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        <author>James H. Wood </author>
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        <pubPlace>University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, </pubPlace>
        <date>1997.</date>
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at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text.</p>
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        <note anchored="yes">Call number E605 .W88 1910  (Davis
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          <title>The War; "Stonewall" Jackson, His Campaign and Battles; The Regiment; As I Saw Them </title>
          <author>James H. Wood</author>
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            <pubPlace>Cumberland, Md.</pubPlace>
            <publisher>The Eddy Press Corporation</publisher>
            <date>1910</date>
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            <item>Confederate States of America. Army. Virginia Infantry Regiment,
37th. Company D.</item>
            <item>Soldiers -- Virginia -- Biography.</item>
            <item>Virginia Military Institute -- History -- 19th century.</item>
            <item>Virginia -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal
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            <item>Virginia -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Military lif</item>
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    <front>
      <div1 type="title page image">
        <p>
          <figure id="title" entity="woodtp">
            <p>[Title Page Image]</p>
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        </p>
      </div1>
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            <p>[Frontispiece Image]</p>
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      <titlePage>
        <titlePart type="main">
          <emph rend="bold">The War</emph>
        </titlePart>
        <titlePart type="subtitle">“Stonewall” Jackson</titlePart>
        <titlePart type="subtitle">His Campaigns and Battles</titlePart>
        <titlePart type="subtitle">The Regiment</titlePart>
        <titlePart type="subtitle">As I Saw Them</titlePart>
        <byline>By</byline>
        <docAuthor>
          <emph rend="bold">JAMES H. WOOD</emph>
        </docAuthor>
        <docAuthor>Captain Co. “D”, 37th Va.
Infty. Regiment</docAuthor>
        <docImprint><publisher>The
Eddy Press Corporation</publisher>
<pubPlace>Cumberland, Md.</pubPlace>
<publisher>Publishers</publisher></docImprint>
      </titlePage>
      <div1 type="dedication">
        <p>
          <hi rend="italics">Affectionately dedicated to my two
sons and two daughters, J. Harvey
Wood, Jr.; William Scott Wood, Gertrude
Wood Dillard and Mary Wood
Harriss, the only living members of 
my family.</hi>
        </p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="preface">
        <head>PREFACE</head>
        <p>These brief memoirs of the War
between the States have been written
with care. More elaborate detail 
might have been employed but habits
of a professional life have led to terseness 
of expression, hence the story unembellished 
is given, based on personal
recollections aided by facts from others 
and such records as I have been able
to reach, including Strickler's Statistics
of dates of battles.</p>
        <p>No effort has been made to do more
than to give a brief account of the 
events seen and known directly or 
from sources above mentioned. This 
was undertaken for the purpose of 
leaving to comrades who still live, to 
the families of those who are dead, to
<pb n="ii"/>
our own families and to posterity 
some record, from our view-point, of 
the most stirring events and enactments 
of our lives.</p>
        <p>To the extent of my rank I was a
participant in the scenes described -
except two battles  -   from which disability 
from wounds prevented. “The 
Regiment” creditably participated in 
all.</p>
        <p>The performance of this work though
unavoidably deferred, is a duty I 
have long since felt incumbent upon 
myself as well as others who can 
and care to do so, to give to our country 
the benefit of our testimony as we 
saw it, of the achievements, sufferings 
and sacrifices through which our comrades 
and country passed in those 
eventful years before the same shall 
fade from our memory. Our ranks 
are rapidly thinning and soon there
will be none left to tell the tale, hence 
the importance of the testimony of actors
who yet live. From their direct 
testimony truth can be reached by the 
future historian. It is becoming in
<pb n="iii"/>
us and we do revere the memory of our 
dead comrades, thousands of whom
sleep in unknown graves, and their
achievements and devotion to the cause
they believed to be just have almost 
been forgotten. Yet while the questions
involved in the War were forever 
settled and so accepted in good 
faith by the people of the South, it is 
the duty of the survivors to preserve 
from oblivion the names and deeds 
of their dead comrades. To this end 
this narrative, for whatever it is 
worth, has been written.</p>
        <lg type="poem">
          <l>“But words are things, and a small drop of ink,</l>
          <l>Falling like dew upon a thought, produces</l>
          <l>That which makes thousands, perhaps millions,
think;</l>
          <l>'Tis strange, the shortest letter which man uses,</l>
          <l>Instead of speech may form a lasting link </l>
          <l>Of ages; to what straits old Time reduces</l>
          <l>Frail man, when paper  -   even a rag like this,</l>
          <l>Survives himself, his tomb, and all that's his.”</l>
        </lg>
        <lg>
          <l>LORD BYRON.</l>
        </lg>
        <p>I have not mentioned many interesting
events, including skirmishes and 
picket fights  -   many of which developed 
into small battles. Nor have I 
mentioned the hard marches through 
snow, ice, water, mud and rain, many
<pb n="iv"/>
almost shoeless, poorly clad, hungry,
shivering with cold, worn, exhausted,
sleeping upon the cold and wet ground, 
ill and suffering  -   because memory 
dimmed by years would not permit the 
attempt. As it is I cannot hope to 
have avoided mistakes. After the 
lapse of so much time it would hardly 
be possible that some misconception or 
misunderstanding of an event or events 
should not occur, in such case I would 
be glad if apprised of it, to make such 
corrections as I may be able.</p>
        <p>I regret not being able to procure
photographs of the others of the Field
and Staff Officers and of not being able
to procure a roster of the Junior Officers
and men of the regiment for insertion
in these pages, but as it is I send this
volume forth for such consideration 
as it may receive.</p>
        <closer><signed><name>JAMES H. WOOD.</name>
Of Bristol, Virginia.</signed>
<dateline>New York,
<date>May 2, 1910.</date></dateline></closer>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <div1 type="Chapter Frontispiece">
        <pb id="woodiva" n="iva"/>
        <p>
          <figure id="ill1" entity="wood01">
            <p>THE VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE</p>
          </figure>
        </p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="wood1" n="1"/>
        <head>CHAPTER ONE</head>
        <argument rend="sc">
          <p>Virginia Military Institute. The Flag Raising.
Growing War Spirit.</p>
        </argument>
        <p>THE growing discontent
and excitement 
in 1860 and the early 
part of 1861 will 
ever be remembered
by those who passed 
through that period. 
At and before this time I, then in my 
teens, was a cadet at the Virginia Military 
Institute located at Lexington, 
Virginia.</p>
        <p>For some years prior to this, the
questions of political difference between
the sections of the United States
designated as North and South had 
been discussed in Congress and on the
<pb id="wood2" n="2"/>
hustings with increasing acrimony and
divergence. The two great political
parties, Democrat and Whig, had long
been contestants for political supremacy,
but in 1860 the Republican party,
theretofore greatly inferior in numbers
and strength to either of the others,
elected Abraham Lincoln sixteenth
President of the United States. This 
was attributed to a division in the 
Democratic party and the nomination 
of candidates by each of its two factions. 
This triumph of the Republican
party increased anxiety and apprehension 
in the people of the South as 
to their institutions and rights.</p>
        <p>Then followed the assembling of 
the National Congress on the first 
Monday in December; the secession of 
South Carolina, December 20th 1860; 
of Alabama, January 11th, 1861; of 
Georgia, January 19th; Louisiana, 
January 26th; Texas, February 1st; 
the evacuation of Fort Sumpter by the 
Federals, April 14th; the call by Lincoln 
for troops to coerce the seceded 
States April 15th, the secession of
<pb id="wood3" n="3"/>
Virginia, April 17th; of Arkansas, 
May 6th; of North Carolina, May 
20th; of Tennessee, June 24th; and by 
acts of the Provisional Congress Missouri 
was admitted as a member of the 
Confederate States of America, August
20th; and Kentucky on December 
10th,  -   and of these States the new nation 
was organized.</p>
        <p>Leaders in the field and not on the
forum were now being considered and 
looked to. Sons of the South who had 
been trained at West Point and a long 
list of trained soldiers from the Virginia 
Military Institute, as well as its 
professors, educated and trained in the
science of war, were justly of first
consideration. Many of these and many
laymen, as well as many members of the
then corps of cadets, won enviable distinction 
in the four ensuing years. 
The V.M.I., the West Point of the 
South, now disclosed its inestimable 
worth to the new nation born at Montgomery,
February 18th, 1861. It may 
be of interest to relate here an incident 
which disclosed in advance a military 
<pb id="wood4" n="4"/>
chieftain of whom but little was known
until the opportunity came for him to
discover his merit. Men before this
period who had filled mediocre places,
began to burst forth in new light as
opportunity came. An incident of one,
then a quiet V.M.I. professor, now
known to history and the world, is 
worth preserving. It occurred in 
March, 1861, at Lexington.</p>
        <p>The secession of Virginia had not 
then occurred, but the step was being 
hotly contested on the hustings between
opposing parties. The corps of 
cadets was almost unanimous for, and 
the county of Rockbridge and the town 
of Lexington at the time overwhelmingly
against, secession.</p>
        <p>Lexington was the home of honest
John Letcher, then Governor of the
State, whose potent influence was understood 
to have thus molded public 
sentiment. The secessionists were enthusiastic 
and intolerant, the unionists 
sedate and determined. The war 
spirit had grown rapidly and had 
spread to all classes. Members of the 
<pb id="wood5" n="5"/>
corps were almost daily hoisting on
barracks secession flags which were
promptly taken down by order of the
Institute authorities, such evidences of
sentiment thus displayed on a State
Institution not being permissible while 
the State was yet a member of the 
Union. At this time a fine volunteer 
company composed of young men of 
Lexington and vicinity, with Capt. 
Sam Letcher, brother of the Governor, 
at its head, was being regularly drilled 
on Saturdays of each week.</p>
        <p>The war spirit had now grown so
intense that but a spark was needed to
set its smouldering fires into a consuming
flame. To emphasize their 
sentiments, the opposing parties without 
concert or understanding, conceived 
the plan of raising flags; one 
the stars and bars, the other the stars 
and stripes. The following Saturday 
was chosen as the day. Due advertisement 
had been given by both parties. 
This brought large numbers of people 
to town, most of whom came provided 
with such arms as the husbandman of 
<pb id="wood6" n="6"/>
that day had. The number of unionists
was more than four times greater 
than the number of secessionists. The 
latter soon ran up their flag in the 
court house yard, addresses followed 
and the small crowd, including the 
corps of cadets, was about to disperse 
to their homes, and the corps to barracks, 
when the unionists began raising 
their flag pole some distance up 
and in the middle of Main street. 
From some defect the pole broke and 
fell, at which the corps vociferously
gave vent to expressions of joy, and 
later returned to barracks more than 
half a mile away, leaving, however, 
some three or four of its number behind.</p>
        <p>On reaching barracks dinner roll 
call and the march to and from dinner
followed. As ranks were broken 
on our return from dinner, one of our 
number who had remained uptown 
came in breathless haste and announced 
that House Mountain men 
had fallen on some of the cadets uptown 
and killed them. House Mountain
<pb id="wood7" n="7"/>
is situate some ten or a dozen 
miles from Lexington, and at and in 
the vicinity of its base were homes of 
a good class of people. They were understood 
at that time to be extremely 
pro-Union. This information thus 
given was the needed match to set in 
flame the pent-up feeling for war. 
Without a word every member of the 
corps rushed to his room, seized his 
musket, cartridge box, bayonet and
scabbard and accoutered himself as he
ran down the stoops to the front of
barracks, thence down the near way to
the foot of Main street near the 
Letcher residence. Colonel (afterwards 
General) Smith, superintendent 
and ranking officer of the Institute, intercepted 
and tried to turn us back, but 
his efforts were in vain. On we sped 
until we reached Main street. Here 
Cadet Captain Galloway called out, 
“Form battalion.” This we proceeded 
to do. All had loaded their muskets 
and fixed bayonets as they proceeded 
hither.</p>
        <p>While battalion was forming Major 
<pb id="wood8" n="8"/>
John McCausland (then a sub-professor
and afterwards a brilliant Confederate
brigadier general) appeared in 
front of the battalion and said, “Young 
men, form and I will lead you up.” 
Col. Smith had now arrived and began 
to urge our return to barracks. 
R. McCulloch, of the corps, called to 
McCausland to lead us on. He replied 
that his superior officer (Colonel
Smith) was in command. Meanwhile 
the unionists who had realized the situation
were but a short distance up 
the street, preparing for the shock of 
battle which seemed so imminent. The 
entreaties to return to barracks and 
the formation into battalion went on. 
There stood one hundred and eighty 
manly youths, armed and equipped 
and eager for the fray, awaiting the 
command forward. They were of the 
very flower of the South. A little 
later on many of them won marked distinction, 
boys as they were in armies
the soldiers of which for gallantry and
endurance have never been excelled in
the history of the world.</p>
        <pb id="wood9" n="9"/>
        <p>At this time, Mr. Massey who had
won our confidence in his remarks at 
the flag raising earlier in the day and 
Maj. R. E. Colston, a professor in the 
V.M.I. and afterwards a gallant Confederate
brigadier-general, galloped 
up and joined in the appeal for our return 
to barracks. Meanwhile a greater 
than any arrived, tall, sinewy, well-formed, 
a slight stoop in the shoulders, 
large feet and hands, retreating forehead, 
blue-grey eyes, straight nose, 
strong mouth and chin held well to 
the front, in measured gait, Major
Thomas Jonathan Jackson walked up 
and down before the battalion which 
he viewed closely, then looked at the
surroundings and position of the opposing
forces. He uttered no word, 
but his movements grew more animated 
each moment, his stature 
straightened and grew taller and bigger, 
and his merit was apparent to all 
and made him the central figure. Still 
the formation of battalion went on. 
