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By
Illustrated from contemporary portraits
Copyright, 1905, by Published, September, 1905
THIS RECORD IS WRITTEN
A
Southern Girl in '61
The War-Time Memories of a Confederate
Senator's DaughterMrs. D. Giraud Wright
New York
Doubleday, Page& Company
1905
Doubleday, Page & Company
All rights reserved, including that
of translation into foreign languages,
including the Scandinavian
IN LOVING MEMORY
OF
TWO CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS
My Father and My Brother
Page vii
Approach of General Sherman Causes a Rush from Macon - A Louisiana Swamp - Crossing the Mississippi in Dugouts . . . . . 193
THE COMET OF 1858 - JOURNEY BY STAGE COACH FROM MARSHALL TO AUSTIN - A PRAIRIE FIRE - FORDING THE BRAZOS RIVER.
IN gathering the sad and happy memories of the years of which I write, I am actuated by two motives - one, that I am conscious that the days are passing, and that if done at all, the chronicle had best be written ere the eye that has seen these things grows dim and the memory faulty; and the other, that I would fain live in the thoughts of the children who shall come after me, and have their hearts, as they read this record, beat in unison with mine. Thus shall we be linked together in these memories.
I remember, in the summer of 1858, sitting on the broad piazza in front of our home in Marshall, Texas, watching the great comet that hung in the heavens. I can see now the crêpe myrtle bushes with their rose-colored blossoms, flanking the steps; feel again the warm, languorous air of the summer night, heavy with the odor of white jasmine, and honeysuckle; and hear again the voices, long stilled, as we talked together
of the comet and its portent. As a child, I felt the influence of the time: great events were forming; the "irrepressible conflict," which culminated in the awful struggle of the sixties, was just becoming, to the mind of thinkers, a fearful probability; and when we looked at the blazing comet in that fair summer sky, a feeling of awe and mystery enveloped us. Night after night we watched it, and singular to say, it is the only distinct impression left on my mind of the summer of '58.
In the autumn my father was elected the State Senate and we made preparations for our journey to Austin. There were no railroads across the State in those days, and the hundreds of miles had to be traversed by private conveyance, or by stage coach.
We decided to make the expedition in our old- fashioned family carriage, drawn by a pair of stout horses and driven by our negro coachman, Henry. My brother came with us on horseback. We made the journey in easy stages - our luggage, of course, being sent on by coach. We would drive about thirty miles a day - never more; stopping in the middle of the day for an hour or so, when the horses would be thoroughly rested and fed, and we would have our luncheon.
At night, we always stopped at a convenient farmhouse, the location of which had been previously learned, and whose owners were
accustomed, in a country where there were no inns, to receive occasional travelers.
What a delightful journey it was! The beautiful, level, prairie roads, hard, white and smooth, over which we rolled, with little effort on the horses' part - stretching behind and before us that wide expanse of prairie, now, in November, covered with tall, waving, yellow grass; but in June glorious with the exquisite blue flowers of the buffalo clover - stopping, from time to time, to water the horses from the pure, limpid springs; the heavens blue as a sapphire and the sun shining!
I do not remember any rainy days in the ten during which we were on the road. The midday meal, taken by the banks of some clear, beautiful stream, was a feast indeed - a daily picnic of the most enchanting kind.
I recall only two adventures by the way. One was our setting the prairie on fire by thoughtlessly throwing a lighted match in the dry grass, which might have resulted very seriously had we not been near a stream, and had not the wind been blowing towards it, and in the opposite direction from that in which we were going. As it happened, it was an interesting and novel sight, viewed at a safe distance. And it resulted in much merriment, as we recalled our first frightened efforts to put out the prairie fire by futile little journeyings to and from the stream with cups of water.
Our other adventure was fording the Brazos River, a broad, swift-running, shallow stream, so limpid that the stones on the bottom were clearly visible.
