to which I must be subjected.  And after I have had long experience 
of these responsibilities and trials, I will truly advise you that
the station of a faithful public servant is not a “bed of roses,” but it
is certainly true that the highest stations are strewed with thorns and
difficulties.</p>
          <p>Gov. Reid resigned his office of Governor and went to the Senate in
1854.  I took my seat there in December 1855 - a stranger to the members 
- with a desire to be useful as I could not hope to be brilliant.  I
soon discovered that the same influences operated there as in other
places.  It was evident to my mind a lamentable decay of virtue
was progressing in our public councils: that there was no amendment
for the better since 1845 - on the contrary things were growing worse.</p>
          <p>With a nominal Democratic party majority of upward of 15 out of a
Senate of 60 members, I found myself frequently voting in a minority
of from 10 to 12 members - rarely could we reach the highest figure - 
particularly on important questions of public expenditure.  The prevailing 
desire seemed to be, to procure large appropriations for any and
every object: and there were constantly presented new propositions for
lavish expenditures: on which sufficient votes were generally obtained
from the Democratic party, with the opposition, to constitute a decided
majority.  It may not be interesting, to diversify this narrative, with
one or two illustrations of the corrupting influence brought to bear upon
Congress.  I will select one of the smallest of these abuses.</p>
          <p>For some time previous to 1845 there was considerable discussion in
relation to Books furnished to the Members of Congress.  It was represented 
as a growing abuse and I felt desirous to correct it.  The custom
was for some old member at the commencement of Congress to move a
resolution directing the Clerk to purchase for and furnish to the new
members the books formerly furnished to the old members and subsequently  
the appropriation was made in the general appropriation bill.
At that time the value to each member was nearly one thousand dollars - 
<pb id="biggs20" n="20"/>the cost to the government and the appropriation was generally about
$75,000.  Soon after I took my seat as a member of the House, the
usual motion was made by Mr. [Robert C.] Winthrop of Massachusetts.
Upon its introduction, a member from Maine, (a new member) violently 
opposed it in an hour's speech, in which he charged corruption
and alleged that members were in the habit of selling their books for
three or four hundred Dollars, and pocketing the money, instead of 
distributing the books for general information - the ostensible object
of the appropriation.  Thereupon Mr. Winthrop asked that his resolution 
might be laid upon the table, until an investigation could be had,
and called upon the member from Maine to move a Committee to relieve 
the house from these serious charges and expose the guilty.  I was much
pleased with this movement, with a fond hope that this great outrage
would be corrected.  A committee was raised, of which the member
from Maine, of course, was chairman.  I sought his acquaintance and
encouraged him to make a full exposure.  I frequently called upon him
to inquire how he was progressing with the investigation, and at first
he stated, he had not convened the Committee, as he was collecting information  to be laid before them when they assembled.  Shortly, it was
said, that nearly all the Books, necessary to supply the members, belonged 
to the Government, and were then lying in a room in the Capitol
injuring, and but a small amount would be necessary to complete the
set.  The result was, the Committee never were convened and after
some months delay the resolution of Mr. W[inthrop] was passed, and
the appropriation was subsequently made.  It was evident to me, that
the member from Maine soon surrendered to the corrupting influence
brought to bear upon him, or was made the dupe of those interested in
that question.  I afterwards learned, it was true, there was a large
number of the Books required, lying in a room in the Capitol, but they
were not owned by the Government, but belonged to the booksellers who
had purchased them from old members.</p>
          <p>This abuse continued and increased, until public sentiment, compelled
Congress to pass a law, prohibiting any appropriation, upon a resolution
in regard to Books as had been before customary, and such was the law
when I went into the Senate.  Notwithstanding this law, the practice
continued until the value of the Books to each member, was about
$1500, and the appropriation about $150,000.  The House of Representatives 
passed the usual resolution and appropriation.  The Senate,
inconsistent with their usual course, rejected that item in the appropriation 
bill and that with other matters became a subject of conference
between the two Houses.  I was placed upon the Committee of Conference.  
A compromise was made with the consent of a majority of the
<pb id="biggs21" n="21"/>Senate Committee by which a part of the Books was appropriated for.
I opposed the report of the Committee in the Senate and was gratified
to find that my position was sustained by a majority and the report
not concurred in - something very unusual upon reports of Committees
of Conference.  The bill was sent to another Committee, and they
could not agree, and on the very last day of the Session another Committee 
was raised upon which I was again placed.  The Conference
was not harmonious.  I would not yield a principle, in defiance of a
solemn act of Congress: but the bill was an important one, involving
millions for necessary objects and a majority of the Committee again
made a compromise striking down the appropriation and providing for
a distribution of the Books in the Congressional Districts.  I still opposed 
it, but it was passed in the expiring hour of the Session.  Now
from this you can form some faint conception - faint though it will be - 
of the extravagance, waste and corruption, that controlled our public
council, yearly and daily destroying the vitals of healthy, honest legislation.</p>
          <p>I give you another incident.  According to the long habit of the
Senate, the Senate Committees at the commencement of each Session,
were arranged in caucus by the majority party, taking a majority on
each Committee and leaving to the opposition to fill up the minority in
their caucus: and as new members of the majority came in, they were
placed at the foot of the Committees and gradually went up by seniority
until they reached the head.  The consequence was that Gov. Reid and
myself, being new members, were placed in apparently, no prominent
positions.  I protested in caucus against this injustice [to] Gov. Reid, but
I was assured by old members, it was the only rule that could be adopted
to avoid difficulty, after long years of experience and I of course yielded.
I was placed on two or three committees, but the only one of importance 
was the Committee on Territories (of which Judge [Stephen A.]
Douglas was chairman), then not very important but subsequently obtained 
great importance, in consequence of the exciting questions that
arose as to the establishment of territorial governments, and which
shook the Union from its base.</p>
          <p>During the first session my position was clearly defined by my votes,
invariably against wasteful extravagance - generally voting as I said
in a minority of 10 or 12.  When the Committees were being arranged
for the next session, a member of the Committee of Finance, (one of
the most important and distinguished of the Senate and of which Mr.
[R. M. T.] Hunter of Va. was chairman) insisted that he should be
taken from that Committee and that I should fill his place: assigning
as a reason that as the Committee was then constituted, a majority
<pb id="biggs22" n="22"/>were for large appropriations - that he was compelled frequently, to go
for these appropriations against his better judgment, that it was necessary 
that Mr. Hunter should be sustained in his economical efforts, and
that I was the member to place on that Committee.  The change was
made.  I felt it a high compliment: but you will from this gather,
how much prostituted were members of Congress, extending to the
august body of the Senate, who, themselves had not the manly virtue
and independence to resist error, but who required a check from their
fellow members to avoid the inevitable ruin to which we were driving.</p>
          <p>The tendency of everything in the government, according to my
opinion, was toward ruin.  The picture presented to my mind every
day was sad.  The whole soul of a large number, was absorbed in
schemes and arrangements to secure themselves in power: and one 
election was just over when plans for another, to secure success, were
projected.  My party were in a majority, and of course responsible,
as a party, to the people for a proper administration of public affairs:
and there I found myself bearing the responsibility without the slightest
means to correct mal-administration; and no prospect for the better,
in the future: because this state of things was increasing and becoming
firmly fixed so far as I could see or hope.  I would not have you believe
there were no exceptions, among our public men, to this general deterioration.  