A leader who would take command 
was only needed, while but two or
<pb id="wood10" n="10"/>
three hundred yards up the street the
volunteer company of a hundred young
men well-officered, armed and equipped
were drawn up across the street in 
battle array, supported by five times 
their number of the citizens of the 
town and county, armed with shotguns, 
rifles and pistols. This warlike 
scene which had been gathering like 
a storm cloud during the morning had 
alarmed the peace-loving citizens and 
hence an impromptu delegation came 
forth to intercede for peace and prevent 
a bloody tragedy which seemed 
about to occur. These intercessions 
prevailed, and the corps broke ranks 
and returned to barracks, discharging 
their loaded guns as they went.</p>
        <p>As soon as we reached barracks, we
were summoned by the familiar drum
beat to Colonel Smith's section room
where we found Colonels Smith and
Preston and Mr. Massey on, and 
Major Jackson near to, but off the 
rostrum. Colonel Smith proceeded at 
once to excoriate the corps for its insubordinate 
conduct. Preston, then 
<pb id="wood11" n="11"/>
Massey, responded pacifically to our 
call. Last but not least, Major Jackson 
was called. I remember the scene 
as if enacted but yesterday. True soldier 
as he was, Jackson hesitated until 
Colonel Smith, his superior in rank, 
asked him to speak. At once he 
mounted the rostrum and faced his 
audience. His erect figure, flashing 
eye, energetic expression, short, quick 
and to the point, disclosed to the commonest 
mind a leader of merit. He 
said, “Military men make short 
speeches, and as for myself I am no 
hand at speaking anyhow. The time 
for war has not yet come, but it will 
come and that soon, and when it does 
come my advice is to draw the sword 
and throw away the scabbard.” The 
personality of the speaker, the force 
of these simple words thus uttered, 
elicited a response of approval I never 
heard surpassed, except by the Confederate 
yell often heard on the battlefield 
a little later on. This simple 
speech and manner of Jackson established 
in the minds of his audience
<pb id="wood12" n="12"/>
the belief that he was a leader upon
whose loyalty and courage we could
rely. How strange it was that this 
quiet professor who had performed his 
every duty, monotonous in its regularity, 
should with a bound leap into 
view and establish in the minds of his 
audience that he possessed the qualifications 
of a brilliant and dashing leader. 
This was a revelation to his 
friends and acquaintances, and the 
estimate of him then formed was 
shown to be correct by after developments.</p>
        <p>It was at the V.M.I. that I first 
came to know its superintendent and
professors, including Jackson. Of the
corps of cadets there were young men
and boys, representing every state of 
the South and some of the States of 
the North. The corps was considered 
to be one of the finest the institution 
had ever had. Jackson, ever faithful 
to duty, now manifested great interest 
in the political conditions of the country 
and what they portended. He was 
instructor in artillery tactics, his favorite
<pb id="wood13" n="13"/>
arm of the service. He now 
pushed work, giving great attention to 
the practical part. Drilling, limbering 
and unlimbering, target practice and 
the work incident thereto were very 
trying to boys in their teens in the hot 
spring sun, but neither heat nor cold 
had any terrors for Jackson when duty 
or the accomplishment of a purpose 
were involved.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="wood14" n="14"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER TWO</head>
        <argument>
          <p>Corps of Cadets ordered to Richmond. March
to Staunton, thence by rail to Richmond.
Wreck in Blue Ridge Tunnel. Speech
of Governor at Richmond.</p>
        </argument>
        <p>SOME of the States had 
passed ordinances 
of secession and 
others were following
in rapid succession
and war between 
the States was 
no longer problematical, but a fact. 
Virginia hesitated, but soon cast her 
lot with her sister States of the South 
and became a part of the new nation. 
Preparation for war was now pushed 
forward with great energy. Our 
corps under command of the State had
previously been ordered to Richmond,
<pb id="wood15" n="15"/>
and its members had been assigned to
drill and organize for service the raw
volunteers then hurrying thither.</p>
        <p>On our departure from the V.M.I.
we marched to Staunton, about thirty-six
miles distant, thence by rail to 
Richmond. All were delighted and 
filled with pride on that beautiful 
spring morning when the corps in fine 
array with martial tread marched 
from the front of barracks, down by 
the mess hall to the pike, thence on toward 
Staunton. Colonels Smith and 
Gilliam and Major Jackson were in
charge. Baggage and artillery followed.
The bridge across North River 
was passed and as we ascended the 
slope on the other side we took a last 
lingering look at the fading outlines 
of barracks, so dear to us. There our 
laudable boyish ambitions had been 
aroused, our hopes kindled and our 
mental and physical manhood developed. 
There each was independent of 
the others, yet all were a band of brothers. 
Each had learned to obey, and 
hence knew how to command. The
<pb id="wood16" n="16"/>
march continued and barracks was 
soon out of sight. About ten miles out,
knapsacks became too burdensome, and
a farmer's wagon was impressed for
service. This relieved us greatly.</p>
        <p>Staunton was reached about 10 
o'clock on the night of the day we set 
forth. The corps was fed and lodged 
for the night in the hotels. Footsore 
and weary we slept well and arose at 
early reveille, chipper and bright and 
ready for the coming duties of the day. 
One of the first of which was after 
breakfast to load on flat cars our battery 
of four pieces of artillery and our 
equipment. This was new to us and 
was hard work. This done, we found
we would have two or three hours at 
our disposal before leaving. Many 
matrons and damsels, as well as men 
and boys, had already come to the station 
to give cheer and encouragement 
to those who were going forth to do 
battle for their cause. The neat fitting 
uniforms of the cadets, to say nothing 
of their good looks and personal merit, 
for they were a magnificent body of 
<pb id="wood17" n="17"/>
youths, were always pleasing. A little
later the crowd of ladies, men, boys 
and girls with waving handkerchiefs, 
cheers and huzzas bade us good-bye, 
and on our way to Richmond we sped.</p>
        <p>All went well, until we reached the
Blue Ridge tunnel on the old Central, 
now Chesapeake and Ohio, railroad. 
Here an exciting and somewhat perilous
catastrophe occurred. The train
consisted of passenger cars for the
officers and corps and flat cars for the
battery and baggage. It was special, 
and hence had no schedule time. When 
well in the tunnel, which is nearly a 
mile long, our engine was derailed. 
The smoke from it filled the cars and 
the narrow space around them. We 
could not go forward, for the engine 
and force engaged blocked the way; 
nor could we go back, as we would be 
in danger of being left, as the engine 
might be ready for duty any minute 
and would at once pull out. To add 
to our peril another train from the direction 
whence we came was about due 
as per schedule time, and was liable to
<pb id="wood18" n="18"/>
collide with ours, in which event results
could but be imagined. Thus 
we were held veritable prisoners for 
nearly two hours, imperiled by the 
dangers of an oncoming train and the 
suffocating smoke from our own engine,
 -   our first lesson in the privations 
and hardships of war. In all this the 
boys were bright and cheerful. Many 
witty and some sage remarks were 
made. Soon, however, we were on our 
way. Nothing of interest transpired 
on the rest of our journey, except 
greetings given us at the stations by 
the already aroused people who assembled 
to cheer us on, and the timid 
requests of the fair maidens for souvenir
buttons from our uniforms. 
Such requests could not be refused. So 
far was it carried that some of our 
uniforms were quite disfigured before 
we reached our destination.</p>
        <p>Late in the afternoon Richmond
loomed up to view. This was another
new sight, for most of us were from
rural districts and had never seen a 
city. From the station we marched to 
<pb id="wood19" n="19"/>
the front of the Capitol building in 
Capitol Square. Here the corps was 
reviewed by his excellency the Governor 
who made a little talk and the compliments
paid us were pleasing to boys 
as we were. He said among other 
things that war was upon us and much 
depended upon our work in preparing 
an army for the field. Then amid the 
waving of handkerchiefs by the dames 
and maidens and the huzzas of the 
men and boys, a large number of 
whom had gathered to see and greet 
us, we marched to what was then 
known as the new fair grounds about 
two miles west of the city. Here we 
were quartered in the Exhibition and 
other buildings. The grounds were 
beautiful and well suited for a camp 
of instruction.</p>
        <p>Companies and regiments began at
once to arrive, undrilled and undisciplined, 
raw and without arms, except 
in instances where the individual had 
given play to his own imagination as
to what would be useful in battle, and
pursuant thereto had brought the
<pb id="wood20" n="20"/>
squirrel rifle, the shotgun, the butcher's
knife and the pistol, some of the latter 
of the old pepper box type. A few 
thought the savage, the dare-devil 
mein the true indice of the soldier, 
hence the red hunting shirt, the coon 
skin cap, the unkempt hair and beard 
were popular insignia. How ludicrous 
was it all in the light of after experience! 
Yet these manifestations were 
not to be condemned. It is a chapter 
in their history that ought to give 
pride to their sons and daughters, because 
these were the promptings of 
purest patriotism.</p>
        <p>We began early to grapple with the
fact that the South was without arms
with which to meet a well armed,
equipped and powerful foe. These disadvantages 
to be contended with by the 
new nation were very great, hence the 
organization of an army and its equipment 
as best might be was rushed with 
great vigor. Enlistment was rapid
and troops now entering the camp were
anxious to be drilled and instructed. 
The pulpit, the bench, the bar, the
<pb id="wood21" n="21"/>
farm, the anvil, the shop and every 
other calling was represented, ready 
and willing to take any position from
captaincy to private, the latter generally
preferred, because of the general 
feeling of unpreparedness for the 
responsibilities of office and command, 
hence there was no unseemly scramble 
in this respect.</p>
        <p>At first the camp was intended for
Virginia troops only, but it was soon
made the rendezvous of troops of other
States as well. This increased the
numbers so much that not only the new
but the old fair ground was utilized 
and filled. All added to the excitement, 
and war and preparation therefore 
were the absorbing themes of the 
old and the young, male and female. 
No male, physically and mentally able 
to do service, would stay out. Boys of 
tender years enlisted with the approval 
of fathers and mothers, and in some
instances were even urged to do so. 
No critical or even cursory examination 
was applied to the volunteer. 
Meanwhile the drill, the discipline and
<pb id="wood22" n="22"/>
the organization went on in a most
satisfactory way. The efficient work 
of the corps of cadets which deserves
much praise was soon apparent. It is 
just to say that the work had been done
mainly under the command of our
commandant, Col. Wm. Gilliam, Colonel
Smith having returned to the Institute 
and Major Jackson having been
commissioned a colonel and ordered to
report to Gen. Joseph E. Johnston at
Harpers Ferry.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="wood23" n="23"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER THREE</head>
        <argument>
          <p>Richmond becomes Capital of Confederacy. The
President. Presentation of Flag. Ex-President 
Tyler. 37th Virginia Infantry Reg.</p>
        </argument>
        <p>THE capital of the new 
nation had been established 
at Richmond 
the latter part
of May and later the 
President and his
cabinet removed 
thereto from Montgomery and entered 
upon their duties. Anxiety to see the 
President at our camp which was now 
great was soon gratified by an incident 
then of much interest. A new 
regiment commanded by Col. Robert 
E. Withers had arrived at the camp. 
It was regarded as a fine body of men 
and its coming created quite a stir of 
<pb id="wood24" n="24"/>
interest in, and respect for it. The 
ladies of the city desiring to contribute 
to this respect made with their own 
hands, as it was then stated, a splendid 
flag, and requested the President to 
present it to this regiment. He accepted 
the honor and on a subsequent 
afternoon rode on horseback from the 
city to the camp attended by his 
cabinet members, officers and aids. 
This cavalcade attracted universal attention, 
because the President was its 
head and all loved and admired Jefferson 
Davis.</p>
        <p>The regiment was drawn up by its
proud officers; and other troops and
citizens, including many ladies who 
added grace and beauty to the occasion,
assembled nearby. The President 
stood on a little porch near a small 
table. The flag was handed him and 
he held it erect in his right hand, the 
staff resting on a table, its unfurled 
folds, rich and beautiful, wafted to the 
gentle breeze, and it could but be admired. 
Its makers, however, had not 
skillfully applied the rules of symmetry
<pb id="wood25" n="25"/>  
and proportion, either in the flag or its
staff, for the former was something 
near the size and shape of a bed quilt 
and the latter was something less than 
a bed post. Both were clumsy and 
disproportionate. The President proceeded 
with the presentation. His 
speech was short, but informed, edified 
and enthused. When he reached the 
climax among other things he said 
“This flag is our symbol of liberty and 
on behalf of the ladies of the capital
of our nation, I give it into hands that 
will proudly bear it to victory and 
never let it trail in the dust.” Enthused 
while these and other words 
were so eloquently uttered, he held 
aloft, quivering in the air, as if in the 
grasp of a giant, this heavy and cumbersome 
flag. The audience had been 
spellbound until the climax came, and 
then enthusiasm scarcely had its 
bounds. </p>
        <p>As I remember him, the President 
was tall, slender, and somewhat cadaverous.
I had never before, nor have I since,
heard him speak, but on the occasion
<pb id="wood26" n="26"/>
mentioned I was greatly impressed 
and shared the general belief 
in his ability and power.</p>
        <p>Other statesmen of the South visited
the camp and spoke cheering words to
the troops. All were optimistic in 
their expressed views of the outcome 
of the war then being entered upon. 
The most interesting to me of these 
visitors, however, was John Tyler, 
tenth President of the United States. 
He was then full of years, but possessed 
of much mental and physical 
vigor. Having learned something of 
his history and being but a schoolboy 
myself just approaching the threshold 
of life's battles, I was instinctively led 
to think of him and his life's work,  -  
as a student at William and Mary College, 
then a fiddler and rollicking 
youth, as a brilliant lawyer at the 
Virginia bar, as a captain of a company 
in the war with Great Britain in 1812,
as a brilliant leader in the Virginia
legislature, as Governor of the State, 
as Representative and then Senator in 
the United States Congress, as successor
<pb id="wood27" n="27"/>
to the Presidency after the 
death of William Henry Harrison 
and his stormy administration. But 
I have digressed and must return to 
my intended narrative.</p>
        <p>Of the troops now arriving in the 
camp were the companies of the 
37th Virginia Infantry Regiment, 
to which regiment this narrative 
will mainly refer. The men composing 
these companies were young, 
vigorous and patriotic, but few of 
them exceeding the age of 35 years.
They were from that part of Virginia
where milk and honey flow, and were 
in the main of as good blood as their
respective counties contained. One
company, with Capt. Shelby M. Gibson 
at its head, was from the county 
of Lee; one with Capt. Henry Clinton 
Wood at its head, from the county of 
Scott. Three with Capts. John F. 
McElheney, ------ and Simon Hunt 
at their respective heads, from the 
county of Russell; and five with Capts. 