When we reached the ford, we knew nothing of the treacherous character of the sandy bottom, and when about fifty feet from the shore the horses stopped to drink. Imagine our horror when we felt the carriage beginning to sink and the horses to plunge in a vain endeavor to extricate themselves. Luckily for us, the quicksands were not very deep, and having sunk as far as the hubs of the wheels, there we stuck, hard and fast. My brother, who was on horseback, was able to approach cautiously, and took each of us out of the carriage window, when, seated behind him and holding on to him with a grip made intense by necessity and terror, we rode rapidly across the river and were landed safely on the other side. The carriage, now being lightened of its weight, was raised, and the horses were enabled to get on a firmer footing and soon were out of their dangerous position. I must say that I think we all behaved very well, as I have no recollection of any excitement or cries of terror, which might have been expected of us in such a new and trying experience.
I recall very vividly the evening when we came in sight of the city of Austin: the brilliant autumn sunset, the invigorating air, the lovely view of
the surrounding country, the sound of the horses' feet ringing on the hard, smooth road, as we rolled along, down the slope that brought us to our journey's end - half way across the State of Texas, in ten days.
THE WRITER'S HOME IN MARSHALL - ANECDOTES OF FAITHFUL NEGROES - REMOVAL TO WASHINGTON - MEETINGS WITH SENATORS CLAY AND SLIDELL AND THEIR WIVES AND OTHER NOTABLES.
IT IS curious how the minor things in a life stand out against the background of the past like silhouettes. The great events are harder to remember than the trifles.
The village of Marshall was not different from a thousand other little country towns throughout the South. The houses set back from the sandy street, with their front yards filled with roses and honeysuckles; the back yards with the servants' quarters and the wood piles; the well dug deep to reach the cool water; and in it the tempting bucket in which the luscious watermelon was sent down to its mysterious depths, and from which it emerged covered with a silver frost. The happy little darkies played in the background through the summer day, and gathered around the kitchen fire when the nights grew chill, and the white folks at "the house" sat by the roaring hickory logs at the chimney side.
I never see a big wood fire but I remember my father and the way he constructed his: The huge back log, first; the light-wood knots in front, and on top the wealth of smaller hickory; and then the blaze, and the warmth, and the delight of replenishing!
There is one little figure, that stands out in positive and pathetic prominence, as I think of those old days; little Emmeline, the small negro girl who was my constant companion. She loved me with a devotion that I have never seen excelled, and in her brief life (for she died when eight years old) she made an impression which has never left me, and which I am glad to record here. When she died, after a short illness, I grieved sincerely; and to this day cannot think of her without a pang.
Strange to say, of our many plays together only two incidents can I recall. It was the fourth of July. The arrival of the day had been announced at dawn by the explosion of gunpowder placed in an anvil, this being the primitive method in vogue among the village patriots for ushering in the anniversary and producing the desired amount of noise. There was, of course, the usual popping of firecrackers, and the usual parade of the militia.
When little Emmeline heard the shouts and the music, she left the enchantment of the approaching
pageant, even at the risk of losing the sight, to summon me.
"Oh! run, run," she screamed at the top of her voice, "run, and look; General Washington done come."
We had a dear old doctor in the village, and he had one invariable method of diagnosis, which used to cause us all infinite amusement. Whatever the disease, and wherever situated, he always, before administering his remedies, would first proceed to feel our spines. We thought it very funny, but he was only a little in advance of his school. Nowadays, I believe, the osteopaths pursue the same practice and proclaim much the same doctrine, as to the general seat of disease. Now Emmeline, like the rest of her race, was imitative; she liked to play doctor. We saw her one day, having cornered a little piccaninny, named Hannah, proceed to poke and punch different portions of her anatomy in true medical style, accentuating her thrusts with the suggestive query as to the location of the supposed pain, her voice taking on an indescribable whine, supposed to be professional.
"Hannah, Hannah, docker Baylor say your backbone hurt you, Hannah?"
If she had lived in later days who knows in what new school of medicine she might not have been a burning and a shining light!
Then there was the Court House in the middle
of the square, where the voice of the crier was heard on Court days calling, "Oh yes, oh, yes, come into Court," and the long rack where the horses were hitched in patient rows, switching off the flies with their long tails. Fortunately for them "docking" was an unknown art.