It gratifies me to say, I found many, but they were, like me,
powerless for good.  I would not be guilty of the affectation and vanity
of stating to <hi rend="italics">you</hi> that <hi rend="italics">I</hi> was not often misled by these evil influences,
and therefore did not indulge in error: but my general course, I am
sure, was dictated by an elevated desire to act for the good of the
Country and to resist every corrupting influence.  The experience of
my Senatorial course, ending in 1858, forced the conviction upon my
mind that the government of the United States was becoming thoroughly
corrupt, and that in a few years it would fall to pieces by its own corruption 
and I so expressed myself to my friends.</p>
          <p>When I went to the Senate Mr. Pierce was President.  His general
measures of administration met my cordial support.  During my term
he retired and I witnessed the inauguration of Mr. Buchanan; and his
administration generally met my approbation while I remained in the
Senate; but his subsequent course in relation to secession I emphatically 
condemn.</p>
          <p>It is as well to note here that I visited home at Christmas 1855 and
carried with me on my return to Washington City all the family - 
where we resided until the adjournment of Congress in the summer of
1856.  During the next session, being the short Session, the family,
with the exception of Lucy, remained at home.  She accompanied me
<pb id="biggs23" n="23"/>to Washington.  In January 1858, the family again removed to Washington 
and remained until the Spring of that year.  Part of the time
we resided at the Capital we boarded, but a portion of the time kept
house in furnished lodgings which I rented by the month.</p>
          <p>The gayety, extravagance and society of the Metropolis, was unsuited
to me; and soon after first reaching there I sought Christian association
and conversation, more congenial to my feelings, when relieved from
the cares and perplexities of my public station.  I attended divine
worship of different societies; but at length I met with a few Old School
Baptists and attended the preaching of the word by Elder Wm. J.
Purington, in a <sic>delapidated</sic> house in an obscure part of the City; and
here I enjoyed more real pleasure than in the magnificent temples which
decorated the city.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE</emph>
          </head>
          <p>In the winter of 1857 - 58 Judge Potter, the District Judge of the
United States for North Carolina, died: having held the office for
upward of 50 years.  It was a station desirable to me, as honorable;
and consistent with my former habits of life, I preferred being relieved
from the irksome position I occupied, though, it certainly was one of
the most distinguished in the Country.  I expressed these feelings to
some of my friends, and after the disposal of some important business
then pending in the Senate, in May 1858, I was nominated, by President
Buchanan, as Judge, and confirmed unanimously by the Senate; and
thereupon I resigned my seat as a Senator from North Carolina when
about half of the term for which I was elected was unexpired.  In this
case, as heretofore, I made no personal solicitation for the office, and
took no steps to secure it; but it being offered, with profound gratitude
to my State for my elevation to the Senate and for the constancy and
fidelity with which I was encouraged by a large number of admiring
Constituents, yet with a decided conviction that I could be more useful
in this sphere, or at least could pass down the current of life more
gently, giving place to some more talented and faithful statesman in the
distinguished arena of the Senate, I left public life with pleasure; and,
although I parted reluctantly with many valued friends, I retired to
the judicial bench, without regret.</p>
          <p>In consequence of my mental anxiety and the turmoil and irregularity
of the life I was compelled to live, it seriously impaired my physical
powers.  I reduced very much in flesh, and on my return, my friends at
home looked at me with astonishment; but resuming the comparative
quiet of my former life, and again adopting my regular habits I soon
recuperated and was prepared for labor.</p>
          <pb id="biggs24" n="24"/>
          <p>The duties of my office required a course of reading essentially differing 
from any former course, and I sat to work diligently to qualify
myself for the responsible duties of United States Judge.  The District
Courts were held twice a year at Edenton, Newbern and Wilmington
and the Circuit Court once a year at Raleigh.  At the latter Court
the Presiding Judge was an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court
of the United States when attending and Judge Wayne was assigned to
my circuit.  For many years in consequence of the age and imbecility
of Judge Potter, the Courts had become formal farces.  I reorganized
them, adopted necessary rules to render them efficient, and prepared to
make the District Courts useful.  I held also the Circuit Court unaided
until Nov. 1860 when for the first and last time Judge Wayne presided.</p>
          <p>Having had some correspondence with him I ascertained before we
met, that he positively denied the right of a State to secede from the
Union and as Lincoln had been elected President, and the excitement
in the South was great it was not improbable that this might become
a practical question and require the decision of the Judiciary.  I supposed 
if it were to arise at that term it could only be made in his address 
and charge to the Grand Jury; and as I entertained a decidedly
different opinion on the subject, I prepared in writing the conclusion
of my judgment, to be used if occasion called for it.  He however,
charged the jury without alluding to the subject, but I will here transcribe 
what I intended to say, for preservation, and to show my position
at that time.</p>
          <p>The following was prepared to be delivered in case Judge Wayne was
not present or in case, if he were present I should charge the jury:</p>
          <p>“Treason against the United States, consists in levying war against them,
on in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort.  The Constitution 
provides, that no person shall be convicted of treason unless on the
testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open
Court.  An act of Congress passed in 1790 provides, that if any person owing
allegiance to the United States of America, shall levy war against them, or
shall adhere to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort, within the United
States or elsewhere and shall be convicted on confession in open Court, or
on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act of treason, whereof
he shall stand indicted, he shall suffer death.  And it is a high misdemeanor
by the same act, for any person having knowledge of treason, to concede the
matter, or not to disclose it to the public authorities.  These are offenses
against the United States and cognizable in the Courts of the United States
only.  But it is also true that Treason may be committed against the State
government, forming a State offense cognizable in a State Court and punishable  by State authority.  A period may arrive in the history of our Country,
when it may be proper and necessary to consider and decide the appalling
question, whether a citizen owing allegiance to the United States, by rendering 
obedience to the commands of the Sovereign authority in his own State
<pb id="biggs25" n="25"/>after the State has solemnly decided to separate herself from the Union.
[Sentence not completed.]  It would however be premature in the Judiciary
to prejudge that important question, yet undecided by the Courts; and it being
yet a political question (about which however I entertain a decided impression) 
I deem it improper now judicially to express or intimate what my opinion 
is.</p>
          <p>“It is fervently hoped by me that the alarming circumstances now surrounding 
us may be so overruled as to render unnecessary the decision of
this question.  But if unfortunately a decision shall be forced from the Courts,
I trust they will exhibit the same firmness and wisdom that have marked the
course of the judiciary in many trying periods of our history.”</p>
          <p>The following was prepared to deliver in case Judge Wayne should
express an opinion differing from mine:</p>
          <p>“With deep regret I am compelled to differ with my associate, the Presiding
Judge of this Court.  On ordinary questions I should feel disposed to defer to
the greater experience and wisdom of my associate as it is very desirable
when practicable that there should be a concurrence of opinion among Judges,
so as to give the decisions of the Courts greater weight.  But now I am
forced to express an opinion, upon a question of the gravest character without
argument and without the judgment of a Superior tribunal; although I am
free to say, it is a question that has occupied much of my consideration, and
particularly within the last few months.  It is an extraordinary occasion,
and I feel the full force of my responsibility.  I have heretofore said, in my
opinion, it is premature in the Judiciary, considering the gravity of the
question, to prejudge it, by expressing an opinion in advance of a judicial
case arising in which the light of argument may greatly assist in forming a
correct opinion.  And I the more regret this conflict of opinion, because it
occurs when my associate and myself meet for the first time to cooperate in
the discharge of our official duties, and at a time of great political excitement
in the Country upon the very question now brought up.</p>
          <p>“I am well aware that the right of State Secession from this Union, has
been for a long time a controverted question, upon which Statesmen and the
brightest intellects of the Country have entertained opposite opinions; and
therefore I might well hesitate as a judicial officer, in volunteering an opinion,
until a case is made which rendered it necessary to pronounce my judgment.