John F. Terry, James L. White, Wm. 
White, Robert Grant and George Graham 
<pb id="wood28" n="28"/>
at their respective heads, from the
county of Washington.</p>
        <p>These companies as designated by
letter and their successive captains,
brought about by casualties and other
causes during the ensuing four years of
war, were as follows:</p>
        <p>(Company “A”  -   Capt. John F. Terry,
later Charles Tailor, still later William
Lancaster.</p>
        <p>Company “B”  -   Capt. William White,
later Benjamin P. Morrison.</p>
        <p>Company “C”  -   Capt. John F. McElheney, 
later John Duff, still later 
John P. Fickle.</p>
        <p>Company “D”  -   Capt. Henry Clinton
Wood, later James H. Wood.</p>
        <p>Company “E”  -   Capt. Shelby M. Gibson,
later Samuel Shumate.</p>
        <p>Company “F”  -   Capt. George Graham.</p>
        <p>Company “G”  -   Capt.  -   , later  -   
Bussey.</p>
        <p>Company “H”  -   Capt. Robert Grant,
later Felix Duff, still later James
Berry.</p>
        <p>Company “I”  -   Capt. Simon Hunt, 
later Thomas Smith.</p>
        <pb id="wood29" n="29"/>
        <p>Company “K”  -   Capt. James L.
White, later John A. Preston.</p>
        <p>These captains, as well as their subordinate 
officers, were men of character 
and in the main of strong personality. 
Some of them were educated 
and trained soldiers. Samuel V. Fulkerson 
of the county of Washington,
who had served in the war with Mexico,
a man of ability and high standing, 
left the circuit bench to lead this 
regiment as its colonel. Robert P. 
Carson of the same county and Titus 
V. Williams of Taswell county, both 
educated and trained soldiers were in 
the order named lieutenant-colonel 
and major. No doubt could exist that 
such a body of patriots so well officered 
needed but proper training in systematic 
cooperative effort to become 
most efficient soldiers. This work of 
training in which I had no small part 
showed its worth in effectiveness on 
the field of battle later on. Doctors 
C. C. Henkle and M. M. Butler were 
later on surgeon and assistant surgeon. 
<pb id="wood30" n="30"/>
They were efficient and faithful in their
duties.</p>
        <p>This regiment will be hereafter referred 
to as “The Regiment” to avoid 
a more lengthy means of designation.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="Chapter Frontispiece">
        <pb id="wood30a" n="30a"/>
        <p>
          <figure id="ill2" entity="wood02">
            <p>GEN. ROBERT E. LEE</p>
          </figure>
        </p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="wood31" n="31"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER FOUR</head>
        <argument>
          <p>Cheat Mountain Expedition. Ordered to Jackson
at Winchester. Expedition to Bath and
Romney. Battle of Kernstown.
Retreat up the Valley.</p>
        </argument>
        <p>ROBERT E. LEE and 
Joseph E. Johnston, 
sons of Virginia, 
educated and trained 
soldiers, already distinguished 
in their 
profession of arms, 
had resigned from the United States 
army and had tendered their services to 
this new nation. Before Virginia completed 
the details of her alliance with 
the Confederacy Lee was placed in 
command of the Virginia forces, which 
included the corps of cadets. In the 
line of duty occasion brought me to
<pb id="wood32" n="32"/>
his headquarters to receive from him
directions for the performance of 
special military duty, and thus I had 
opportunity to form my own boyish 
estimate of him. I judged his age to 
be in the fifties and that he was in the 
prime of life. His presence and bearing 
were above criticism, his manner 
and conversation kind, firm, direct and 
self-confident.</p>
        <p>But it is needless to comment further
now; his career, his fame, his 
life and his death are familiar history 
and need no further mention here. It 
is, however, deemed appropriate to insert 
the following graceful tribute to 
the memory of Lee from the pen of 
Mr. Henry Tyrrell which appeared in 
<hi rend="italics">The New York World</hi> on the nineteenth 
of January, 1910.</p>
        <lg type="poem">
          <l>His sun of life grew gender toward its setting; </l>
          <l>It shed a dying splendor on his day,</l>
          <l>Then like a benediction, passed away</l>
          <l>Through twilight calm, gloomed with no vain regretting.</l>
          <l>A soul serene beyond our strife and fretting, </l>
          <l>In honor firm but yielding to the sway </l>
          <l>Of kindness ever, he shall with us stay </l>
          <l>Too fair a memory for the world's forgetting.</l>
          <pb id="wood33" n="33"/>
          <l>His tomb is here. In graven marble pure,</l>
          <l>Recumbent sleeps his image. All of fame, </l>
          <l>Glory and love that mortal man may claim, </l>
          <l>In this white stone and this white name endure, </l>
          <l>'Neath “Robert Edward Lee” might angels write: </l>
          <l>“Here lies the last and noblest Christian knight.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>Joseph E. Johnston, whom I met 
and knew later, was an able and accomplished 
soldier and impressed me 
as being of the same class with Lee.
Albert Sydney Johnston, Beauregard 
and others, distinguished in their profession 
of arms, had also resigned 
from the United States Army and had 
cast their lots with the South. Soon 
both sides began with great energy to 
hurry  troops to the front. Lee with a 
scattered force commanded in what 
is now West Virginia, Joseph E.
Johnston at Harpers Ferry and Beauregard 
at Manassas. The Federals 
with the nucleus of the old army drilled
and disciplined, armed and equipped,
were rapidly assembling large forces 
at strategic points. The Confederates 
were equally energetic in assembling 
opposing forces, but they lacked the 
nucleus, the general discipline, the 
<pb id="wood34" n="34"/>
arms, the equipment,  -   all but courage. 
Big Bethel, the first battle of the War, 
Manassas, and movements leading up 
to them, as well as movements at other 
points, are matters of history and are 
not to be recounted here.</p>
        <p>The first service of “The Regiment”
was at Laurel Hill in West Virginia 
with Brigadier-General Samuel Garland, 
who was soon compelled by the 
Federals under McClellan to retire because 
of his advanced and untenable position. 
His retreat was hasty, circuitous 
and trying, lasting from July 7th to the 
12th, 1861, during which time skirmishes 
or small battles occurred, in 
one of which Garland was killed. After 
his death the brigade took position 
on the Parkersburg Pike at
Greenbrier River under Brigadier-
General Henry R. Jackson. This first
was a trying campaign in which a number 
of casualties occurred and much
sickness and suffering ensued.</p>
        <p>It was from this position at Greenbrier
River that the Cheat Mountain 
expedition into West Virginia in September,
<pb id="wood35" n="35"/>
1861, was made. A Federal
force had reached in its advance, the
crossing of the Parkersburg Pike of
Cheat River, half a dozen miles to the
 west of our position. Skirmishes occurred 
between observation parties of  
cavalry, reinforced at times by infantry 
from the respective sides as occasion 
required. These experiences 
were new to officers and men of both
armies, and hence a nervous tension
was kept up, as the close proximity of
the opposing forces threatened to bring
on a general engagement at any of
these skirmishes. Jackson's brigade
consisted of one Georgia, one Arkansas 
and two Virginia regiments of infantry, 
a company of cavalry and a
battery of artillery aggregating about
3,000 men. Events and happenings
as above indicated had continued for
some time and thus stood when the
Cheat Mountain expedition was entered 
upon by the Confederates. It was
led by Col. Albert Rusk with his own
third Arkansas and 37th Virginia regiments. 
He was to pass to the rear of
<pb id="wood36" n="36"/>
the enemy and make attack, while
Jackson made demonstration in front.
The plan had but little promise of success, 
because of the superior numbers
and fortified position of the Federals. </p>
        <p>We broke camp near nightfall of 
September 10th and moved out with 
two days' rations. Our course was toward 
the west down Greenbrier River. 
We <sic>bivouaced</sic> about midnight after a 
hard march of fifteen miles. To 
this point we had the benefit of a 
fair country road, but not so the rest 
of the way. We <sic>forded</sic> Greenbrier 
River in the early morning and, wet 
to the waists, began the long, rugged 
and trackless ascent of Cheat Mountain. 
The hardships and perils of this 
expedition can hardly be described.
The rocks, the cliffs, the precipices, the
river were obstacles that had to be
overcome at whatever cost of suffering
or peril. Our descent of the mountain 
on the other side was quite short. 
In a channel or trough along the top 
of the mountain near its summit Cheat 
River flows to the east, while Greenbrier 
<pb id="wood37" n="37"/>
River at the base of the mountain 
flows to the west. The high altitude 
made the water and atmosphere quite 
cold, even for this season of the year. 
Our course was down this river with 
no road or trail save the bed of the 
stream. Its precipitous and <sic>cragged</sic> 
banks necessitating an almost continuous
wading down, across and back 
for many times. Late in the afternoon 
we reached a point near the enemy, but 
slept on our arms until morning. A 
<sic>reconnoissance</sic>, however, disclosed his 
impregnable position. Our skirmish 
line exchanged some shots with the 
outposts and some casualties occurred, 
but the number I do not recall.</p>
        <p>I was brought to think why it all 
could not have been avoided; but, then 
as now, a few men on opposing sides 
led all the others and war resulted. 
We rested on our arms that night in 
close proximity to this stronghold, 
without food, hungry and chilled to the 
bone and as uncomfortable as it seemed 
possible to be. The folly of an assault 
upon the enemy's fort was seen and 
<pb id="wood38" n="38"/>
known, hence the return march was
taken up. This was without incident.
Many became ill and a number gave 
up their lives from the hardships and
exposures of this expedition, my own
illness extended over many weeks, during 
part of which time hope for a favorable 
issue almost fled. It was, however, 
my good fortune to be taken to
a good country home and to be attended
by a faithful nurse, which perhaps
prevented a different result.</p>
        <p>When I was convalescing, but 
yet weak, a young soldier, delirious
from pneumonia, who occupied an adjoining 
room, came to my bedside during 
the temporary absence of my nurse 
and seized a heavy, long necked bottle 
of brandy and raised it as if intending 
an assault, and apparently was about 
to bring it down on the head of his
prostrate victim, who expected the 
blow and its serious results, but could 
do nothing to ward it off. Fortunately, 
before delivering the blow this 
crazed man, being consumed with 
fever, saw through the window an inviting
<pb id="wood39" n="39"/>
stream of water that flowed by.
Quickly replacing the bottle, with catlike
swiftness he passed down the stairway
and to the stream, and drank 
copiously of its waters. He was unable 
to return and was carried back 
and early the next morning gave up the 
struggle and passed into eternity.</p>
        <p>In October the regiment was ordered
to report to Stonewall Jackson 
at Winchester, and was assigned to the
third brigade of Jackson's division. 
This brigade was now composed of the 
37th and 23rd Virginia, First Georgia 
and Third Arkansas Regiments. Samuel 
V. Fulkerson was colonel of the 
first, William B. Taliaferro (pronounced
Tolliver) and after his promotion 
to the rank of brigadier general, 
Alexander Talliaferro of the 
second,  -   Ramsey of the third and 
Albert Ruske of the fourth, above 
named regiments. Soon after this time 
the 1st Georgia returned to its home
and the said 3rd Arkansas was ordered
to Manassas and became a part of
Hood's brigade. The Tenth Virginia, 
<pb id="wood40" n="40"/>
commanded by Colonel S. B. Gibbons,
about May, 1862, and the 1st and 3rd
North Carolina regiments, about August
or September of that year, were
assigned to the brigade and remained
with it after that time. Our brigade
commanders were: First, Henry R.
Jackson, later William B. Talliaferro, 
and still later George H. Stuart.</p>
        <p>We remained in this brigade and division 
after that time, and future reference 
thereto will be “3d Brigade.”</p>
        <p>Jackson was now a major-general 
and had been assigned to the command 
of the valley district. His force consisted 
of three brigades (1st, 2d and 
3d, Ashby's cavalry and about three 
batteries of artillery, aggregating approximately 
10,000 men.) In the latter 
part of December he made an expedition 
to Bath and Romney which was 
without apparent results, and it was 
regarded by his officers and men as unwise. 
From this a distrust in his ability 
as a leader arose. The weather was 
extreme, rain, sleet, snow and intense 
cold caused great suffering and the
<pb id="wood41" n="41"/>
actual illness of many. From this and
other causes his army was so much
reduced that by early spring his entire
force did not exceed 6,000 men, at 
which time the district under his command 
was beginning to be threatened 
from different directions and by different 
commands, aggregating a total 
force of about 40,000 men. These 
conditions to many would have seemed 
appalling, if not hopeless; but not so 
to Jackson, instead it was then that 
his remarkable strategy and skill began 
to manifest themselves.</p>
        <p>He retired from Winchester, moving
slowly up the valley to the vicinity 
of New Town and from there made a
demonstration toward Winchester, 
now occupied by a Federal force of 
about 12,000 under the command of 
General Shields. The forces met on 
the afternoon of March 23d at Kernstown, 
three miles south of Winchester 
and a very severe battle was fought, 
resulting in many casualties on both 
sides; but superior numbers forced 
Jackson to retire about dark still further
<pb id="wood42" n="42"/>
up the valley. The “Regiment” 
and “3rd brigade” took a conspicuous 
part in this engagement and suffered 
severely. It was then difficult to understand 
why Jackson should have 
risked battle with this superior force. 
This again brought in question his capacity 
for leadership of a separate army, 
and but for his courage, sincerity 
and willingness to share hardships and 
dangers with his men he would have 
been held by them in much lower esteem 
as a commander.</p>
        <p>He was freely discussed and his expedition 
to Bath and Romney and his 
giving battle at Kernstown freely
condemned, because not even probable 
beneficial results could have been anticipated 
as viewed by his critics. But 
when conditions were understood later 
on, it was apparent that no mistake
had been made by Jackson in either
instance. In truth, it is a question 
whether these events did not save 
Richmond from capture. McClellan's 
army of 100,000 men was pressing 
Johnston back toward the very gates of 
<pb id="wood43" n="43"/>
the city, yet McClellan was not willing 
to try conclusions until reinforcements 
could be had, and there was no other 
source from which they could be procured 
than from the armies surrounding 
and threatening Jackson's district, 
but withdrawal of reinforcements
could not be made until Jackson should 
be overthrown, and thus the danger of 
a descent by him on Washington or 
on the rear of McClellan's army removed.