Then there was the tavern, with the wide front piazza, where appeared the benches and the split- bottomed chairs, with their leisurely occupants; and the inevitable accompaniment of elevated legs on the railing, which some cavilling Britisher has styled the attitude of the American Congressman.
I can hear now the dinner bell, summoning the guests at the hour of noon. The boys had a song to fit the monotonous sound, suggestive of the quality and quantity of the repast.
"Pigtail
done, Pigtail done,
If
you don't come quick
You
won't git none!"
Then there were the churches of different denominations. The quaint Methodist buildings, where the men sat on one side and the women on the other; where, on Sunday evenings, however, the rules were not so strict but that the girls made themselves pretty and coquettish enough, in their sweet summer dresses land won many a sly glance of approbation from across the rigid dividing line.
Then there were the hard-shell Baptists and the Campbellite Baptists; and from their pulpits the theologians of the different schools pronounced a sufficient variety of dogmas to daunt the souls and bewilder the minds of ordinary mortals.
Many of the negroes were members of one or other of these denominations. "Dick" professed conversion and was taken into the fold by immersion. When "Marcia" heard of it her comment was congratulatory for two reasons, "One t'ing, Dick got a good washin'."
It was against the rules for the negroes to be out at night without a "pass," and it was the custom to come to young "Massa" or "Missus" to write them for them. Many a one have I written. "Henry has permission to pass and repass until ten o'clock" was the usual form.
There have been volumes written about the negro, generally by persons who knew nothing, by practical experience, of the subject of which they wrote. They theorized, from a false basis, on a condition of things which existed only in their imaginations; and they built up a fabric, which, in these later days, has tumbled down about their ears, and bids fair, in its fall, to work havoc, in more directions than one. It may be that out of the dirt and débris, a new structure will be erected in time; but that time is certainly not yet. Now I do not propose to theorize on the subject. I merely wish to relate two or three
facts, to the truth of which I can bear witness - facts that exhibit the character of the negro, as shown during the War, under the then existing conditions of slavery.
When my parents left home in the autumn of 1860 to go to Washington, they anticipated returning in a few months. We had a faithful woman, named Sarah, whose family had belonged to ours for two generations. Before our departure the silver was packed away and the key given to Sarah. For nearly four years we were absent. During that time the house was occupied, on several occasions, as headquarters, by Generals of our own army in command at Marshall, permission of course being given. Sarah, for the credit of the establishment, as she told us afterwards, produced the silver and had it constantly in use. When we returned, not a single piece was missing; though, in the meantime the War had ended, and she was free to come and go as she chose, and could easily, in the lawlessness of the time, have decamped with her prize, with no one to gainsay her. When, on our return home after weeks of waiting in fear and anxiety for my father's safety, at last tidings were brought us that he was in our neighborhood - it was to Sarah that we confided the fact, and through her connivance, under cover of night, he entered his home. It was Sarah who watched with us and stood on guard through the long weary hours
while we sat together and talked over the plans for the future - and it was Sarah who saw in the early dawn that the coast was clear for her master - her master no longer - to make his escape from his foes!
Then again there was Henry, my brother's body servant during the War. In looking back it seems strange that officers in the army, at a time when they were barely existing on a third of a pound of bacon a day and a little corn meal, should have decreased their slender store by sharing it with servants. But those were the good old days and the good old ways, and I, for one, would never have changed them! Now one of my father's admirers in Texas had sent to him at Richmond a very beautiful Mexican saddle, heavily mounted in silver, and he, caring little for such vanities and always delighting to give to his children, promptly transferred the valuable present to my brother. Henry's pride in his young master's grandeur was unbounded, and he polished the handsome silver mountings with unwearied zeal, and I doubt if the suggestion ever occurred to his simple mind as to how sensible it would be to convert a portion of those jingling chains and buckles into some good digestible article to appease the ever-present hunger of both master and man. After General Johnston's surrender, and when my brother determined to make his way across the river to join Kirby Smith, he
had to part from Henry. That Henry should leave him voluntarily never occurred to either of them. He left him at a point in Alabama and told him to wait with the horse and famous saddle until he should receive orders to come. And there he remained for weeks, faithful and obedient. When at last my brother wrote for him he sold the horse and the saddle, according to his orders, and with the proceeds made his way home, where he appeared one day to give an account of his adventures and expenditures. Can these instances of faithful service be matched in any negro to-day, after nearly forty years of freedom?