But no alternative is now left me and I will not shrink from the expression
of my opinion, forced upon me as it is: because by remaining silent <hi rend="italics">now</hi> I
should tacitly adopt the opinion of my associate.  Perhaps also I am in error
in concluding it is improper to withhold the opinion of the Court from the
Grand Jury charged with an enquiry into all violations of the criminal laws
of the United States as the question involves a violation of criminal law.</p>
          <p>“<hi rend="italics">I</hi> hold therefore that the States, in forming the Federal government acted
separately as equals and sovereigns, with no common Superior, and that the
first duty and obligation of the citizen was due to his State; and upon the
adoption of the Constitution of the United States by his State, this duty and
obligation is no less due to the United States, but because it is at the command 
and clothed with the sovereign authority of his State.  That the citizen
while his State remains a member of the Federal Union must conform to the
Constitution of the United States and the Constitutional laws of the Federal
<pb id="biggs26" n="26"/>government, although they conflict with the Constitution and laws of his
State; and where there is a conflict of opinion as to what laws are constitutional, 
the proper tribunal to decide that question is the Supreme Judiciary
of the United States.  The question being thus decided, it is the duty of the
citizen to acquiesce in, and maintain that decision.</p>
          <p>“But whenever any State in her Sovereign capacity (and I mean by that,
the people of a State duly and legally assembled in a convention by the
proper authority, with the same formalities and regularity as conventions
were held to ratify and adopt the Constitution of the United States originally) 
shall solemnly so decide she has the right for sufficient cause (of
which she must be the judge, as upon her alone rests the heavy responsibility
for such a fearful act) to voluntarily and peaceably secede from the Union,
which she voluntarily entered: and thereupon, a citizen of such State is
absolved from his allegiance to the United States, and will not be guilty of
treason to the United States for obeying the commands and maintaining the
laws of his own State.</p>
          <p>“This is my decided judgment now, formed after much reflection upon the
theory of our government, and the history of the day in which the Federal
Government, was created; and in my humble judgment, in the language of one
of North Carolina's most cherished sons, (the late Mr. [Nathaniel] Macon) 
‘this right is the best guard to public liberty and to public justice that could 
be desired’; and if, generally or universally admitted, is the best Security for
the permanency and perpetuity of the Union.</p>
          <p>“I cannot now, and therefore do not propose to allude to the arguments for
and against this right; and it is with entire deference, I declare my opinion
on this grave subject; but I repeat no alternative is now left me, and I therefore 
respectfully but firmly announce this conclusion as the firm conviction
of my best judgment.”</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">SECESSION</emph>
          </head>
          <p>I will retrospect a little.  The Democratic party in 1860 were divided
greatly in their preferences of men for the Presidency, and there was a
conflict of opinion as to the course to be adopted in creating territorial
government; some in favor, and others opposed to what was called
“Squatter Sovereignity.”  The opposition, then organized in a party,
called themselves “Republicans” (a desecration of that old party name)
claimed the right of Congress, to prohibit slavery in the Territories, and
to legislate for them; and avowed their determination to do so if they
obtained the power.</p>
          <p>The Democratic Convention assembled at Charleston in the spring of
1860, to nominate a candidate.  There was a failure to nominate.  The
Convention adjourned to meet in Baltimore early in the Summer.  There
was great excitement through the Country.  Although removed from
political life, I felt a deep interest in the alarming state of public affairs.
All the old political organizations had dissolved, except the Democratic
party, and I was convinced that upon the disruption of that party, as
the country was then situated, there was a virtual dissolution of the
Union.  I felt an earnest desire to save the Union, if the rights of the
<pb id="biggs27" n="27"/>South and the States, could be preserved.  I cannot better illustrate my
position, than giving the substance of a conversation I had, when I
was a Senator, with Mr. [Lawrence M.] Keitt of S. C. a member of
the House.  He expressed a confident opinion, that we could live no
longer in harmony with the Yankees; and he was then in favor of a
dissolution of the Union, and insisted upon a course of action on some
pending question to which I dissented.  I remarked, that I felt as
determined to maintain our rights as he could possibly be; but the
difference between me and him was we were governed by different motives 
of action - he thought dissolution desirable - I did not think so - he
would shape his course to attain that result - and I would do all I
could, consistent with our rights and honor, to avoid what I should
consider a sad calamity.</p>
          <p>After the adjournment at Charleston, and before the meeting in Baltimore, 
I visited Washington to inform myself personally of the prospect
for the future; and while there, I had full and free conference with
many distinguished public men.  The aspect of affairs then has been
verified too truly by subsequent events.  I called upon Gen. Cass, then
Secretary of State, and our conversation made a deep impression upon
my mind.  He remarked that things “were sadly out of joint.  It seemed
that the people were demented.  My section,” said he, “appeared to have
run wild.  Altho' I have been identified with my State for forty years,
I do not suppose, upon my return home, I could be elected a constable:
and recently a gentleman from your section expressed to me a hope that
the union might be dissolved.  My conclusion is, if this calamity is not
avoided, these States in a short time, will be cut up into three or four
independent republics, warring against each other.  I am now numbering 
my days, and cannot hope to remain here much longer, if I shall be
able to get through with the duties of my present office, and I trust I
shall pass away before this said event happens.”  Neither of us could
realize that the catastrophe was so near at hand; although the forebodings 
were then significant, Mr. Cass then agreeing with me that a
disruption of the Democratic party seriously threatened such a result.
A dissolution of the Union was the inevitable effect of a false religion, a
fanatic philanthropy, a disregard of plighted political faith, and the
non-observance of rights secured by the Constitution by which every
State was guaranteed equality, notwithstanding their domestic institutions, 
and the consequent estrangement from the Union, of the affections
of a section of the country, it being manifest that this Union had
become their oppressor instead of their defender.  The election of Mr.