Hence Jackson's evident purpose 
was to keep these 40,000 men 
from reinforcing McClellan; how well 
he accomplished this was abundantly 
shown. At this distance of time it is 
difficult to discover a material mistake 
made by him,  -   since the Bath and 
Romney and the Kernstown events 
have been understood  -   his career was 
a success and nothing beats success.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="wood44" n="44"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER FIVE</head>
        <argument>
          <p>Retired to Swift Run Gap. Ewell's Division
Arrives. Battle at McDowell. Battles at
Front Royal and at Winchester. Bank's
Retreat across the Potomac.</p>
        </argument>
        <p>SHIELDS retired in the 
late spring of 1862 
toward the east side 
of the Blue Ridge, 
and Banks with an 
army of approximately 20,000 men 
moved up the valley to Strasburg, 
thence on toward Harrisonburg, Jackson 
slowly retiring before him. Almost 
daily attacks, often growing into 
small battles, were made on the advancing
Federals by the intrepid Ashby; 
but Jackson's force was too inadequate 
to risk a general engagement. 
<pb id="wood45" n="45"/>
He, however, would pause at strategic
points until the enemy would concentrate
in his front and would then retire, 
leaving the ever vigilant Ashby to 
keep up appearances, which he would 
so successfully do that the enemy 
would not discover the ruse for days, 
and when discovered would be thrown 
into a state of excitement, because not 
knowing when and from what direction 
a blow might be received.</p>
        <p>Just below Harrisonburg we left 
the valley pike and went into camp 
near Swift Run Gap on the road leading
through this gap in the Blue Ridge, 
a strong position susceptible of being 
held by a small force against many 
times its number. Thus the way to 
Harrisonburg and Staunton was virtually 
open to the advancing foe, but 
he did not venture on. Ashby's cavalry 
was not now available to dispute his 
advance because of the wide field of operation 
and observation this command 
had to cover. This field embraced the 
immediate front, the Page Valley 
Front Royal and McDowell; thus Jackson
<pb id="wood46" n="46"/>
was kept informed of every move 
of the enemy. Here he was reinforced 
by Ewell's division, bringing his entire 
force, including the brigade of 
General Edward Johnston then near 
McDowell, to approximately 15,000.</p>
        <p>Milroy was now pressing Johnston
back toward Staunton and had reached
McDowell, thirty miles northwest of 
that city. Jackson now left Ewell to 
watch Banks and moved with his own 
division about 6,000 through Swift 
Run Gap to the east side of the Blue 
Ridge. His army thought this to be 
an abandonment of the valley, and the
impression became general that Joseph 
E. Johnston needed reinforcements to 
save Richmond and that this was our 
destination; but when we reached the 
railroad instead of going east to Richmond 
we went by rail west to Staunton, 
thence by forced march to McDowell. 
On the afternoon of May 
8th the attack on Milroy, whose army 
was estimated at 8,000, was 
opened by Johnston's brigade. The 
Federals occupied a position on 
<pb id="wood47" n="47"/>
the west and at the base of  
Shenandoah Mountain. A deep and 
difficult ravine intervened between this 
position and a low ridge occupied by 
the Confederates. The use of artillery 
was almost impossible, owing to the 
hills and rugged ground; hence the 
battle was fought almost entirely with 
small arms and was different from 
subsequent battles in this, that there 
was no bayonet charge, but simply 
each side from its position kept up an 
incessant fire and roar of musketry at 
comparatively close range until the
end.</p>
        <p>The whole scene is yet vivid in my
mind as I saw it. Our brigade was 
well down the mountain when the battle
began and the roar of musketry and
shouts of the contending forces came 
up the mountain side to us as we hurried 
on. There was a kind of horrible 
grandeur about it all that allured 
and inspired some, and struck others 
with trepidation. There were but few, 
if any, who would not prefer to escape 
the perils of battle, but a sense of duty 
<pb id="wood48" n="48"/>
made the man of moral courage a good
soldier however mindful he might be 
of pending danger or of death itself. 
It is soldiers of this, and not of the 
physical courage type that win battles. 
We moved on; louder and still fiercer 
the battle grows. Reinforcements are 
now entering on the Federal side with 
battle shouts and huzzas, which are 
answered in grim defiance by the Confederates. 
Johnston's brigade alone 
holds the front for the Confederates. 
Our brigade has now reached the base 
of the ridge, where we find Jackson 
who quickly points our position. Here, 
too, we found the field hospital, the 
ground strewn with the wounded, the 
dead, the dying, and still others came 
down the ridge from the front, 
wounded and red with <sic>blod</sic>, assisted or 
carried on litters. Surgeons and assistant 
surgeons are doing all they can
to save suffering and life, but the scene 
is too sickening to pause and consider.</p>
        <p>On we go up the Ridge, take our
position in line and open fire on the
enemy. The battle now rages ten 
<pb id="wood49" n="49"/>
times fiercer than before, men fall on
every side, some never to rise, while
others are wounded and helped to the
rear. The smoke of battle settles upon
us so dense and dark that we cannot
see happenings around us. Begrimed,
drinking and tasting the smoke of battle 
seemed to increase courage and determination, 
and thus with defiant war
cries the battle goes on for some hours.
General Johnston was shot and disabled, 
Colonel Gibbons of the 10th
Virginia fell. Captain Terry and
Lieutenant Wilhelm, John Lawson and
many others of my own company and
regiment whose names I do not now
recall were killed or wounded. After
a lapse of forty odd years it is impossible 
to recall names. Notwithstanding
the horribleness of this scene there was
such a mixture of excitement, intensity
of purpose, of danger and exhilaration 
that it was more fascinating than
repulsive. Nightfall came upon us,
yet the battle still went on in unabated
fury. At this time a Confederate
force that had been making its way
<pb id="wood50" n="50"/>
on the mountain side through the hills 
and rugged grounds on our right, descended
upon the enemy's left and 
routed him completely from the field. 
Then came the jubilation over the 
victory and of each over his own 
escape from injury. The next sensation 
was that of grief for the lost and 
injured. We now went into bivouac, 
and the following morning started in 
pursuit of the Federals who retired in 
haste to Petersburg, about ninety 
miles from Staunton. Here Fremont 
joined Milroy and concentrated his 
army of approximately 25,000 men to
resist our further advance. In this retreat
the woods were set on fire by the
Federals, causing smoke, darkness 
and gloom, and hence slower progress 
in the pursuit as well as suffering from 
the heat and smoke.</p>
        <p>About the middle of May, Banks, 
with an army now increased to approximately
25,000 men, occupied and 
had fortified Strasburg against attack 
from the direction of Staunton, eighty 
miles to the southwest. Ten miles 
<pb id="wood51" n="51"/>
south of Strasburg is Front Royal.
Between Strasburg and Front Royal 
is the north end of Massanutten Mountain,
which extends to the South for 
a distance of fifty or sixty miles, separating
Shenandoah from Page Valley.
Winchester, twenty miles north 
of Front Royal, had also been fortified 
by the Federals and at this place they 
had assembled large army stores. Thus
Banks and his army stood at Strasburg 
in fancied security while Fremont was
concentrating his army at Petersburg 
to resist further advance of the Confederates. 
Aided by the smoke and 
gloom, Jackson withdrew from Fremont's
front, leaving a small cavalry 
force to keep up appearances, and with
unsurpassed celerity swept through the
passes of Shenandoah Mountain, 
thence down Bridgewater Valley to
Harrisonburg where Ewell's division
joined him. Thence he passed down 
the valley pike towards Strasburg, but 
turned abruptly to the right at New 
Market, crossed Massanutten Mountain 
into Page Valley. At the same
<pb id="wood52" n="52"/>
rapid gait he swept on to Front Royal 
and on the 23d of May dispersed the 
force there, capturing many. So rapid 
and dashing was his movement that 
the effort of the Federals to burn the 
wooden bridge spanning the Shenandoah 
was only partly successful. The 
damage was repaired so quickly that 
pursuit was scarcely checked.</p>
        <p>Banks at Strasburg ten miles to the
north had found out the peril 
of his army and had earlier in the day 
begun a precipitate retreat to Winchester,
eighteen miles away. Night 
ended further pursuit, which, however, 
was resumed early the following 
morning, and in the afternoon we 
reached the valley pike at Middletown 
and there struck the right flank of the 
rear of Bank's army. The conflict was 
short but sanguinary. The enemy fled 
precipitately, leaving his dead and 
wounded on the field. A number 
of prisoners also fell into our hands. 
Our own loss was small. We now 
pressed forward, continuing the march 
during the entire night, becoming so 
<pb id="wood53" n="53"/>
weary and worn that we actually slept
as we marched. We reached Winchester
at early dawn and again encountered 
the enemy. Our division 
occupied the left and Ewell's the right. 
The attack was begun at once.</p>
        <p>In our front we found the enemy 
well posted behind a stone fence or 
wall; their well placed artillery further 
back and more elevated commanded 
the open approach to this formidable 
and well-protected force. Our advance 
was begun in fine order, without 
rush or confusion  -   meanwhile shot 
and shell played upon us. The greater 
elevation of the Federals caused them 
to overshoot, hence we did not suffer 
greatly. At the order to charge our 
whole line leaped forward with a terrifying 
Confederate yell, rushed onto 
and over the stone wall. The loss of 
the fleeing enemy was heavy. The simultaneous 
attack by Ewell on the right 
caused the entire Federal line to give 
way and the Confederates swept forward 
in such force and swiftness, dealing 
such havoc to the Federals, that
<pb id="wood54" n="54"/>
they were thrown into confusion, panic
and rout, and utterly unable to offer
resistance to our onward sweep. The
pursuit was continued for some miles
until forced from exhaustion to halt.
Many prisoners were captured and the
artillery, small arms and military 
stores captured were very large. The 
volume of this capture gave to Banks 
the sobriquet of “Jackson's commissary.” 
The following day pursuit 
was resumed by way of Charlestown to
Harpers Ferry. Here the Federals 
made their escape across the Potomac 
into Maryland.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="wood55" n="55"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER SIX</head>
        <argument>
          <p>Return to Strasburg. Retired to Port Republic.
The Angle near Harrisonburg. Ashby Fell.
Capture of bridge by Federals. Recapture 
by Confederates. Battles of
Cross Keys and of Port Republic.</p>
        </argument>
        <p>WE then returned by 
forced march to
Winchester. “The 
3d brigade” in the 
lead. On this 
strenuous march our 
strength and endurance 
were put to a severe test. On the 
second forenoon of our march, if my
memory serves me well, we reached
Strasburg, thence to the right, two 
miles out on the Moorfield road. Here 
we took position to resist the advance 
of Fremont who was already nearby.
At the same time Haze's brigade was
<pb id="wood56" n="56"/>
ordered to the left on the Front Royal
road to resist the threatened advance
of Shields from the direction of Manassas. 
These two brigades were entrusted 
with the duty of holding open
this gap through which the valley pike
passed, against these two armies, numbering 
approximately 25,000 and 12,000 
men, until the trains including our
immense captures and the army of
approximately 10,000 worn Confederates
passed through and on up the 
valley.</p>
        <p>The margin of time allowed in the
calculation was narrow, but accurate
with not a moment to spare, as in fact
we had scarcely taken position when
Fremont's advance came in sight and
was surprised to find us in waiting 
and to meet the fire of our skirmish 
line, the Federals retired to await further
preparation for advance. The 
rest of the afternoon was occupied in 
maneuvering and reconnoitering by the 
Federals, and at nightfall their plans
seemed matured for an advance in the 
early morning. But the delay gave the 
<pb id="wood57" n="57"/>
Confederate trains, including captures 
of stores, prisoners and arms, time to
pass up the valley, then during the 
night the two brigades returned to the 
pike and brought up the rear. Thus 
our army was extricated from its extreme 
peril of a little while before.</p>
        <p>Fremont followed in Jackson's wake,
while Shields pushed up the Lu Ray
Valley on the east side of the Shenandoah, 
now swollen out of its banks by 
recent rains, and hence not fordable
and without bridges as high up as Port
Republic. The bridges, except at 
Port Republic, had been burned by 
our cavalry a few days before by order 
of Jackson. Now followed by 
an army superior in numbers, while 
another army was paralleling his 
march with evident purpose to intercept 
or impede his progress and 
thus force an engagement with this
combined and overwhelming force, 
but not disturbed by this apparent 
peril, Jackson slowly retired before 
Fremont to Harrisonburg, and there 
turned sharply to the left toward Port 
<pb id="wood58" n="58"/>
Republic. At this turn the Federals
(“Pennsylvania Buck Tails”) made a
flank attack in force on our rear guard.
Col. Bradley T. Johnston of the
Maryland line, supported by Ashby, repulsed 
this attack, inflicting considerable 
loss on the enemy. Our own loss in 
numbers was not great, but among the 
killed was the redoubtable Ashby,
which sad loss was deeply lamented by
the entire army. No leader stood 
higher in the estimation of his comrades 
or had promise of a brighter future.</p>
        <p>Passing on we reached the heights 
on the north side of the Shenandoah,
overlooking Port Republic, located in 
the fork of the river, and a tributary 
stream entering it on the south side. 
On the following morning, June the 
8th, being adjutant, I read to the regiment, 
then on Sunday morning inspection, 
an order for divine service to be 
held by the chaplains in their respective 
regiments. Before inspection had 
been finished two or three artillery 
shots in the direction of the village of 
<pb id="wood59" n="59"/>
Port Republic were heard. At this 
time, Capt. Henry Clinton Wood, who 
had gone to the village on a business
errand, came in breathless haste and
stated to our Colonel, Fulkerson, that 
the enemy were in possession of the 
bridge. This was a wooden structure 
spanning the main branch of the Shenandoah
River from our side to the village.
Without hesitation the regiment 
was formed and proceeded at double 
quick time through an intervening 
wheat field to the bridge. On reaching 
the top of the ridge we saw a 
cavalry force with two pieces of artillery 
in possession of the Port Republic 
end of the bridge. They used 
their artillery on us with damaging effect, 
killing two and wounding others.