The negro in slavery before and during the War, was lazy and idle - he will always be that - but he was simple, true and faithful. What he has become since his emancipation from servitude is a queer comment on the effect of the liberty bestowed upon him. But that is going very far afield and away from our subject.
The great events in the county were the barbecues and the commencements. The former were generally the means of gathering the politicians who made stump speeches, and instructed the people as to the proper way to construe the Constitution, and duly inculcated the doctrine of States' rights. Here, over a great pit, spanned by iron rods, were laid and roasted huge beeves and hogs, the dispensing of which savory viands, on immense tables spread under the shade of the
branching oaks, was good to see, and better to smell, and best of all to taste.
Then the Commencements were the events of the year. The "sweet girl graduates" in their filmy white robes and dainty ribbons, with compositions in hand, astonishing the dear old country papas and mamas, by "words of learned length and thundering sound", and blushing and simpering under the admiring gaze of the youthful swains. I knew of one of these, after an occasion of the sort, expressing his feelings of admiration in rather an original way, by sending his lady love a magnificent watermelon with its dear little curly tail tied with a blue ribbon! This youthful enthusiast bore the euphonious appellation of Alonzo Womack, and some cruel, unfeeling one, with a prophetic eye to the possible result of a mutual consumption of the luscious gift, made the following suggestive couplet:
"Alonzo
Womack
With
a pain in his
stomach."
From Marshall, my thoughts naturally drift back to Austin where we spent two winters before my father's election to the United States Senate.
I wonder if my descendants, should they ever read these memoirs, will be shocked at the levity of an ancestress who frankly acknowledges that the most vivid recollection left on her mind is a grey merino pélisse and black beaver hat and
plumes with which her small person was decked during the winter of 1859. At the house where we spent the winter I do remember several interesting people.
One of these was "Tom" Ochiltree, whose name has since attained wide celebrity. He was then clerk of the Texas Senate, young and full of spirit and mischief and cleverness, of a kindly temper and fond of children.
A little girl of six, staying in the house with him, became deeply enamoured, and used to weep bitterly when her elders, to tease her, would declare that his locks, which were of an intensified Titian tint, would set the house afire.
At this date occurred the event, which was to transport me from the quiet life I had led into that vast theatre whereon was acted the greatest tragedy of modern times, and in which those nearest and dearest to me played prominent parts. From their intimate connection with the chief actors in those tragic days I have been taken behind the scenes, and enabled from tale of lip and pen to write this chronicle.
I well remember the night we sat waiting together for news from the Capitol, when suddenly the sound of music was heard and the shouts of the crowd coming to announce the election of my father to the United States Senate. In a short time thereafter we went to Washington, by way of Galveston, where we took the steamer for
New Orleans, and thence up the Mississippi River to Memphis, from where the railroad carried us to our destination.
I remember my delight in that journey. New Orleans, with its foreign air and beautiful shops; the old St. Charles Hotel, where we stopped for a while, that our wardrobes might receive a finishing touch at the hands of the modistes and milliners, whose good taste was proverbial. Then the week on that river palace, the old John Simonds, one of the famous boats of the day. Such luxury of living, even in these times, could not be excelled. And the delicious leisure of it, the lack of hurry and bustle. A week to go from New Orleans to Memphis!