Lincoln as a sectional candidate, with his avowed principles of abolition
and the supremacy of Congressional legislation, totally subversive of the
<pb id="biggs28" n="28"/>rights of the States, was the climax of endurance; and a separation
followed, first of the Gulf States and upon the issuing of his infamous
proclamation of April 1861, intended to coerce the States into submission, 
Virginia, North Carolina and other States ranged themselves with
their Southern Sisters in resistance.</p>
          <p>The Legislature of North Carolina, in February 1861, submitted the
question of a State Convention to the votes of the people, providing that
in case a majority should so decide, it was to assemble immediately, and
delegates were elected at the same time a vote was taken on the convention 
question.  At this election Martin County voted for a Convention
and Elder C. B. Hassell was elected the delegate from that County.  A
majority in the State however (though small) voted against a Convention, 
and North Carolina therefore for the present decided to remain
in the Union.<ptr id="ptr17" n="17" target="note17" targOrder="U"/>  I was decided[ly] in favor of a Convention to deliberate
as to the course the State ought to take.  I retained my office, because
I deemed it imprudent to resign it until the State seceded, or such controlling 
circumstances occurred as to induce me to conclude that it could
be no longer held with honor and consistent with the duty I owed to my
State.  To show you however my feelings and opinions before the
proclamation was issued, I transcribe here some propositions I reduced
to writing at that period.</p>
          <p>1. I unequivocally admit the right of a State to secede from the
Union, and thereafter, I deny that the United States government has
any power or authority within the jurisdictional limits of such State.</p>
          <p>2. If the United States government attempts to coerce a seceding
State, I think this a sufficient cause for North Carolina to immediately
secede from the Union and unite her destiny and resources with the
seceding States.</p>
          <p>3. As the union is now dissolved by the withdrawal of several states,
I consider it important that the whole of the Southern States should
act unitedly and harmoniously, as the only means to avert civil war.</p>
          <p>4. At present I cannot see a probability of living in harmony, with
any of the non slaveholding States; but if a Union can be reconstructed
by which the guarantees contemplated by Mr. Crittenden's resolutions,
can be obtained, then I am for a reconstruction upon those resolutions
as a basis.</p>
          <p>5. If that is found impracticable, then I am for secession of North
Carolina and coöperation with such of the Southern States as may
agree to form a Southern Confederacy, and I am utterly opposed to a
Union of a Central Confederacy of the border slaveholding and non
slaveholding States, and thereby cutting loose from the Gulf States.</p>
          <note id="note17" n="17" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr17">The vote of Martin County was: For Convention, 662; against Convention, 22. The
vote of the State was:  For Convention, 46,672; against Convention, 47,333.</note>
          <pb id="biggs29" n="29"/>
          <p>6. I will not be <sic>pledeged</sic> to any particular course of action, except
as indicated in the above propositions and conclusions, intending however 
to exercise my best judgment to maintain the institution of domestic
slavery, and desiring to that end the cooperation of all the Southern
 States.</p>
          <p>Stirring events succeeded each other rapidly.  A failure by the Peace
Congress to settle difficulties was followed by the Proclamation of April
1861; and thereupon I determined no longer to hold office in the government 
of the United States, and prepared, and immediately transmitted
my resignation; a copy of which I here transcribe.</p>
          <p>WILLIAMSTON, N. C., April 23 1861.</p>
          <p>TO ABRAHAM LINCOLN,</p>
          <p>
            <hi rend="italics">President of the United States.</hi>
          </p>
          <p>Sir: - I hereby resign my office of District Judge of the United States for
the District of North Carolina, being unwilling longer to hold a commission
in a Government which has degenerated into a military despotism.  I subscribe 
myself <hi rend="italics">yet</hi> a friend of constitutional liberty.</p>
          <p>
            <name>ASA BIGGS.</name>
          </p>
          <p>I thereby cut myself loose from all official <sic>connexion</sic> with the Government, 
and took my stand as a private citizen of the State, and advised
and acted as the convictions of my judgment dictated.  Another
Convention was called, to convent on <hi rend="italics">20th May 1861</hi>, and an election
of delegates was ordered on 13th.  My name was placed before the
people of Martin as a delegate, and I was elected with but little show
of opposition.  And now, my hoped for quiet is disturbed.  I am again
forced into the Stormy arena, at an awful crisis of my country's history.
I did not hesitate.  I encouraged the formation of military companies - 
assisted in, and promoted their equipment and supplies, and urged upon
all, to defend the legacy of our ancestors - the right of self government - 
to the last extremity.  The County of Martin furnished immediately
two volunteer companies, commanded by Capts. Lamb and Clements,
and subscribed several thousand dollars to furnish equipment and supplies; 
and the company commanded by Capt. Lamb left the wharf at
Williamston for the defense of the coast of North Carolina on 20th May
1861 - the day that the State formally seceded from the Union.</p>
          <p>I took my seat as a member of the State Convention at Raleigh on
20 May 1861, and so united and harmonious was public sentiment then,
that before the close of that day, an ordinance of secession <hi rend="italics">unanimously</hi>
passed, separating the State from the Union and declaring our determination 
to assert the right of self government - a right inestimable to
freemen and formidable to tyrants only.  When I recur to the scenes of
that day, my heart exults with pride at the proud position my native
State then assumed: and I can but regret that any thing has since occurred,
<pb id="biggs30" n="30"/>to cast a reflection upon the patriotism of any portion of my
fellow citizens: but candor and truthfulness require one to say that many,
then voting for secession, have since greatly embarrassed our efforts to
sustain the position then taken.  In a few days, the State became a
member of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of
America and elected delegates to represent the State in Congress;
and for weal or woe, identified herself with the Southern Confederacy,
by subsequently adopting the Constitution of the Confederate States.</p>
          <p>I was laboriously engaged in the Convention as long as I remained
a member, being placed on the most important Committees, by the appointment 
of Mr. Weldon N. Edward, the venerable President.  Whatever 
may be the criticism on my course in that body, I will say that I
never proposed or urged any measure, that I did not hope and believe
would promote harmony in the maintenance of our cause - being deeply
impressed with the conviction that our success depended upon our unity.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">CONFEDERATE STATES DISTRICT JUDGE</emph>
          </head>
          <p>On 17th June 1861, I was appointed by Jefferson Davis, President
of the Confederate States of America, during the Provisional Government 
of the Confederate States, Judge of the District Court for the
District of North Carolina; and this appointment was confirmed by the
advise and consent of the Congress, and a commission was sent to me
dated 13th August 1861.  Upon the formation of the Permanent Government 
of the Confederate States under the permanent Constitution,
I was appointed by President Davis, by and with the advice and consent 
of the Senate, Judge of the Court aforesaid; and my commission
furnished me is dated on 15th April 1862, and I took the oath of office
before Judge [R. R.] Heath of the Superior Court Bench of North
Carolina on 27th May 1862.</p>
          <p>The Convention had several recesses, one or two while I was a member. 
 I continued a delegate until I thought it was time the Court was
organized, and that my attention was required to the prize cases which
were accumulating at Newbern.  I resigned my seat in the winter of
1861 - 62 and Mr. D. W. Bagley was elected my successor.  Again did I
retire from public life, and since then I have been discharging the
duties of Judge.  As remarked in the outset, I was driven with my
family from home, by the enemy in February 1862, and have been
residing at this place since Dec. 1863; looking on with the deepest
anxiety at the struggle which has been progressing for four years;
with an abiding belief in our ultimate success, because I do firmly believe 
our cause is just.  Frequently, however, I have been greatly depressed 
in spirits, with pain and grief realizing what I did not expect
<pb id="biggs31" n="31"/>to see prevail so extensively in the South - a spirit of covetousness,
selfishness, extortion and avarice that induces me to suppose this cruel
war is still to be prolonged, until a just and merciful God, shall humble
our people more, and extirpate the distracting and fell spirit that so
generally prevails.  How any patriot, philanthropist, or Christian can
permit himself to be absorbed in making a fortune out of the miseries
of this war, is past my comprehension!  How men of standing and
wealth, can remain at home, accumulating their thousands and millions,
at the expense, misery, and discomfort of the families of those brave
and gallant soldiers, who are protecting our rights at such great sacrifices, 
is but another evidence of the ingratitude and depravity of poor,
fallen, human nature!  How any Southerner, not deprived of his manhood, 
and spirit of freedom, can be willing to submit to the insolent foe
who demands our subjugation at his feet, with his heel in our faces, the
confiscation of all our property, with the ignominious and debased condition 
of becoming the slaves of slaves - is to me distressingly painful
and amazing!</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">SONS IN CONFEDERATE ARMY</emph>
          </head>
          <p>In April 1861 my son William, then about 18 years old, and in his
Junior year, was at school at the University of North Carolina at
Chapel Hill.  Before the secession of the State, he applied to me for
permission to join a company who proposed to tender its services to
Prest. Davis.  I declined to give my consent, advising him to apply
himself diligently to his studies, as he might soon be deprived of any
further educational advantages, a matter of vast importance to him.