We soon reached the road leading to 
the bridge, and when within about 
a hundred yards of it met Jackson riding 
rapidly from the direction of the 
bridge.</p>
        <p>I was with my colonel at the head of
the regiment and saw and heard what
occurred and what was said. Jackson
<pb id="wood60" n="60"/>
turned his horse and in his characteristic
way, said, “Charge right through 
colonel, charge right through.” As he 
spoke he seized and swung his cap 
about his head, uttering a low cheer, 
adding, “Colonel, hold this place at all 
hazards.” He then turned his horse 
and rode swiftly toward Cross Keys, 
where the battle had already begun. 
We rushed on, and when near the 
mouth of the bridge the enemy fired 
one or both of his pieces that were
planted at the other end, but the charges
took effect in the sides of the bridge 
and did no injury to us. We captured 
the pieces and a number of prisoners 
and horses. No other troops than 
“The Regiment,” and no other commander
than our colonel had any part 
in the capture of this bridge, artillery 
and prisoners. It was then said, and 
I believe from the circumstances it is 
impossible to question its truth, that 
Jackson, whose headquarters were in 
Port Republic, had reached the bridge 
after the Federals, and by the ruse of 
commanding a change of position of
<pb id="wood61" n="61"/>
one of the pieces, and while this order
was being obeyed, dashed through and
met our regiment. This has been
questioned, but the facts above stated
would seem to be conclusive except as
to the ruse, but, that Jackson reached
and passed through the bridge after the
Federals had taken it and placed their
artillery and used it on our approaching
column when we were more than a
quarter of a mile away cannot be successfully 
controverted if circumstantial 
evidence can be relied upon.</p>
        <p>The battle of Cross Keys now became 
more general and continued during 
the day. In the afternoon the 
Federals were pressed back as indicated 
by the sound which continued to 
recede and were finally beaten and
driven from the field which was occupied
by the Confederates. The 
casualties on both sides were heavy. 
Nothing of importance occurred during 
the day at Port Republic, except 
that a few shells were fired by the advance 
force of Shields, resulting, however, 
in but little injury. Shields was
<pb id="wood62" n="62"/>
in hearing of the battle of Cross Keys,
but was unable to give or receive aid 
to or from Fremont on that or the following
day because of the intervening
Shenandoah, still swollen out of its 
banks. There was no bridge save that 
at Port Republic, which in the emergency 
was a prize well worth a great 
effort to obtain. Shields had rushed 
up the river to attain this prize, his 
force was now near the village; and 
doubtless he felt elation at the prospect 
of seizing this bridge, the only avenue 
of escape for Jackson, who in such 
event would have been between the two 
Federal armies and at their mercy, 
but “the best laid schemes o' mice and 
men gang af't agley.”</p>
        <p>By dawn of Monday the 9th Jackson
had crossed his army from the north 
to the south side of the Shenandoah, 
burned the bridge, crossed the swollen 
south branch and moved on Shields, 
but two miles below. The attack nearest 
the river was made by two brigades 
of Jackson's old division with 
their accustomed vigor. The opposing 
<pb id="wood63" n="63"/>
force with marked gallantry resisted 
this attack, and being now reinforced,
repulsed the Confederates. Our brigade
was hurried to their assistance, 
but before we reached that part of the 
field Jackson himself, as was then said, 
rode into the thick of the battle and 
called to his men that the Stonewall 
brigade never retreats. This rallied 
them to a renewal of the attack, which 
was now fortunately aided by Taylor's 
brigade, which had moved along the 
mountain side under cover of the timber 
and undergrowth, gaining the left 
flank of the Federals and at this 
propitious moment made a vigorous
attack. Thus pressed in front and 
flank, the Federals gave way and broke 
into a precipitous rout. Many prisoners 
were taken and the remaining force 
pursued by the infantry, until exhaustion 
put an end to further pursuit by 
them, but was taken up by the cavalry. 
When the Federals gave way in retreat 
Jackson came riding slowly from the 
left toward the road. His head was 
bowed and his right hand, gauntleted,
<pb id="wood64" n="64"/>
was pointing upward. He was alone 
and seemed oblivious to all around him 
and presented the appearance of being 
in supplication or rendering thanks. 
A number of guns and a quantity of
ammunition were also captured. The
Federal loss was much greater than the
Confederate, caused largely by the
Federals becoming confused and 
thrown together in compact bodies, on 
which artillery and small arms did 
greatest execution.</p>
        <p>During the day Fremont's army had 
pushed forward from Cross Keys to 
the summit of the ridge, bordering the
river on the north and had planted a
number of batteries of artillery commanding 
the road over which we had
advanced. We could plainly see, but
were out of range of these guns frowning
upon us, and we well knew the impossibility 
of returning by this route.
Earlier in the day, however, Jackson 
had directed his engineers to construct 
a road along the side of the Blue Ridge 
to Browns Gap Road, leading across 
the Blue Ridge. This was done and 
<pb id="wood65" n="65"/>
before nightfall our army passed over
this new road in full view of the Federal
army and guns, but out of range, 
and bivouaced along the mountain side 
for that and two or three succeeding 
nights, enjoying a greatly needed rest.</p>
        <p>The ensuing quiet of Jackson so
mystified the Federals that they returned
to the valley and towards Winchester.
Jackson then returned his 
army to the valley and went into camp 
near Weirs Cave. After a few days a 
rumor gained currency that an advance 
down the valley was soon to be 
made by Jackson. The enemy now 
began to collect his forces for this expected 
advance. The rumor was 
strengthened by the arrival at Staunton 
of Whiting's division to join Jackson. 
Thus matters stood at the end of 
this remarkable campaign of but a little 
over one month, during which brief 
time the battles of McDowell, of 
Front Royal, of Middletown, of Winchester, 
the angle at Harrisonburg, of 
Cross Keys, and of Port Republic had 
been fought and won, and a distance 
<pb id="wood66" n="66"/>
marched of approximately two hundred
miles, and the armies of Fremont and
Shields were now remote from facilities
of transportation and communication 
with Washington and McClellan. This
campaign alone is sufficient to give
Jackson and his army a fame that will
live in history. Jackson was now more 
so than before the idol of his army and
of the people of the South. He had
become known and now shown out like 
a star of hope, but he was yet to win
greater renown.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="Chapter Frontispiece">
        <pb id="wood66a" n="66a"/>
        <p>
          <figure id="ill3" entity="wood03">
            <p>GEN. ROBERT E. LEE</p>
          </figure>
        </p>
      </div1>
      <div1>
        <pb id="wood67" n="67"/>
        <head>CHAPTER SEVEN</head>
        <argument>
          <p>On to Richmond. Battles at Gains' Mill and Cold
Harbor. Fulkerson fell. Battles of White Oak
Swamp, Frazier's Farm, Malvern Hill and
Harrison's Landing. Return to Richmond.</p>
        </argument>
        <p>THERE is no purpose
in this narrative to 
reflect upon the valor
and worth of the 
Federal soldier or 
his leaders. This 
could not truthfully 
be done; it was simply a case of Greek
meeting Greek, each being worthy of 
his foeman's steel. There was, however, 
a stronger incentive to heroism 
for the Confederate because he fought 
for home and on his own soil. Aside 
from this, the greater numbers in equal 
battle generally won, slight advantage,
<pb id="wood68" n="68"/>
however, in such cases usually turned
the scale.</p>
        <p>By the middle of June Fremont, 
having heard of Jackson's return to the 
valley, began to gather his forces to 
prevent onslaught on detached parts of 
his army; but by skilful use of his 
cavalry and outposts Jackson kept him 
mystified, and hence ignorant of his 
movements. The great leader was thus 
able to withdraw from Fremont's front 
without his knowledge, and again 
passed through Browns and Swift Run 
Gaps to the east of the Blue Ridge, 
thence on to Richmond, a small force 
being left in Fremont's front to keep 
up camp fires to conceal the withdrawal. 
Our march was continued 
along the Virginia Central Railroad 
which conveyed to our destination as 
many soldiers of the advance column 
as the cars it could supply would accommodate, 
then trains would return to 
meet the marching columns and reload 
and convey as before. This was continued 
until the army had been assembled 
near Ashland by the 26th of 
<pb id="wood69" n="69"/>June, at which date we left the railroad,
moving sharply to the left. Our 
progress was slow and cautious.</p>
        <p>In the afternoon of the 27th we 
heard heavy firing some distance to our 
right. This was the advance of Hill 
by way of Mechanicsville and Beaver 
Dam, from which positions the Federals 
were forced back towards Gains 
Mill and Cold Harbor, toward which 
place our column was also converging, 
About three o'clock P.M. Hill again 
struck the enemy to our right and the 
battle at once became hot and furious. 
Our column being at a halt, I rode a 
little way to the right and viewed from 
an elevation for a brief space of time 
a part of this battle, half a mile away. 
The Confederates by a brilliant charge 
swept the Federals from the field, but 
by a counter charge of fresh Federal
troops the decimated Confederate 
ranks were in turn forced back over the 
same open field, which, however, was 
quickly recovered by fresh Confederates,
leaving the dead and dying of 
both sides lying on this bloody field, 
<pb id="wood70" n="70"/>promiscuously intermingled. I rejoined
the column now moving forward, 
which soon again halted. The 
battle now raged and was rapidly extending 
to the right.</p>
        <p>At this time an incident occurred 
which is related here to show how indifferent
to Fate the veteran of many 
battles becomes when in the face of 
battle and probable death, for all now 
knew we were soon to enter the bloody 
contest going on. Near me was a 
lieutenant of the regiment, free and 
easy and not exacting of respect for his 
rank, familiarly given the sobriquet, of 
“Spelling-book.” A man of apparent
intelligence and standing came from 
the direction of the battlefield toward 
us. He was of middle age, in evening 
dress, and wore the conventional silk 
hat. His mount was a flea-bitten, gray 
mare of sleepy gait; and his black 
trousers were well divorced from the 
tops of his hose. As this unique 
figure entered the road through the 
open fence “Big” John Duff, a 
humorous young man of the regiment, 
<pb id="wood71" n="71"/> said to the lieutenant referred to, 
“Spelling-book, how are you to-day?” 
The gentleman, thinking himself addressed 
and thinking to ward off 
the intended fun at his expense, 
promptly replied, “Very well, I thank 
you, how are you?” This attracted 
general attention, and the fun began. 
A fusillade of wit, humor and burlesque 
was fired at this poor defenseless 
citizen. “Come down out of that 
hat,” “Jump off and grab a root,”
“Are you a married man or an Irishman?”
“Put sinkers to your britches. 
Bandage your legs,” and much more 
badinage was so cruelly and mercilessly 
hurled at this object of ridicule who 
had almost immediately been silenced 
that he became livid with mortification 
and chagrin. In desperation he 
began urging his mare forward by 
violently digging her sides with his heels, 
being without spurs or whip. He 
succeeded in getting her into a pace 
along the smooth road between the 
lines of soldiers, the gait being the proverbial 
pacing of half a day under the 
<pb id="wood72" n="72"/>
shade of a tree. The fun was increased
by the boys whistling, “Pop goes the
<sic>weazel</sic>,” in perfect time with the gait 
of the mare, and was continued along 
the line as he progressed. Finally in
desperation he seized his silk hat and
began to beat the gray mare to urge her
forward. This frantic effort still further,
if possible, increased the hilarity, 
and finally after covering a good distance, 
enduring an ordeal worse than battle, 
he turned to the right, entered 
the woods and disappeared. How 
soon was the opposite extreme to follow, 
blood, misery and death; for in 
less than half an hour we were in the 
forefront of battle.</p>
        <p>We moved forward rapidly and took
position in the second or supporting 
line and the whole moved forward. 
The Federals occupied a ridge near 
Gains' Mill that dominated the approaches 
from which they used with 
damaging effect their well placed artillery. 
We had passed Lee and Jackson 
on our way and now swept down 
the long, gentle slope through shot, 
<pb id="wood73" n="73"/>
shell and minnie balls. Near the base 
of the ridge we were impeded by a 
ravine, about six feet wide and as many 
feet deep. Here we met the withering 
fire of the enemy, but the line in front 
and we in turn passed this obstacle, 
thence up the ridge in the face of a 
most stubborn and gallant resistance 
by the Federals, who at last gave way 
and were swept from the field, leaving 
their dead and wounded. The sight 
was ghastly and sickening. Our own 
loss was not so great. Major Wheat, 
leader of the famous New Orleans 
Tigers, mortally wounded on the face 
of the ridge while advancing, said to
his men when he fell, “Bury me where 
I fall,” and immediately expired. His
request was complied with. This
statement is based on what was then
understood to have occurred.</p>
        <p>Our lines were halted and adjusted
near the summit of the ridge and here
night put an end to further pursuit. 
When quiet came to our ranks I accompanied 
my colonel (Fulkerson) to 
our front to view the ground. We 
<pb id="wood74" n="74"/>
reached the top of the ridge, but were
unable to see, because of the darkness 
in the low grounds beyond; but the sky
being our background made us conspicuous 
targets for the retreating 
Federals, hence frequent shots were 
fired and the balls passed in close
proximity to us. We thought them 
stray shots, however, until convinced 
by their continuance that we were the 
targets. I had stepped half a dozen 
paces from the colonel to a splendid 
battery of artillery the enemy had been 
compelled to abandon, and was speaking 
to him of the valuable prize.</p>
        <p>Meanwhile minnie balls continued to
pass in the same close proximity to us.
My attention was attracted to the colonel. 
He had been struck and was 
slowly turning and sinking. I quickly 
put my arm about him and assisted 
him to the ground. I saw he was seriously 
hurt and had him borne from the 
field. He requested me to say to the 
regiment that he had every confidence 
that it would do its duty, that he did 
not want it to be affected because of his 
<pb id="wood75a" n="75a"/>
<figure id="ill4" entity="wood04"><p>COL. SAMUEL V. FULKERSON<lb/>Taken 1860</p></figure>
<pb id="wood75" n="75"/>
condition. At the field hospital, despite
every effort of our able surgeons, 
Henkle and Butler, he died of his 
wounds the following day. Thus 
passed a good soldier and valuable man 
to his country. His death cast a 
gloom, not only over his regiment, but 
over all who knew him. Our former 
lieutenant colonel, Carson, a splendid 
officer, had, because of complete physical 
disability reluctantly left the service 
some time before, and our lieutenant 
colonel, Titus V. Williams, now became 
colonel, Capt. John F. Terry, 
lieutenant colonel, and Capt. Henry 
Clinton Wood, major; all were brave 
and efficient officers, in and for whose 
courage and ability the regiment
had confidence and respect. I was 
now promoted to the captaincy of 
Company “D”,  being one of the 
youngest in the army. To accept this 
promotion, I resigned the office of adjutant
theretofore held by me, and 
Lieut. James L. White, Jr., an efficient 
and accomplished officer, succeeded to 
the position.</p>
        <pb id="wood76" n="76"/>
        <p>After burying our dead on the 29th,
pursuit of the enemy was resumed. 