When we reached Washington, we joined the colony at Brown's Hotel, where the atmosphere was as distinctly Southern in character as it was Northern at Willard's, the rival house. Among the many interesting people at "Brown's" were Senator Clement C. Clay and his brilliant wife. Mrs. Clay was a woman of great vivacity, and rare charm of manner; her cleverness and wit made her a delightful companion, and her lively sallies at the great fancy ball, in the winter of '58, where she personated "Mrs. Partington," with a young friend in attendance as "Ike," will long be remembered
Here, I saw, for the first time what was then called "dollar jewelry," and this was when Mrs.
Clay came down to dinner one night, very elegantly gowned, her ornaments being a beautiful set of carbuncles, which sparkled and glowed in the lamplight. After having called attention to her new acquisitions and had them duly admired, she laughingly confessed that she had purchased the gems at the "dollar store" as a present for her maid. This happy, buoyant temper enabled her to bear up under the sorrows of the coming years, when her husband, sent as a Commissioner from the Confederacy to Canada, was, on his return, imprisoned on a charge of complicity with the assassination of Lincoln (fancy Clement Clay, the noblest, kindest, most gentle of men, in the character of an assassin!), and though released after months of suffering and hardship, never recovered his health or spirits. Photography was in its infancy at this time, and the little "cartes de visite," which then the fashion to present to one's friends, show what a wide step has been taken between those crude attempts and the finished works of art of this day.
Among the many prominent personalities who
crowd my memory for recognition are Senator
and Mrs. Slidell, of Louisiana, and their lovely
daughters, one of whom afterward married Baron
Erlanger, of Paris. Mr. Slidell will probably be
best remembered by his connection with the Trent
affair. Mrs. Slidell and her daughters were on the
vessel when her husband was removed and
were taken with him on board the United States
ship. In making the removal, the story goes, and was
generally believed, though I cannot vouch for its
accuracy, a Federal officer laid a restraining hand
on Miss Slidell's shoulder, whereupon she very
promptly raised her own and administered an
emphatic rebuke for his temerity by a sound slap on
the cheek. A rhymster of the day celebrated the fact
in a song, of which the following couplet was the
refrain:
"A
bumper for the gallant girl,
The winter of '60 saw
us again in Washington with
our quarters changed to "Wormley's." This was
more than forty years ago and was in the dawn of
Wormley's fame as a caterer - indeed, I believe
ours was the first family to lodge with him in the
house, which was afterward a synonym for
delightful living and even in those days the acme of
comfort. I can recall now, in these degenerate times
of discomfort and bad servants, the admirable
service rendered, and the delicious dinners
furnished us, and with a sigh of regret confess to
myself that if we have progressed in some matters
we certainly have retrogressed in others.
In our drawing room in "I" Street were often
gathered many of the distinguished men of the
day - and I, a child of fourteen, would sit
quietly by, listening to the talk and hearing
the great questions of the hour discussed. The war
clouds were growing black and threatening, and even
the children felt the impulse of the time. My great
delight was to go to the Capitol and hear my father
speak in the Senate, and he never had a more ardent
admirer of his fiery eloquence than the little
daughter in the gallery, who listened to the debates
with beating heart; but with the most supreme
confidence in his wisdom and power to vanquish all
adversaries.
JOHN
C. BRECKENRIDGE - JEFFERSON DAVIS - JUDAH P.
BENJAMIN - R. M. T. HUNTER - LOUIS T. WIGFALL, THE
WRITER'S FATHER - A FAMOUS DUEL - LETTERS TO AND
FROM MRS. WIGFALL IN 1861 - THE EVACUATION OF FORT
SUMTER.