The students however became so much excited, that college exercises
were partially suspended, and he ventured to visit home.  He reached
there in the morning of the day, when we were engaged in forming the
volunteer companies in the County.  He remained in the house but a
few minutes, and asked my permission to attach himself to one of the
companies, which I promptly granted.</p>
          <p>He was elected 3d Lieut. of Capt. Lamb's company of 12 months
Volunteers, called the Roanoke Guards, and started with that company
to Cape Hatteras on 20th May.  It is remarkable, they carried no guns,
no <sic>intrenching</sic> tools, and for weeks were stationed on the bald sea beach
without any means of defence.  In August 1861, the garrison at Fort
Hatteras were captured by the enemy, carried as prisoners to New York,
and from thence to Fort Warren in Boston harbor, and were kept for 8
months before they were exchanged.  Upon a reorganization of the
company, William was elected 1st Lieut.  Subsequently promoted to the
Captaincy of Company A, of 17th Regiment of North Carolina Troops,
and attached to Martin's Brigade; in which capacity he has been serving 
<pb id="biggs32" n="32"/>ever since.  The Brigade is now commanded by Genl. Kirkland
attached to Genl. Hoke's Division.  He has been through a great deal of
hard service, in North Carolina and Virginia, and engaged in several
battles; but through the mercy of God he has escaped with one slight
wound; and has had but one serious spell of sickness, thus far.  Certainly, 
we have cause to adore the superintending and preserving Providence 
of our kind and Heavenly Father!<ptr id="ptr18" n="18" target="note18" targOrder="U"/></p>
          <p>In July 1864, my son Henry having reached the age of 17 years, by
my consent, attached himself to Capt. Manly's Battery of Artillery of
Cabell's Battalion, stationed between Petersburg and Richmond, where
he has been serving ever since; and so far has enjoyed good health.  He
has not yet been engaged in a battle.</p>
          <p>I cheerfully give up my boys to the service of my Country, though the
sacrifice is great.  I would consider myself and my family disgraced, if 
we desired to, and could relieve ourselves from a participation in this
great conflict for our liberty.  I fervently pray, that they may be spared;
but I endeavor to make myself resigned to any event: with faith, that
God will order all things for the best, and that out of this bloody
carnage, some great good is to be accomplished.</p>
          <p>This war for Independence has now been in progress for more than
four years, with varying success.  And such a gigantic war we do not
read of in modern history!  The sacrifice of human life, and some of
the most worthy of the Country, is great and painful: and the end of
this carnage is only known to Almighty God.  It is a contest on our
part for the right of self government - a right inestimable to us, and
which we cannot surrender without dishonor.  Our country is invaded
by those who demand our subjugation and submission to their rule, the
utter annihilation of our personal rights and our rights of property, the
consequences of which would be our degradation and ruin.</p>
          <p>I know that <hi rend="italics">I</hi> am rapidly passing from the stage of action.  In a
few short years the place that now knows me will know me no more
forever: but I feel great solicitude that you, my dear children, may be
permitted to enjoy the blessing of freedom that I have so long possessed.
If we are unsuccessful I shall die with a conviction, that you and my
countrymen will become the most degraded people upon the face of the
earth.  If we are successful and our people, as I hope they will, learn,
from our sad experience, the errors of the past, reform their vices and
confess their sins and transgressions, God in his mercy may make us a
prosperous and happy people.</p>
          <p>It is amazing how successful we have been in resisting the enemy,
with our limited resources, compared with our foes.  It is evident to me
<note id="note18" n="18" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr18"> A history of this regiment by Second Lieutenant Wilson G. Lamb, Co. F, is in Clark,
Walter (ed.):  <hi rend="italics">North Carolina Regiments</hi>, 1861 - '65, II, 2 - 13.</note>
<pb id="biggs33" n="33"/>that the Almighty arm has been interposed in our behalf; and this gives
me confidence that <hi rend="italics">He</hi> will yet deliver us.  But we are a sinful nation
I am compelled to confess; and this war has developed a spirit of covetousness, 
extortion and a greed for gain in the Southern Country which
I did not expect to see.  It is poor, fallen, unregenerate human nature!</p>
          <p>In my opinion the proximate cause of this war is a <hi rend="italics">false religion</hi>,
an anti-christian spirit which I think will be punished severely by a
just and holy God.  We have suffered immensely and the clouds now
look lowering and the prospect is exceedingly gloomy, but God knows
all things and what is best, and I endeavor to be calm and resigned to
<hi rend="italics">His</hi> holy will.</p>
          <p>This much I now say in regard to the pending war.  Much more I
could write on this all absorbing subject, but you have had experience
of the evils of the times as well as myself; and some of you can appreciate 
the horrors, anxieties and difficulties of the past four years, and I
pray Heaven that you may never have such painful and melancholy
experience for another four years of your lives.  I have been driven
from my own home twice by fear of being captured by the enemy, and
am now under apprehensions that I shall be compelled to leave my
family again.  If I should not I may hereafter continue these memoirs;
but if I do, it is probable, this will be the last I shall ever write in this
form to you, and I therefore commend and commit you to God, praying
him to preserve and guide you, with the admonition to live soberly,
righteously and godly in this present evil world.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <opener>
            <date>JULY 1, 1865.</date>
          </opener>
          <p>It is with a sad and heavy heart I resume these memoirs.  Most important 
events have occurred, the consequences of which I cannot foresee
and a blow has fallen upon our family circle, heart-rending and irreparable.  
Our country is subjugated and our dear boy Henry is no more
 - another sacrifice of blood, another mournful calamity of this cruel war.
Genl. Lee evacuated Petersburg and Richmond about 1st April and on
9th surrendered his army to Genl. Grant at Appomattox C. H. Va.  On
8th (Saturday) late in the afternoon Manly's Battery was attacked
by the enemy near the Court House and Henry was wounded in the
neck.  It <sic>paralized</sic> him, rendered him speechless and lock jaw ensued.
He was carried to a poor man's house by the name of Tyree on Sunday
and there he lingered until 12th, (Wednesday) when he expired about
9 o'clock P. M. and was buried in the private burial ground of a Mr.
Overton about 1/2 mile from Mr. Tyree.  We have assurances he was
well cared for and decently interred.  He was the only member of the
<pb id="biggs34" n="34"/>battery that we could hear was injured, and why was it that he was
permitted to fall?  Oh God thou knowest!  What a bitter pang!  We
looked anxiously for him among the returning soldiers; we hoped
to see him hourly make his appearance.  We sought diligently to
ascertain his situation, until we were informed he was wounded.  A
glimmer of hope still sustained us until a visit of William to the place
(about 10 miles from Appomattox Court House) to enquire after him,
brought us the certain and melancholy truth that he was dead.  That
awful truth sunk our hearts, threw a gloom over the household, plunged
us into the deepest grief, and night and day has his dear mother mourned,
the loss of her absent boy with broken lamentations!  Henry was a
sprightly, a very intelligent youth, energetic, patriotic and hopeful, a
dutiful and promising child: and we had hoped for him a long life of
usefulness to the family and to the country.  God thought best to remove 
him from this scene of strife and turmoil, that he might not witness 
the subjugation of his country: and I humbly trust has taken him
to a world of rest and peace.  We bow! O God! to thy righteous will
and pray that this great affliction may be sanctified to our good.  Let the
thought console you, my dear children, that he died in the defence of
his country in the path-way of duty.  May you all discharge your duties
with the same fidelity and die in the same honorable way.  Let us humbly 
submit to the dispensation of a righteous Providence, who for some
wise purpose inscrutable to us, has removed from our family the loved
one, who so frequently enlivened our home circle and promised so much
for the future.  It teaches us among other lessons that the young also
die and the importance of being prepared for that change whether old
or young.  It has left an aching void, that nothing but the consolations
of God's Spirit can supply and to <hi rend="italics">Him</hi> I commend you for light and
comfort, and pray that <hi rend="italics">He</hi> may sustain and support us in this our day
of trial and grief.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>
            <emph rend="bold">DOWNFALL OF THE CONFEDERACY</emph>
          </head>
          <p>On the day that Henry was wounded I was in Raleigh to visit William 
who was sick in the hospital.  He obtained leave of absence for a
week to come home and recruit, but before the week expired Genl.