Our course was down the east side of 
the Chickahominy through deep, 
tangled undergrowth, marshes and 
pine thickets. The heat of a burning 
sun, deadness of the atmosphere in this 
wilderness of low ground, an afternoon 
rainstorm of great intensity which covered 
the already marshy ground with 
water, then mud, in consequence, making 
the trackless way still more difficult 
than before, then the sun reappearing 
superheating the humid atmosphere, 
causing prostrations of many and great 
discomfort to all. Then added to these 
troubles, water fit for man or beast 
was difficult to find, and when found 
was either bitter or brackish. These 
made up this day of trials. That night 
we crossed at Grapevine Bridge to the 
south side of the Chickahominy, 
thence on to White Oak Swamp. 
Here we found the enemy in strong 
force on the opposite side with no way 
of approach, except by the road and 
bridge over which he had retreated. 
<pb id="wood77" n="77"/>
The bridge, and much of the corduroy 
road, however, had been destroyed, 
and we were at a halt in this
deep, tangled wilderness. An artillery
duel was opened and continued until
night.</p>
        <p>The next morning a furious battle
opened at Frazer's farm on the opposite
side of the swamp, and raged 
with great fury. Our way was still 
blocked, and hence we were unable to 
give the needed aid to Longstreet, who, 
from the sound of battle, was being 
sorely pressed. The next morning the 
way was opened; we captured some 
pieces of artillery and pushed on to the 
battlefield at Frazier's farm. The 
enemy now retreated to Malvern Hill 
and here made a determined stand. 
This was a most formidable position 
commanding the open, level ground for 
a mile in front, and protected by a sluggish 
and difficult stream on our left. 
Our command took position on a 
neighboring ridge on the left where we 
suffered much from the enemy's artillery 
which dominated our position, 
<pb id="wwod78" n="78"/>
from which, however, we could see the
entire field. We saw the charge of 
D. H. Hill, Huger and Magruder 
across this open field. The formidable 
position of the Federals with his 
hundred pieces of artillery and heavy lines 
of infantry made such an advance appear 
as a forlorn hope, but the gallantry 
displayed was splendid. Shot, 
shell, grape and cannister poured into 
these brave troops was horrible to behold; 
but they never flinched nor wavered, 
but pressed forward until recalled. 
Many dead and wounded were 
on the field. </p>
        <p>Well posted sharpshooters with guns
of longer range than ours were very
annoying and damaging. Our men 
were thus picked off here and there 
with remarkable regularity. In places 
of such danger good fortune seemed 
to follow some and bad fortune others. 
While shells from the enemy's guns 
were flying thick and fast about us, 
occasionally exploding in our ranks 
with direful effect, four men for relief 
from the nervous tension by the engagement
<pb id="wood79" n="79"/> 
of their attention in something
other than the dangers of shells 
and minnie balls, sat down to a 
game of cards. A shell soon passed 
so close that they moved a few 
feet away to get out of range. 
A moment later a shell struck 
and exploded at the spot thus abandoned,
tearing a deep gash in the earth,
scattering dirt and debris in all directions.
Fate, luck or possibly that instinct 
that perceives pending danger, 
saved these men from complete destruction. 
Then, too, it is said and oft 
times really seemed to be so, “that fortune 
favors the brave” and these soldiers 
were brave. A moment later a 
minnie ball well spent in its force 
struck a soldier in the forehead, but 
did not penetrate the skin. He jestingly 
remarked that they came near 
getting him that time, and while thus
joking, he fell and expired, concussion
caused death.</p>
        <p>At the risk of prolixity, I mention
another incident as the converse of the
above,  -   that misfortune attends the 
<pb id="wood80" n="80"/>
timid. On moving to position, we 
passed a soldier sitting behind a black 
oak tree about four feet in diameter. 
A shell had passed through the tree and 
had taken off the top of his skull, then 
passed into a large pile of rails, exploded 
and scattered the rails in all directions. 
No one could have imagined 
danger when thus protected. Truly in 
the midst of life we are in death.</p>
        <p>On July 2d, we moved from our position 
at Malvern Hill to Harrison's 
Landing, to which point the Federals 
had retreated to the shelter of their 
gun boats; on the 3d some skirmishing
occurred, as also on the following 
days. We remained in his front for 
four or five days. The storm and 
downpour of rain the day after Malvern 
Hill in its discomforts and injury 
to the army, ammunition and stores 
was distressing. Preceding and following 
this storm the beaming sun 
heated the humid atmosphere and made 
the army as miserable as well could be, 
but relief soon came in our removal to
<pb id="wood81" n="81"/>
the Mechanicsville road near Richmond.
Here we were free from mosquito
ridden marshes and poison laden
atmosphere, endured for half a month, 
in daily battle, the march and duties 
of soldiers in active war.</p>
        <p>The seven days' battles were ended
and had resulted in freeing the Capital 
City of immediate menace. McClellan 
at the head of his splendid army of 
over 110,000 well-equipped soldiers at 
its gates for many months perfecting 
plans for entrance over the opposition 
of 63,000 Confederates under Johnston, 
had been beaten, swept back and 
left in no condition to renew the effort. 
This relief of Richmond was contributed 
to by the battle of Seven Pines of 
May 23. Before that time  -   as stated 
in accounts and reports  -   “McClellan 
had advanced his left wing consisting 
of two of his five corps from his position 
on the north of the Chickahominy 
to the south of that stream, heavy 
spring rains had converted the streams 
into torrents, his military bridges 
across the Chickahominy into trembling
<pb id="wood82" n="82"/>
and swaying structures, and 
the mud and mire made the movement 
and use of his heavy artillery 
practically impossible. The 
astute Johnston saw McClellan's faulty 
position, and availed himself of the 
opportunity to attack his left wing 
on May 23d. He drove it from the 
field and back more than a mile, capturing 
many prisoners, a number of 
pieces of artillery, small arms and a
number of tents.”</p>
        <p>Unfortunately Johnston was struck 
by a fragment of shell late in the afternoon 
of the first day, knocked from his 
horse, and carried from the field in an 
insensible condition. Major-General 
G.W. Smith succeeded to command. 
McClellan had gotten Sumner's Corps 
to his left wing, and thus reinforced 
the Federals entrenched their position, 
and the battles of the succeeding days 
amounted to little more than skirmishes 
and were without material results. 
The treacherous Chickahominy 
now intervened between McClellan's 
two corps on the north and his three
<pb id="wood83" n="83"/>corps on the south of that stream. 
This position was so held June 
26, at the time of the advance of Lee 
who had been assigned to the command 
of the army on the first day of that 
month. </p>
        <p>There can be no question but that
Johnston's attack was wise and successful, 
not only because he won the day, 
but because he drew a large part of 
McClellan's right wing from the north 
to the south of the Chickahominy, thus 
leaving much less than half of the 
Federal army on the north of the river,
and contributing to Lee's success 
against this isolated right wing. At 
this time McClellan's entire army must 
have aggregated 110,000 to 115,000. 
In the early part of May his force was 
placed at 110,000. Lee's entire army, 
including Jackson, was 80,000 to 85,000. 
With this inferior force in numbers 
much was accomplished, yet with 
the attending advantages greater results 
might have been attained. There 
does not seem to have been any fault 
in Lee's plans or leadership; but fault,
<pb id="wood84" n="84"/>
if such existed, must have been lack of 
cooperation by the separate commands.</p>
        <p>Yet unforeseen conditions may have
prevented this. Lee risked much when
he withdrew his main army from Richmond 
to the north of the Chickahominy, 
leaving but 25,000 men under 
Magruder to defend the city against 
more than twice to three times their 
number of the best of McClellan's army; 
but this, of course, was considered by 
Lee, and results justified his course. The 
victories of the seven days were substantial, 
except Malvern Hill, which, 
except for the freeing of Richmond,
nearly offset the previous six days. 
The attack on such a position so manned 
and garrisoned was a mistake.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="wood85" n="85"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER EIGHT</head>
        <argument rend="sc">
          <p>Advance against Pope. Battle at Cedar Run. Battle
at Bristoe Station. Battle at Manassas.
Battles near Groveton on 28-29th.
Battle renewed on 30th.</p>
        </argument>
        <p>ABOUT the first of August 
Jackson's corps 
moved toward Gordonsville. 
When the troops got under
way and the head of 
the column had been
turned sharply to the left, indicating 
the direction of our march toward the
mountains and the valley, where pure
air and good water could be had, a
shout arose that was deafening in its
volume; and it was taken up by the
column as it reached the turn, and was
so continued until the corps had passed.
<pb id="wood86" n="86"/>
The same occurred, except possibly 
in greater volume, on the following 
day when the Blue Ridge was first 
brought into view. This elevation of 
spirits, pure air, and drinkable water 
soon made the army itself again.</p>
        <p>The head of the column, however,
soon turned toward Culpeper Court
House; and, on the ninth, Pope's advance
was found in position on Cedar 
Run, at the northwest base of Slaughter
Mountain, about eight miles from
Culpeper Court House. Our guns 
were soon placed and about 2 p.m. 
a heavy artillery duel opened and continued 
for about two hours. The batteries 
of Poag, of Carpenter and of 
Caskie were well placed and appeared 
to do fine execution. Our brigade 
supported these batteries, which, of 
course, were targets for the enemy's 
guns, as was the brigade. In the meantime, 
the infantry was being brought 
into position near the brow of a low 
ridge. Our brigade occupied the line 
to the left of Early's, and to the right 
of the second brigade of Jackson's division 
<pb id="wood87" n="87"/>
About 4 p.m. the line advanced 
over the ridge into an open 
wheat field. Two hundred yards to our
front was thick timber and undergrowth.
From the timber the enemy 
advanced in great numbers, forcing 
back the brigade to our left. This compelled 
the “3rd brigade” also to fall 
back to meet this flank and rear attack, 
but again as soon as our left was sufficiently
protected by A.P. Hill the 
whole line moved forward and turned 
the Federal right and the day was 
practically won. Federal cavalry in
great force charged on our brigade, but
was repulsed with heavy loss.</p>
        <p>A brilliant dash on our right of our
flying artillery was beautifully executed 
in view of both armies and did 
splendid work. Our whole line now 
pushed forward, and the Federals gave 
way at every point in confusion and 
disorder, leaving their dead and 
wounded on the field. General Winder, 
commanding our division, was struck 
by a piece of shell during the artillery 
duel and died in a few minutes. He 
<pb id="wood88" n="88"/>
occupied a high place in the esteem of
the army and the loss was deeply felt.</p>
        <p>Other incidents occurred during this
artillery duel. A shell exploded in the
ranks of a regiment and five men fell 
to death together and upon each other. 
Our losses in this battle, as shown by
statistics, were 19 officers killed and 
114 wounded, of non-commissioned officers
and privates 204 killed and 946 
wounded and 31 missing, aggregating 
a loss of 1,314. The Federal loss was 
greater. “The regiment” had its due 
share of casualties, owing to its prominent 
share in the engagement. After 
more than forty-five years it is impossible 
to recall the names of the unfortunates, 
but I do recall that Capt. John 
Duff of Company “C” and I were in 
conversation just as we reached the 
border of the wheat field from the skirt 
of the woods. He was in a most cheerful 
mood as we entered this rapid  and 
fierce battle. He fell in death a few
minutes after he entered. Capt. Felix
Duff of Company “H,” another brave 
and efficient officer, fell mortally 
<pb id="wood89" n="89"/>
wounded and died in a few hours. I 
was of the number of the wounded. 
Of the killed and wounded of the regiment 
I am unable to recall the number, 
names or companies, except in one instance, 
and that was impressed upon 
my mind because of the nature of the 
wound and of the <sic>unlooked</sic> for result, 
viz: Young Combs of Company “C” 
was to appearances vigorous and strong, 
of fine physical appearance. It was his 
first battle. A minnie ball passed just 
under the skin in the calf of the leg 
for the space of one or two inches and 
out. There was but little blood, no 
artery had been touched and no reason 
could be assigned for serious results; 
nevertheless, he was greatly excited 
and died in a few minutes.</p>
        <p>The victory over superior numbers 
by Jackson's army, composed of the divisions 
of Jackson, Early and A.P. 
Hill, had a telling effect; but now the 
Federal Commander, Pope, who had 
so valiantly proclaimed headquarters 
in the saddle, began to concentrate his 
army on a strong position near Culpeper
<pb id="wood90" n="90"/>
Court House to resist Jackson's
further advance. But Jackson chose 
to await the coming of the main army 
under Lee which was still in the vicinity 
of Richmond, hence retired to Gordonsville.</p>
        <p>The rest and recuperation so much
needed was now enjoyed until the middle
of August, thus putting the army in 
fine condition for the campaign then 
entered upon. The route of which was 
by way of Orange Court House, 
thence up the right bank of Rapidan 
River. The divisions of Ewell, Hill 
and Jackson composed Jackson's corps, 
and on the 12th moved in the direction 
of Beverly Ford on the Rappahannock. 