Johnston retreated, Raleigh was occupied by the enemy, he was prevented 
from joining his command until Genl. Johnston surrendered his
army to Genl. Sherman about 20th April.  Subsequently, as we hear,
the other military forces of the Confederacy surrendered, and thus the
Confederate military organization was disband[ed] and the enemy
victorious.  The President of the Confederate States, Jefferson Davis,
and many other prominent Southern officials have been arrested and are
<pb id="biggs35" n="35"/>now in prison.  In one short month our government terminated, and
we are placed at the mercy of the United States military authorities.
The President, Mr. Lincoln, was assassinated at a theatre in Washington
City, on or about 14th April, and the Vice President, Andrew Johnson,
is now the President.  Mr. Johnson has appointed Mr. Holden provisional 
Governor of North Carolina, who has declared all the civil offices
of the State vacant and proposes to call a convention to reconstruct the
State government.  The military have declared the slaves free, and still
occupy the Capitol and important positions in different sections of the
State: so that all is chaos and nothing definite for the future.  This
much may be said with certainty that now, to all intents and purposes,
we are a conquered province, held and governed by the strong arm of
military power.  Mr. R. P. Dick has been appointed United States
District Judge in my place.  I expect to be arrested and tried for treason
and all my property confiscated if what appears to be the intention of
the reigning authority is enforced.  It is useless for me to extend this
gloomy picture.  It darkens as it expands, and, as it is viewed more
closely.  And yet, the Lord reigneth! and I believe nothing will transpire 
but what <hi rend="italics">He</hi> permits, and therefore with confidence I leave my all
to Him; and conclude this hasty resume of passing events, with some
probability, that I may not soon, if ever, continue in this form, any
note of future events.</p>
          <salute>May God bless, guide, and protect you!!</salute>
        </div2>
      </div1>
    </body>
    <back>
      <div1>
        <pb id="biggs36" n="36"/>
        <head>
          <emph rend="bold">LEE'S FAREWELL ADDRESS</emph>
          <ptr id="ptr19" n="19" target="note19" targOrder="U"/>
        </head>
        <opener>
          <dateline>HEAD QRS. ARMY NO. VA., <date>April 10th, 1865.</date></dateline>
        </opener>
        <p>GENERAL ORDER No. 9.</p>
        <p>After four years of arduous service marked by unsurpassed courage
and fortitude, the army of Northern Virginia has been compelled to
yield to overwhelming numbers and resources.  I need not tell the brave
survivors of so many hard fought battles, who have remained steadfast
to the last, that I consented to this result, not from any distrust of them,
but feeling that valor and devotion could accomplish nothing that would
compensate for the loss that must have attended the continuation of the
contest, I determined to avoid the sacrifice of those whose past services
have endeared them to their countrymen.  By the terms of agreement
officers and men can return to their homes and remain until exchanged.</p>
        <p>You will take with you the satisfaction that proceeds from the consciousness 
of duty faithfully performed, and I earnestly pray that a
merciful God will extend to you his blessing and protection.</p>
        <p>With an increasing admiration of your constancy and devotion to
your country, and a grateful remembrance of your kind and generous
consideration for myself, I bid you all an affectionate farewell.</p>
        <note id="note19" n="19" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr19">Copied in the Scrap-Book in Judge Biggs' handwriting.</note>
        <closer><signed>(Signed) <name>R. E. LEE,</name>
  General.</signed>
<name>At Appomatox C. H., Va. </name></closer>
      </div1>
      <div1>
        <pb id="biggs37" n="37"/>
        <head>
          <emph rend="bold">THE KANSAS QUESTION<ptr id="ptr20" n="20" target="note20" targOrder="U"/></emph>
        </head>
        <div2>
          <opener>
            <hi rend="italics">From the Tarboro Southerner of April 17, 1858.</hi>
          </opener>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Letter from Hon. Asa Biggs</hi> - We copy below from the <hi rend="italics">Baltimore
Republican</hi> the letter of the Hon. Asa Biggs of this State, addressed to
the Lecompton meeting recently held in that city.  This letter will commend 
itself to the reader by its sound practical sense and by the clear
and correct view which it presents of the present condition of the Kansas
question.  The Richmond <hi rend="italics">Enquirer</hi> has paid Col. Biggs the high compliment 
of copying the letter [as] embodying in the clearest and best
manner its own views on this absorbing question.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <opener>
            <dateline>SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, <date>March 3, 1858.</date></dateline>
          </opener>
          <p>GENTLEMEN: - I cannot conveniently attend the mass meeting in Baltimore
to which I am kindly invited by yours of 20th ultimo.</p>
          <p>The object of the meeting I cordially approve.  President Buchanan, in
my opinion, should not only be publicly approved, but he deserves the affection 
of the people, for his bold and patriotic position, in the face of an unprincipled 
opposition and the defection of some Democrats from whom he had
reason to expect better things.  I candidly confess that the state of affairs
in Kansas for the last three years, has not given me a very exalted opinion
of the character of that people for an enlightened self-government: but they
partake of the characteristics generally of our border population, who drawn
together by a speculating mania and a desire and expectation to make themselves
 speedily rich, are not very scrupulous about the forms of law.</p>
          <p>But what have we in the Lecompton constitution under which it is proposed
by the President to admit Kansas? It is a constitution emanating from
legal authority and in its adoption all the necessary forms of law, to ascertain 
the people's will, have been observed.  It is no doubt true that there
have been fraud and violence and great irregularities in the action of all
parties in Kansas: and suppose, as is charged, there was fraud, at the Delaware 
crossing or other precincts yet it cannot be denied that, deducting this
and all other fraudulent votes (as they ought to be with the emphatic condemnation 
and denunciation of all honest men) still there is an overwhelming
<hi rend="italics">legal</hi> majority of the people of Kansas, voting for delegates and approving
the Constitution.  If however it be admitted that a majority of people <hi rend="italics"/>
the Territory refused to vote, then to make that an excuse for refusing admission 
is to encourage <hi rend="italics">faction</hi> and rebellion against lawful authority.</p>
          <p>It may be seriously questioned whether we do not make a dangerous precedent 
in admitting a state with such a small population: but upon the
whole it is evident to my mind, that the contest is one between law and order
and faction and rebellion: between peace and agitation: between the supporters 
of the Constitution and constitutional rights of all the States and
those disposed to stir up civil strife and to test the strength of the Union
<note id="note20" n="20" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr20">Copied in the Scrap-Book in Judge Biggs' handwriting.</note>
<pb id="biggs38" n="38"/>for political aims and ends.  And, in the language of the President, I believe
that “the speedy admission of Kansas into the Union would restore peace and
quiet to the whole Country.  Already the affairs of this Territory have engrossed 
an undue proportion of public attention.  They have sadly affected
the friendly relations of the people of the States with each other, and alarmed
the fears of the patriots for the safety of the Union.  Kansas once admitted
into the Union, the excit[e]ment becomes localized and will soon die away
for want of outside aliment.”</p>
          <p>It is palpable that in the admission of Kansas the South only obtains the
recognition of a principle what can never be surrendered without dishonor.