Jackson's division, now commanded by 
Talliaferro, was at the head of the 
column. In the afternoon a spirited 
artillery duel across the river was 
fought, resulting in the silencing of 
the Federals, who, however, brought 
forward and began to concentrate a 
strong force. The river still separating 
these armies, the Confederates continued 
the march up the right bank, 
<pb id="wood90a" n="90a"/>
<figure id="ill5" entity="wood05"><p>LT. COL ROBERT P. CARSON<lb/>Taken 1910</p></figure>
<pb id="wood91" n="91"/>
the head of the column crossing on the
24th to the left bank. The balance of 
the corps, strung out for many miles,
followed in the wake of the advance,
encountering on the way like artillery
duels across the river, but not swerved
from the end sought, pushed forward 
for a week with but little sleep or rest 
toward the rear of Pope's army, and at 
Salem Church went into bivouac for 
the night. On the following day, the 
march being continued across Bull Run 
Mountain through Thoroughfare Gap 
and Gainesville to Bristoe Station on 
the railroad, we were now in the rear 
of Pope and between his army and
Washington. Here some prisoners 
and loaded cars were captured, and the 
same night at Manassas, seven miles 
distant, a number of prisoners, cannon, 
small arms, ammunition, immense and 
valuable commissary and quartermaster 
stores were captured.</p>
        <p>On the 27th a force came from the
direction of Washington, hoping to 
regain the captured stores and prisoners 
made a vigorous attack and
<pb id="wood92" n="92"/>
contested the field with much vigor
for some hours, but were in the end defeated, 
routed, and disappeared, leaving 
their dead and wounded on the
field. In the afternoon of the same 
day, the Federals in full force attacked 
the Confederates at Bristoe Station 
from the direction of Warrenton. The 
battle raged fierce and furious. The 
Federals were repulsed. The Confederates 
were now withdrawn to the 
army at Manassas. The following 
day, the 28th, the Confederates took 
position toward Groveton on the 
Warrenton and Alexandria Turnpike. 
The Federals in full force were now 
moving on the Confederates from the 
direction of Warrenton, hoping to 
crush them before Lee, with the main 
army, could reach the field. An effort 
to move a large part of this force to the 
east of the Confederates, and thus intervene 
between them and Washington, 
exposed his left flank, upon which 
Jackson with his comparatively small 
army, without the slightest hesitation, 
made a vigorous assault, which continued
<pb id="wood93" n="93"/>
with great spirit until about nine
o'clock at night, the Federals being
pushed back from the field. By the
following morning, the 29th, it was 
found that the enemy had moved his 
position further to our left with the 
evident purpose of covering the way 
to the Federal Capital, and about ten 
a.m. opened with artillery a vigorous 
attack upon our right, which was repulsed 
by the Confederate batteries at 
the end of about two hours. A lull 
now followed, interrupted only by an 
occasional artillery shot, until about 2
p.m. The Federal infantry in heavy
force now made a vigorous attack on 
the Confederate left. This was beaten 
back, as were successive attacks by 
fresh relays of troops, until the Confederates,
exhausted and out of ammunition, 
were forced back three or 
four hundred yards, their line broken 
and a part of the force cut off. At this 
supreme moment reinforcements from 
the right arrived and engaged the victorious 
enemy with grim determination. 
The battle, now more furious 
<pb id="wood94" n="94"/>
than before, swayed to and fro; and 
for sometime doubtful conclusions 
hung in the balance. The enemy continued 
to pour in his fresh relays, 
which were met by the same grim veterans 
of many battles. The contest 
constantly grew fiercer and more 
bloody. Often the combatants delivered 
their fire against each other 
within ten or a dozen paces. This awful 
carnage could not continue long. 
The slaughter was too horrible and
sickening. The tide must turn, and it 
did. At the supreme moment in battle 
a word, a slight act, may, and often 
does, decide the fate of the day. At 
this supreme moment an officer, or 
private, as has been claimed, in the very 
forefront of the closest quarters, called 
out in a lusty voice, “Charge 'em, boys, 
charge 'em.” This was the needed 
stimulant. It nerved the heart and 
hand of the weary Confederates and 
was responded to by the whole line 
with such unanimous vigor and force 
that the enemy was swept from the 
field with great loss. The Confederate 
<pb id="wood95" n="95"/>
loss was also heavy. “The Regiment”
and the Confederates reoccupied 
the stronger line held by them at the
beginning.</p>
        <p>On the following day, the 30th, cannonading 
and some skirmishing occurred 
until about 4 o'clock. The
enemy began to advance in a number 
of successive lines. Soon the battle 
became sanguinary and determined 
and extended along the entire front. 
The Confederates on the left occupied 
a favorable position and repulsed the 
onslaught made upon them. As one 
line was repulsed a fresh one took its 
place, and thus the battle raged over 
the dead and wounded Federals who 
fell on this oft' traversed field. The 
main Confederate army, which had 
now reached the field, and Jackson's
worn and decimated corps were now
contesting the field with a brave army 
of superior numbers; but a change of
conditions must come, and again the
psychological moment arrived and was
availed of by the Confederates, pressed
to the last inch of endurance. Our
<pb id="wood96" n="96"/>
right now held by Longstreet pressed 
the enemy back, this invigorated the 
whole Confederate line, which now 
with eager and invincible will simultaneously 
joined in the forward movement 
and pressed upon the still stubborn 
and equally determined foe, resisting 
with bayonet the onward rush; 
but the tide turned against the Federals 
and they fled precipitately, leaving 
their dead and wounded on the field. 
The Confederates now opened upon 
the fleeing Federals and their loss at 
this time, as during the day, was very 
heavy. The Confederate loss was also 
heavy. A number of pieces of artillery 
and many stands of small arms fell into 
the hands of the Confederates. 
The enemy continued his retreat.</p>
        <p>Pursuit was taken up by Jackson's
corps in the lead and, on the first of
September, the enemy in force was
again encountered at Ox Hill. Here a
sanguinary battle of much fury occurred,
lasting for some time, when a 
heavy storm brought a cessation of the 
contest for a time, during which the 
<pb id="wood97" n="97"/>
enemy retired about night and by the
next morning had disappeared. On 
the following day, the 3d, Jackson's 
corps moved toward Loudoun county 
and on the 4th went into bivouac near 
Leesburg.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="wood98" n="98"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER NINE</head>
        <argument rend="sc">
          <p>Capture of Harper's Ferry. Battle of Sharpsburg.
Return to Virginia. Battle of Fredericksburg.</p>
        </argument>
        <p>ABOUT the fifth of September 
Jackson's 
corps crossed the 
Potomac into Maryland 
near Leesburg, 
moving toward 
Frederick, Md.; and 
on or about the 10th moved toward 
Martinsburg, recrossing the Potomac 
near Williamsport. On the following 
day the course was down the right bank 
of the Potomac toward Harpers Ferry, 
near which on Bolivar Heights a Federal 
force under General Miles was 
hemmed in by the Confederates who 
occupied Maryland and Loudoun
<pb id="wood99" n="99"/>
heights and all the passes leading out
from the Federal position. In the 
contest little else occurred than artillery 
firing, which continued for about 
two hours, resulting in but few casualties 
on either side. Realizing their 
inextricable position the Federals “on 
the morning of the 15th surrendered 
unconditionally all the force, consisting 
of approximately 12,000 men, 74 
pieces of artillery, many thousands of 
small arms and large military stores.” 
The details of the surrender were left 
with A.P. Hill's division to adjust 
while the balance of Jackson's corps 
left in haste for Sharpsburg, where 
Longstreet and D.H. Hill were already 
engaged with the enemy who by 
greatly superior numbers had forced 
the passes of South Mountain, causing 
the Confederates to take position near 
Sharpsburg behind Antietam Creek on 
the morning of the 15th. Early on the
morning of the 16th Jackson's corps,
except Hill's division, arrived.</p>
        <p>On the afternoon of the 15th, the
enemy had advanced and the batteries
<pb id="wood100" n="100"/>
on both sides were immediately engaged.
On the 16th artillery firing 
continued during the entire day. Jackson's 
old division occupied the left 
from Hagerstown road to the Potomac. 
At dawn on the 17th the enemy's artillery
opened with great vigor on 
Jackson's line. The battle was hot and 
furious from the start and continued 
for many hours with alternate success. 
The Federal lines were forced back 
several times, but new lines of fresh 
troops were met, and in turn the Confederates 
were forced to retire before 
them, but would again return to the 
contest and again clear their front, 
but to be again pushed back as before. 
This was the part of the Confederate line 
against which the enemy had concentrated 
and was now hurling the strength 
of his army, and by overwhelming 
numbers turning the Confederates left;
but reinforcements from our right arrived 
in time, and now the battle raged 
with still greater fury and determination. 
But the onslaught of the Confederates 
was not to be successfully resisted,
<pb id="wood101" n="101"/>
hence they swept the Federals 
back and reestablished their lines, 
which were held against further attacks 
of the day. Between these hostile 
lines lay hundreds of dead and dying 
of both sides, fighting being so continuous 
as to prevent proper attention 
to them. I do not now recall the
names of any of these, except that of 
a younger brother, the late Judge M. 
B. Wood, whose wound was severe, 
and naturally I was impressed. The 
main attack was now shifted from 
our left to the center. This 
was finally repulsed and the battle 
along the line was now reduced to a 
more moderate degree; heavy attacks, 
however, were made occasionally on 
different parts of the Confederate 
lines. Hill arrived from Harpers Ferry 
late in the afternoon and attacked 
the enemy on our right, and drove him 
from his position back across Antietam, 
inflicting much loss.</p>
        <p>On the morning of the 18th the
Confederates held their entire lines and
awaited an advance by the
<pb id="wood102" n="102"/>
enemy, he having superior numbers 
and equipment; but he did not advance. 
That night, owing to the enemy 
being about to receive large reinforcements 
as was then understood, 
and the rains which had fallen causing 
a rise in the Potomac which would 
thus cut off the Confederates from 
their base of supplies, Lee withdrew 
his army to the Virginia side, crossing 
at Shepardstown without loss. The 
best that could be claimed by either 
side was that the battle was a draw; 
neither side won.</p>
        <p>Jackson's division went into camp 
at Bunker's Hill, twelve miles below
Winchester, and here received much
needed rest, food, clothing and shoes.
After a short time of drill, picket, 
guard and camp duty, recuperation ensued; 
the arduous and perilous duties 
of the Maryland campaign were forgotten 
and the army was itself again. 
Here our division remained until October, 
then moved to the vicinity of 
Berryville, thence across the Blue 
Ridge to camp near Guiny's Station.
<pb id="wood103" n="103"/>
On the morning of December 12th, 
the division moved in much haste to
Hamilton's Crossing, four miles below
Fredericksburg. It was then 
known that the Federal army under 
command of General Burnside was 
crossing the Rappahannock at and below 
that city. Many advantages seemed 
to favor the enterprise. Of these 
were his many well placed long range 
guns on Stafford Heights from opposite 
the city to Hamilton's Crossing, 
a distance of four miles, completely 
dominating and commanding the lower 
range of hills on the Confederate side 
far back from the river. His greatly 
superior numbers and equipment gave 
promise of success to his advance. 
Pontoon bridges at Fredericksburg, at 
Hamilton's Crossing and points between, 
completely protected by the high 
river banks from shot and shell, enabled 
him to transfer his army expeditiously 
to the west side, between which 
and the ridge  -   occupied by the Confederates  -   
is a smooth open plain, varying 
in width from one to one and a half
<pb id="wood104" n="104"/>
miles and extending in length from the
city to below Hamilton's Crossing, a
distance of more than four miles. This
topography rendered it impracticable 
for the Confederates to maintain a 
force at or near the river or on this 
open plain to dispute the crossing by 
the enemy.</p>
        <p>On the morning of the 11th Burnside 
opened on the Confederates with
about one hundred and fifty guns from 
Stafford Heights, and advanced to the
 river a large infantry force, thus compelling 
the Confederate pickets to retire. 
The enemy then proceeded to
construct his pontoon crossings, and
during the night and following day, 
being protected by a dense fog as well 
as high river banks, crossed his army. 
Little occurred on the following day, 
except occasional artillery firing at the
Confederate position from Stafford
Heights, as rifts would occur in the 
dense fog which still hung over the 
field. This firing was not returned by 
the Confederates, but as occasional 
clearings of the fog would reveal the 
<pb id="wood105" n="105"/>
enemy's columns on the plain a vigorous
and apparently effective fire was 
opened upon them. Of the Confederates,
Longstreet occupied the left, 
including Mary's and Willis' Hills, 
and Jackson the right, extending to 
Hamilton's Crossing. The extreme 
right being protected by Stuart's cavalry. 
The first and second lines of battle, 
the reserves and the artillery now 
in position, awaited the advance of the 
enemy which did not occur that day. 
On the morning of the 13th the plain 
now occupied by the Federals was still 
enveloped in dense fog. About 10 
o'clock the fog cleared and the lines of 
the enemy in order of battle could be 
seen upon the plain between the Confederate 
position and the river, in 
front of our position at Hamilton's
Crossing and extending miles to our 
left toward Fredericksburg. The force 
in front of Jackson's corps alone was
estimated at not less than 50,000.</p>
        <p>Federal batteries from Stafford
Heights opened fire upon the Confederate 
lines, the heaviest of which was
<pb id="wood106" n="106"/>
directed against the line far to our left,
toward the city, to which the Confederates 
did not reply, but held their fire 
for the infantry, now advancing in
numerous lines of battle against our 
front. At our position A.P. Hill's division 
was in front, and Jackson's division 
in the second or supporting line, 
and our artillery was well placed. In 
addition to the batteries of the enemy 
on Stafford Heights some of his field 
batteries on the plain and a battery of 
the Confederates on our right engaged 
in a duel which continued with great 
spirit for more than an hour, when the 
Confederates withdrew and the enemy 
now advanced unmolested, turning his 
batteries on our position. The Confederates 
reserved their fire until the Federal 
lines came within easy range before 
they opened, pouring such a storm 
of shot and shell into his ranks as to 
cause him to waver and then to retreat 
in confusion and disorder.</p>
        <p>A comparative lull now ensued until
about 2 o'clock, when the Federals 
made a furious artillery attack, inflicting
<pb id="wood107" n="107"/>
great damage on our lines.
Under the protection of this fire, his
infantry in heavy force again advanced.
When, as before, they had 
gotten within easy range, our batteries 
opened fire on him with destructive effect. 