It cannot be admitted that if the leading doctrine of the opposition, “No
more slaveholding States shall ever be admitted into the Union,” be practically
enforced, it will necessarily work a dissolution of the Union, that Union
which is the fondest hope of the patriot here, of the friend of free institutions
everywhere.  That the South will ever consent in the practical administration
of this government to admit her inequality because of the institution of
slavery in the States, is to suppose her greatly degenerated in moral instincts
and courage and totally unworthy of political [?] association.  How can any
honorable man calculate that she would tamely submit to such a position of
inferiority, which would humiliate her in her own estimation and disgrace
her in the eyes of the civilized world?  Let all be assured that the <hi rend="italics">most</hi>
conciliatory at the South and those who deprecate a dissolution as one of the
greatest calamities that could befall us (of whom I profess to be one) will
never yield to this disgraceful alternative.  I do not thus write in a spirit
of idle alarm.  The breach between the extremes is wide.  An estrangement
of feeling begins to develop itself among the most prudent and moderate,
North and South, and it becomes important for them now to understand each
other distinctly; calmly to survey the tendency of things, that they may act
together promptly and efficiently to avert the catastrophe which threatens
us, and which it is idle and criminal to treat with derision.  Could we interrogate 
the leaders of the opposition and obtain a candid answer would they
not promptly respond: “If the constitution of the United States were now
for the first time to be formed, I would never consent to insert certain provisions 
therein contained, touching the question of slavery, and I would
insist upon other provisions, which would secure the entire extinction of
slavery in the State.”  If they would not make such an avowal, then their
present professions are hypocritical and insincere; and if avowed does it
not incontestably establish, that their opposition is not merely to the toleration 
of slavery <hi rend="italics">in the Territories</hi> but that they are <hi rend="italics">radically opposed to the
Constitution itself</hi>.  And will Northern men professing to be Democrats give
sanction to such sentiments, and encouragement to such a party?  And yet
with pain do I witness daily this tendency in a few - <hi rend="italics">one</hi> at least heretofore
looked to and relied upon as a rampart (as we had hoped) prepared and
designed to protect the sacred chart of our liberties, and stay the wild tide of
fanaticism which threatened the stability of the Union.<ptr id="ptr21" n="21" target="note21" targOrder="U"/>  But if personal
disappointment and chagrin or experiments for political promotion seduce
many, we may congratulate ourselves that in the President we have one, who
with Roman firmness, will not permit the State and Constitution to suffer
detriment under his administration.</p>
          <note id="note21" n="21" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr21">Probably a reference to Stephen A. Douglas.</note>
          <pb id="biggs39" n="39"/>
          <p>You do well therefore, gentlemen, as you propose, publicly to hold up the
hand of the President: to approve and defend his course, the just and grateful
reward of a faithful public servant.</p>
          <closer><salute>I have the honor to be very respectfully
					Your obedient servant</salute>
								<signed>ASA BIGGS</signed></closer>
          <trailer> MESS. B. H. Richardson, B. C. Presstman, and
	J J. Graves, <hi rend="italics">Committee of Invitation.</hi>
			Baltimore</trailer>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <div1>
        <pb id="biggs40" n="40"/>
        <head>
          <emph rend="bold">RESIGNATION FROM THE SENATE<ptr id="ptr22" n="22" target="note22" targOrder="U"/></emph>
        </head>
        <div2>
          <opener>
            <hi rend="italics">From the Tarboro Southerner of </hi>
            <date>
              <hi rend="italics">15 May, 1858.</hi>
            </date>
          </opener>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Hon. Asa Biggs</hi>.  We publish below a letter from Mr. Biggs, addressed
to the people of North Carolina in which he informs them of his resignation 
of the office of Senator and returns his thanks for honors heretofore 
conferred upon him.  The people of the State have never had a
more faithful or conscientious public servant than Asa Biggs.  He goes
now from political service to a more quiet position but one in which his
usefulness will still be widely felt and appreciated.  The following is
his letter. - <hi rend="italics">Standard</hi>.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <opener>
            <salute>
              <hi rend="italics">To the People of North Carolina.</hi>
            </salute>
          </opener>
          <p>In resigning, as I have, the elevated position of Senator of the United
States I cannot sever the relation of representative and Constituent, without
expressing my feelings of gratitude for the high confidence reposed in me by
you: and whatever position I may hereafter occupy, I shall always remember
and acknowledge with great sensibility the kind partiality of those generous
friends, who placed me in one of the highest, most dignified and responsible
offices in the world.  My resignation became a duty to my family, those and
those only who have a higher claim upon me than the claim of my countrymen
to serve in public office.  I feel the less regret, because from the Senate I go
with the public service in a different capacity more congenial to my feelings
and habits, and one in which I trust I may be able to serve my Country not
less useful[ly], though in a more retired and quiet sphere.  [It] is also with
less reluctance because I am confident that in the Executive of our State, we
have the assurance of an appointment of such a successor to me as will faithfully 
reflect your wishes and maintain the high character of North Carolina
in the Councils of the Confederacy - a character although not pressed upon
public attention with arrogance is sustained with inflexible fidelity: and as I
have reason to know is properly and highly appreciated by the wise, considerate 
and patriotic.  Whatever errors I may have committed as your
Representative, I entertain an abiding conviction that no tarnish has attached
to the fair fame of our venerated commonwealth: and in this I have a
becoming pride.</p>
          <p> Suffer me in conclusion to repeat my profound <sic>acknowledgements</sic> and
gratitude for the distinguished honor you have conferred upon me; and upon
my retirement to impress upon all my country men the importance of sustaining 
in all our public measures and public men and in all our intercourse
as Citizens of this great Union of States, the well earned and cherished reputation 
of North Carolina as the “honest old North State,” although we may
occasionally, in this degenerate day, for such an ambition, incur the sneers
of <sic>witlings</sic> and spendthrifts.</p>
          <note id="note22" n="22" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr22">Copied in the Scrap-Book in Judge Biggs' handwriting.</note>
          <closer><signed>ASA BIGGS</signed>
    <dateline>Washington, <date>May 4,1858.</date></dateline></closer>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <div1>
        <pb id="biggs41" n="41"/>
        <head>JOURNAL OF A TRIP
<emph rend="bold">FROM WILLIAMSTON TO NEW YORK AND
BACK IN 1832</emph></head>
        <opener>
          <dateline>WILLIAMSTON, <date>April 18, 1832.</date></dateline>
        </opener>
        <p>Left Williamston about 9 o'clock went to Powells to dinner where
there was cackling and crowing in the extreme and among the crowd
some young men who revel in dissipation and whose heedlessness is a
good lesson to those who indulge in vice.  Arrived at Nickoles where we
staid all night.  Here I met with Mr. Simmons Sheriff of Halifax whom
I found to be a very pleasant and agreeable man.</p>
        <p>[April 19th].  Left Scotland Neck 19th - four passenger - arrived at
Winton about dark - to this place had a fine coach and good horses.</p>
        <p>[April 20th].  Left Winton 20th about four o'clock with eight passengers 
and after jolting and considerable fatigue got to Norfolk 1/2 after
three - crossed the river in a steam boat which plies continually.  Portsmouth, 
we passed so soon that I cannot tell much about it.  Norfolk has
the appearance of considerable business - many of the streets are very
dirty.  <sic>Should'ent</sic> suppose the corporation are very vigilant.  We travelled 
in the stage with Genl. Blount of Nashville, N. C. whom I found to
be a very pleasant man.  We had also two Methodist preachers.  They had
not much peace and although they assumed a very grave appearance
and occasionally groaned yet that had but little effect in checking the
glee.  We took in on the road a Mr. Craig, from Tallahasse, who is now
with me at the Steam Boat Hotel and I think a fine young man.  Mr.
Shaw, Genl. Blount and the preachers left this evening for Baltimore
in the Columbus.  She is an elegant Boat.</p>
        <p>[April] 21st.  After enjoying a good nights rest, with the exception of
being once interrupted by the arrival of the Steam Boat, Mr. Craig and
myself went over to Portsmouth and from there to the Navy Yard.  Here
we spent our time very interesting[ly].  We first visited the ship now
building called New York, she is a 74: all enclosed in an excellent house
 - great many mechanics industriously engaged in building her - we went
to the top deck - she has three decks - she is constructed of live oak timber 
almost entirely - she is a huge machine, we next visited the Delaware
now lying at the wharf repairing - on board her I met with Dr. Baker,
who accompanied us during the balance of our visit - here I could discover 
more about the management and apparatus of a ship.  We next
directed our steps to the Dry Dock and in going there we passed a great
<pb id="biggs42" n="42"/>many shops and the commanding officer Comr. Warrington residence - 
which is tastefully arranged.  The ship North Carolina is lying out in
the stream all covered.  The old ships Guirrere [sic] and Macedonia are
also lying out in the stream.  We arrived at the Dry Dock after passing
several <sic>stoers</sic> [sic] houses and stones yards.  Here I cannot attempt
a <sic>discription</sic> of the importance and magnificence of this work.  Suffice
it to say it is constructed of solid stone in a cavity near, by throwing
out the dirt for at least 25 feet below the surface of the water, and
sufficiently long for a 74 gun ship to lie in.  It is made in the form of
a ship.  The bottom is well secured by <sic>spiling</sic> and then solid rock for
about six feet deep.  It is to be construed [constructed] with gates so
as to send a ship in by hoisting.  There are now a great many hands
engaged in building it, and it will take them twelve months longer to
complete it.   It is a grand work and bleeds Uncle Sam's pocket to excess
I should suppose.  Adjacent to it they are building a house and well
which is to be used by steam engine to draw off the water from the dock,
and when necessary to flood it again so as to float the ship.  We returned 
and examined the arms.  Shot and Balls in abundance may be
found there and cannons numerous.  Passing to and fro the Sentry
may be seen, and occasionally a midshipman or L[i]eutenant as stiff as a
poker and as proud as my Aung Peg.  Upon the whole my visit there
was very interesting and I derived some idea how the money was expended 
in the Navy Department.  We crossed the river in a small
Steam-Boat for which you have to pay 6 1/4 cts and it is very accommodating 
to the public as well as profitable to the owners.  The Capt told
me that he generally crossed 100 times in the day, and not less on an
average, I suppose, cross than 6 or 8 persons.  She crosses in four or
five minutes.  Portsmouth is a very pretty little place, but the corporation 
are kindred spirits with those of  Norfolk.</p>
        <p>They neglect their streets and you find them dirty and disagreeable.
It is not to be wondered at if malignant fevers are common and fatal in
Portsmouth, and more especially in Norfolk.</p>
        <p>The Marine Hospital, which you see at a distance from Norfolk is a
commanding Spectacle.  It appe[a]rs to be a splendid establishment.
This morning I went on board the Potomac and Pocahontas.  The Pocahontas 
is a most splendid Boat.</p>
        <p>[April] <sic>22st</sic> [nd].  Left Norfolk this morning 9 <sic>oclock</sic> in the Fredericksburg, 
run 18 miles in an hour and half; passing got a view of the
Rip-Raps and Old Point Comfort.  The Rip-Raps is an important work
 - with the aid of a <sic>Spye</sic>-glass I could ascertain how it was built.  It is
a solid bed of stone in 18 ft water, about 5 acres.  There are 3 or 4 houses
on it, and a wharf projects from it.   It is truly a great work, and as is
<pb id="biggs43" n="43"/>
the necessary consequence must have cost an immense quantity of money.
But they appeared inconsiderable, when compared with the battery
and apparatus on Old Point.  Here you see port-holes in every direction, 
and flags flying.  I was informed that 100 guns could be made to
bear on the size of a <sic>Hhd</sic>-head.  It is a magnificent spectacle.  Any
attempt to pass up the river by an enemy would meet with warm work,
too warm for comfort.  I think it would be utterly impossible for an
enemy to pass up between the Battery and the Rip-Raps.</p>
        <p>[April] <sic>23th</sic> [nd].  This morning about 7 <sic>oclock</sic> we passed Mt. Vernon.  
Instinctively I became melancholy and the reflection that there lies
the great and good man, our Country's Benefactor, struck me with awe.
The Situation of my country in '76, the abject slavery to which we were
reduced, the fearless and intrepid Spirits that dared to stand up and defend 
our rights, the melancholy spectacle which we presented during the
great struggle for liberty, the grand instrument with all his virtues shining 
that effected so much; who by his address could check those disposed
to murmur - establish the wavering, and inspire the whole with that love
of liberty and equal rights that can effect almost impossibilities, the
important advantage we derived from his firmness and wisdom in establishing 
our republic, all passed in review before my imagination, and
could not fail to produce sensations uncommon.  A profound reverence
for the tomb of Washington, and an earnest desire that the same principles 
which he taught may continue to be inculcated and which are alone
calculated to perpetuate this fair fabric.  Mount Vernon is a beautiful
situation.  It possesses a commanding view of the Potomac.  On the
opposite point of land, Fort Washington is erected.  It would be very
difficult for an enemy to pass this place.  Arrived at Washington 9
<sic>oclock</sic> took lodgings at Gadsbys.  Here I met with Mr. T. Jones and
Mr. Parker from Tarboro, visited the Capitol [as] soon [as] I arrived
with Jones.  The Capitol is so magnificent that I cannot attempt a
description and therefore decline it.  Suffice it to say, that the Rotunda
is ornamented with four paintings by Trumbull, most superb and to
the life.  About 11 <sic>oclock</sic> the two Houses met went H. R. first, where
I heard but little, petitions first presented, and then they took up the
trial of Houston.<ptr id="ptr23" n="23" target="note23" targOrder="U"/>  This was so <sic>insiped</sic> that we left and went to the
Senate.  Here we heard a very interesting debate, on the appropriation
for Minister to France.  Several members were designated to me.  The
appropriation was lost by a majority of two.  Returned to the Representative
<note id="note23" n="23" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr23">The trial of Sam Houston.  Houston had visited Washington in the interest of the Cherokee Indians.  
While he was there William Stanberry, a member of Congress from Ohio, charged him with
attempting to obtain a <sic>fradulent</sic> contract for furnishing supplies to the Indians.  Houston, in retaliation, 
attacked Stanberry and beat him severely.  He was tried and reprimanded at the bar of the
House, and fined $500, but President Jackson remitted the fine.</note>
<pb id="biggs44" n="44"/> Hall, which adjourned in a few minutes, after having been
engaged in the hearing of Houston's case.  At night went to the Theatre,
where I was considerably diverted.  The celebrated Clara Fisher appeared.  
She is a beautiful girl, and performs admirably.</p>
        <p>[April] 24th.  Walked up and examined the Presidents Palace and
Secretaries offices.  These are elegant.  They are situated about 1 1/2 mile
from the Capitol at the other end of Penn' Avenue.  Returned to the
Capitol and in a short time both houses met.  Went to the Senate Chamber, 
where I had Judge Mangum<ptr id="ptr24" n="24" target="note24" targOrder="U"/> called out, and after delivering my
letter he appeared very glad to see me, invited us in the Chamber, where
we remained for some time, during which time we heard a discussion on
a question for reconsideration of the appropriation vote.  Went to the
H. R. and delivered my letter to Mr. Carson.<ptr id="ptr25" n="25" target="note25" targOrder="U"/>  He is a very clever
man and although according to the rules of the House we could not go
into the Hall, he <sic>proferred</sic> to do anything for us to render us agreeable.
The H. R. has been engaged all day in examining testimony on Houston's
case.  This I consider a complete farce.  A useless expenditure of time
and money, perhaps will cost the U. S. $100,000, and take up 3 or 4
weeks, and all for a petty assault and battery.  It seems to me that our
representatives are prostituting the powers vested in them.  Mr.
Branch<ptr id="ptr26" n="26" target="n