Though staggered and shocked 
by this rapid and well directed fire their 
lines regained composure, continued to 
press forward and soon came within 
easy range of our infantry lines. Then 
the conflict at once began with great 
fury. Musketry and artillery continued 
to play upon his ranks with withering 
effect, but still he pressed forward; and, 
finding a gap in our line some distance 
to our left,  -   open by accident,  -   he 
pressed through in great numbers, and 
now pressing in front, as well as the 
flanks, the advantage was with the 
Federals. But the Confederates with 
heroic desperation continued the contest, 
but were forced to yield ground. 
Thus the breach widened and the enemy
in still greater numbers pressed on, 
still the battle raged. The dead and 
dying on both sides lay intermingled
<pb id="wood108" n="108"/>
on the field with no hope of assistance 
to the wounded, until the battle should 
end. Yet dead and dying continued to 
fall thick and fast. The day now 
seemed almost lost to the Confederates. 
Decimated, worn and almost without 
ammunition, they still bitterly contested 
the advance of the Federals. At 
this time the Confederate reserves 
reached the field and at once made descent 
on this victorious force with 
such impetuosity that it was swept back 
and our lines advanced farther than 
before, going to the edge of the plain 
along the railroad. The enemy did 
not advance again during the day, but 
kept up at intervals his artillery fire. 
The simultaneous attack on the Confederate 
lines to the left of Jackson's 
corps was equally fierce and determined, 
and quite as sanguinary, and 
perhaps more so at Mary's and Willis' 
Hills. Six times did the enemy attack
these positions, and each of these attacks 
was repulsed with great loss. 
The Confederates also lost heavily 
here, as well as at other parts of the
<pb id="wood109" n="109"/>
line. The work of the day was now 
over. Our division now occupied the 
railroad, this being the front line.</p>
        <p>During the day incidents too numerous
to mention occurred, one or two 
of which impressed me. While moving 
to position under heavy shelling, a 
soldier from the line in front came 
obliquely toward the left and rear. He 
wore a very long sandy beard and carried 
his gun in his left hand at his side. 
The boys began to guy him for getting 
to the rear. “You are safer in ranks,” 
“Fortune favors the brave,” “You are 
skulking,” and so on went this fusillade 
against this poor, downcast looking 
man, during which an exploding 
shell struck him and he was literally 
no more. A little farther on we 
discovered a soldier who had taken 
refuge behind a large oak tree, lying 
in apparent security, but a shell had 
struck the ground in front of the tree, 
passed under it, came out and exploded, 
tearing him into bits. Thus 
Fate seemed to have attended them. 
Another, but more pleasing scene, occurred
<pb id="wood110" n="110"/>
soon after nightfall. The survivors
of that field of both armies will
remember, if for no other reason than 
the relief it gave by transference of 
thought and attention from the carnage 
of the day, and now <sic>irresistably</sic> fixed 
them on an aurora borealis, or northern 
light. This at first appeared as a dimly 
reflected light from below the horizon, 
but it continued to grow in brightness 
and volume until it covered a wide 
space against the sky, and then shooting 
up its steady and well defined columns, 
each tinted in separate and distinct 
hues, ascended to a great height, 
and thus continued for many minutes, 
then all gradually faded away, never 
to be pictured to others by brush or 
pen. The awe and beauty of this natural 
apparition as it appeared on that 
night of December 13th, 1862, will 
ever hold a place in memory.</p>
        <p>Jackson's and Early's divisions remained 
on the front line at the railroad 
during that night and the following 
day. The Federals also remained in 
line of battle all day as if expecting
<pb id="wood111" n="111"/>
attack, but an attack by the Confederates
was impossible, because the 
well-placed guns on Stafford Heights 
could and would have swept from the 
broad open plain any force that might 
have attempted to cross it. This could 
have been done by the Federals more 
effectually by reason of his superior 
position and number of guns than our 
own artillery had done on his advancing 
columns, on the day before. Neither 
side advanced during the day, and 
nothing save some desultory artillery 
firing occurred. During the night our 
division was relieved by D.H. Hill
and we were moved back to a position 
in the line of reserves. During the
15th the enemy remained in battle array, 
as if still looking for attack; but 
in the afternoon sent in a flag of truce 
and a request for permission to take 
his wounded from the field. This was
granted, after which not even an artillery
shot  -   so frequent before  -   was 
heard; deathlike stillness prevailed. 
Our troops were in fine spirits and only 
hoped the enemy would come out of his
<pb id="wood112" n="112"/>
stronghold on the following day and
again attack, but this he did not do, 
but on the night of the 15th recrossed 
the river and thus ended the prospect of
further contest.</p>
        <p>We now returned to camp and established 
winter quarters on the Rappahannock 
at Buckner's Neck. The
routine of camp life was entered upon
and the exercising from daily drill and
other duties, better food, shoes and
clothing, gave contentment, and the
army was soon restored to fine condition. 
Picket duty on the river during the 
winter brought the troops of the opposing 
armies into such close proximity 
that a continual battle across the river 
could have been kept up, but instead a 
tacit armistice was maintained between 
the soldiers themselves. This was done 
by neither pen or tongue, but simply 
by acts, developing into such a kindly 
feeling that frequently in the absence 
of officers interchange of visits were 
made by crossing the river on improvised 
rafts for the exchange of tobacco 
from the Confederates for coffee from
<pb id="wood113" n="113"/>
the Federals. This occurred daily. 
An incident of the kind came under 
my own observation while in command 
of the picket force, the reserve post of 
which was stationed back, and smaller 
posts stationed nearer to different 
eligible crossings, along and near the 
river bank. The same arrangement 
seemed to be true of the Federal pickets, 
and it was between these lines that 
intercourse orally and commercially 
existed. In passing down the river 
along this line I discovered a small improvised 
craft of bark provided with 
newspaper sails gliding to the Federal 
side with its plainly seen lading. My 
duty was to investigate and have arrested 
the violators of this plain 
breach of discipline. Although regarded 
as a disciplinarian, I could not
find it in my heart to do this, accord 
and harmony being too inviolable to be
disturbed when material damage therefrom 
did not portend; and as nothing 
of the kind threatened here I simply
failed to see or know of the little craft.</p>
        <p>On a recent call at my home of an
<pb id="wood114" n="114"/>
ex-Federal captain, Charles P. Tanner, 
and his estimable wife I related 
the above to him and he in 
turn related a kindred experience of 
this period. He was then in the ranks 
and was possessed of this fellow-feeling 
as were his comrades. He said 
that by means of improvised rafts the 
Federals and Confederates would exchange 
visits in the absence of the officers 
in charge. On one of these 
visits to the Confederates a comrade 
and himself, being of sporting proclivities, 
engaged in a game of cards 
with the Confederates which soon became 
interesting and absorbing to 
those engaged and the others standing 
by as well. At this time the Confederate 
officer in charge had approached 
unobserved until he made demand of 
the Federals to know what they were 
doing there and did they not know that 
this intercourse was against the orders 
of the commanders of both armies? 
Well knowing such orders, but not admitting 
the same, the Federals adroitly 
inquired, “What orders?” An explanation
<pb id="wood115" n="115"/>
followed with an admonition
to the Federals to get to their own 
side of the river. It is needless to say 
that the admonition was heeded. The 
evening thus spent with this liberal 
minded and estimable gentleman, in 
which many other reminiscences so 
common to both were gone over, was 
quite enjoyable.</p>
        <p>About the middle of April, 1863, 
the Federals made a demonstration at 
Port Royal, twelve miles below our 
camp, by crossing the Rappahannock 
at that place with a small part of 
his army. The “3d brigade” was hurried 
there, but the Federals returned 
to the east side before our arrival. No 
further demonstration at this point 
was made, but we remained there for 
some days, enjoying the fine shad, so 
abundant in the Rappahannock in the 
then shad season.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="wood116" n="116"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER TEN</head>
        <argument rend="sc">
          <p>Federal Advance. Flank movement of Confederates. 
Attack on Federal right rear. Jackson
wounded. Battle of Chancellorsville.
Jackson's death.</p>
        </argument>
        <p>ABOUT this time the 
Federals made demonstration 
at Kelley's 
Ford, some 
miles above Fredericksburg. 
The two 
armies had been lying 
on opposite sides of this river, 
since the battle of Fredericksburg in 
December. Gen. Joe Hooker was now 
in command of the Federal army, and 
on the 28th of April a small part of his 
army crossed the river a little below 
Fredericksburg, thus indicating an intended 
advance from that direction.
<pb id="wood117" n="117"/>
This, however, as were other demonstrations, 
was for the purpose of drawing 
attention from his real course of 
approach, which soon developed to be 
by way of the United States and other 
fords of the Rappahannock, fifteen and 
twenty miles above Fredericksburg, 
where he crossed his army and was 
bearing down by way of Chancellorsville 
upon Lee's left and rear. Here 
the Federals encountered Anderson's 
and McLaw's divisions, and thinking it 
an advance by Lee took a formidable 
defensive position, extending his lines 
from the Furnace and Tabernacle 
Church to Chancellorsville, thence behind 
Mineral Spring Run to and beyond 
the old Mine Road.</p>
        <p>This strong position and the superior
numbers of the Federals put the consideration 
of a front attack out of the
question, but the emergency was great
and had to be met; but how? Longstreet's 
corps was away and the inadequacy 
of numbers was great and conditions 
serious. But Jackson, as usual,
cut the gordian knot. In answer to the
<pb id="wood118" n="118"/>
query of Lee, as to what should be 
done, he replied, “Outflank them.” 
This was accepted as the best solution, 
and Jackson was entrusted with 
this important task. On the morning 
of May 1st he set out with his old division 
commanded by General Colston, 
A.P. Hill's and Rodes' divisions. This 
was a great risk for Lee to divide his 
army in the front of his advancing antagonist 
for this great flank movement. 
It was contrary to the principles of 
strategy for Jackson to take his corps 
of 26,000 men, leaving Lee with about 
18,000 men an easy prey, to be crushed 
by Hooker, who could then turn upon 
Jackson with his entire army; but
Hooker did not know conditions or did 
not avail of the opportunity thus presented.
He also certainly blundered in 
failing to properly protect his right 
wing, but for this failure of Hooker 
success would hardly have attended 
Jackson's move. The disparity in numbers 
and position in favor of the Federals 
was too great.</p>
        <p>Our course was up the old turnpike
<pb id="wood119" n="119"/>
to within a mile or two of Chancellorsville,
thence directly to the left over a 
country road, passing along the immediate 
rear of Anderson's division, 
then in line of battle and now receiving 
shots from the advancing Federals, 
thence to the left by the old Furnace, 
moving in great haste. We thus made 
the impression on the Federals that 
it was the beginning of a precipitate retreat. 
Thus encouraged the enemy 
made an overwhelming assault upon 
Anderson, pressed him back and captured 
some of Jackson's ammunition 
train; but on we sped, soon turning to 
the right, making our course due north. 
The day was excessively hot and 
many fell by the way from heat and 
exhaustion. We reached and crossed 
the Orange Plank Road leading to 
Chancellorsville, then the Culpeper 
Plank Road; next we reached a county 
road and formed line of battle across 
this road about 5 o'clock in the afternoon, 
facing Chancellorsville to the 
southeast. We were now in the rear 
of the enemy's right. Our advance
<pb id="wood120" n="120"/>
began between five and six o'clock. We 
soon struck Howard's corps, which
gave way in precipitous rout. Fresh
troops and impediments were utterly
unable to stop or seriously impede our
onward sweep. We captured prisoners,
artillery and small arms on the 
way, but steadily continued the pursuit 
until darkness and the deep tangled
undergrowth put an end to further advance.</p>
        <p>We were now within a mile of
Chancellorsville. A skirmish line was
thrown out and moved forward to 
within less than half a mile of the enemy's
position. Our brigade and others 
followed in formation of two columns 
occupying the respective sides of the 
Plank Road, and a column of artillery 
occupied the middle, with the third 
brigade at the head of one of the columns. 
Our skirmish line extended
across our front a hundred yards 
ahead. The enemy was in his strong 
position awaiting attack. Like the
calm before the storm, quiet and stillness
now reigned, except with the ever
<pb id="wood121" n="121"/>
vigilant Jackson. Intent on investigating
conditions in his front he passed 
through our skirmish line accompanied 
by his staff, and after making <sic>reconnoissance</sic>
returned to another point toward 
the Confederate skirmish line. 
This surprise brought a fire from the 
skirmish line and then from the enemy, 
who thought it an attack. Hence 
he opened fire upon us with a fury that 
was hardly surpassed, if equalled, during 
the war. Shot, shell, grape and 
cannister tore through the ranks of
men and artillery horses. Minnie balls
came like hail in a spring storm. Exploding
shells would kill some and 
wound many. Solid shot would plough 
through the ranks, leaving a line of 
dead and dying. Grape and cannister 
would slay and wound groups and 
squads, while minnie did an effective 
but indiscriminate work of destruction. 
Caissons of ammunition were blown up 
by exploding shells, adding to the work 
of destruction. Added to this was the 
plunging and leaping of wounded artillery 
horses, thus increasing the peril 
<pb id="wood122" n="122"/>
to life. The horribleness of that dark 
night is indescribable. It was not a 
battle, but a firing by the Federals. 
The Confederates could do nothing but 
protect themselves as best they could 
by lying upon the ground. They were 
not in formation to engage in battle, 
nor could they withdraw; because to 
arise was to be cut down like grass before 
the mower's scythe. This may be 
figurative, but there is no question but 
many lives were saved by lying upon 
the ground until the end.</p>
        <p>Jackson had been wounded and in 
the midst of this fusillade litter bearers 
had placed him upon a litter and one at 
each of the four corners raised him to 
their shoulders and started from the 
field. Soon one of the bearers was 
stricken down, causing Jackson to fall 
heavily to the ground. His wounds 
were not thought to be serious, the 
bone of the left arm a few inches below 
the shoulder and the cutting of the 
artery in the arm being the principal 
injury. This occurred on Saturday 
night, May 1, and before dawn of the 
<pb id="wood123" n="123"/>
following day, amputation of the arm 
was performed and the patient revived 
and gave every evidence of recovery, 
but finally pneumonia supervened, and 
on the following Sunday the great 
Chieftain, at the age of thirty-seven, 
triumphantly passed into the Great 
Beyond. Great gloom was cast 
over the whole army and the people of 
the South. When he was wounded all 
watched with deep anxiety and prayerful 
hearts for