IN thinking of the men
who made the South
famous in the Senate at that day, the Vice-President,
John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky, naturally
comes first to mind. With what inimitable dignity
and grace he presided as President of the Senate
- even his worst enemies according him praise
for the justice and impartiality of his rulings. He
was a delightful man to know well, and I shall
never forget the charm of his conversation. His
keen sense of humor, fund of anecdote, and the
fascinating cordiality of his manner, made a
lighter setting to the sterner qualities of his character
which came out fully when, throwing in his
fortunes with the young Confederacy, he served
in the field as Major General, and in the Cabinet
as Secretary of War. Brilliant he was and debonair,
the highest type of a Kentucky gentleman,
statesman and soldier. I remember him in London
in 1867, broken in fortune and retired to private life
from the exalted position he had held; just the same noble
gentleman and delightful companion he had ever been, with
spirit undaunted, and sense of humor undiminished. He told
us a droll story, illustrating this latter trait. When he was in
London at the time of which I have spoken, he was much
sought after as a celebrity and among many other
invitations received one from the Countess of Blank to
luncheon. This lady at the same time had advertised for a
footman, stating, as is usual in such cases, the required
height, etc., a footman being considered more or less
desirable according to his dimensions. Now General
Breckenridge was a man of very magnificent proportions.
Mistaking the hour he reached the house before the
appointed time and by some accident was ushered into
Lady Blank's presence without being announced. The day
was in June; owing to the heat, the blinds were drawn,
letting in a subdued light; Lady Blank, glancing at the
advancing figure, to the astonishment of the visitor greeted
him thus:
"Have you a reference from your last place?" The
General took in the situation instantly, and with a twinkle in
his eye unobserved by his hostess, answered respectfully,
"Yes, my lady."
"What were your
duties?" was the next query.
"Well, my lady, in
the last three places I held,
I was Vice-President of the United States, Major General
in the Confederate Army, and Secretary of War of the
Confederate States of America!"
"Oh! General Breckenridge," stammered Lady Blank,
utterly overcome with confusion, and averting her face.
Laughing heartily, he advanced with his hands outstretched,
and assured her that his vanity was so tickled at the implied
compliment to his figure that he quite forgave her mistake.
Jefferson Davis was afterward to be the most famous of
that remarkable group of men. He was a man of scholarly
attainments, polished manners, and of quiet and grave
demeanor. His integrity of purpose, pure patriotism and
high courage were never questioned by those who knew
him best. My father's intimacy with him was of the closest,
and he loved and esteemed him as a friend and admired
him as a man, until, in the last, unhappy years of the
Confederacy, an estrangement grew up between them,
owing to differing views as to the conduct of affairs, of
which I shall speak more particularly hereafter.
As showing the softer side of Mr. Davis's character, I
recall my father's telling us one day, when he went to see
him in Washington on some grave matter of state, that he
found the future President of the Confederacy in his library,
lying flat on his back, with two or three of his little children
climbing over him.
As I write the names of others in that famous group, the
familiar faces rise before me. Benjamin, the silver tongued;
I can see him now in the attitude he always assumed when
speaking, leaning slightly forward, with one hand resting
on his desk, while his softly modulated voice and clear
enunciation, the purity of his English and the wonderful flow
of language delighted his auditors. However hot and furious
the debate, the soft tone of his voice was never raised in
anger, nor his placid manner the least ruffled or disturbed.
Not so the fiery Georgian, Tombs, who would thunder
out his anathemas in a manner commensurate with his zeal
and earnestness in the defence of his principles.
Senator R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, was a man of great
force. My father, in his characteristic way, said of him, "I
don't know what we Southern men would do without
Hunter; he is the only one among us who knows anything
about finance!"
As the fateful winter of
'61 wore on, the Southern Senators
began to drop off, one by one, with the secession of their
states, until, at last, my father was left almost alone in his
place. Texas not having seceded, he held his ground and
refused to give up his seat in the Senate, until his state had
passed the ordinance of secession.
During this time he stood
at bay, surrounded by
enemies, the champion of the South; vindicating
the right of the Sovereign States to secede, under
the Constitution, appealing to the Northern
Senators for a peaceful solution of the
"irrepressible conflict," and hurling back, in the
faces of their defamers, the calumnies against the
Southern States. It was then that he and Charles
Sumner, of Massachusetts, contended in a
memorable debate on the issues of the day. This
contest excited unusual interest, from the fact that
Preston Brooks, of South Carolina, whose attack on
Sumner is known to the world, had fought a duel
with my father in 1841, in which they were both
wounded. Preston Brooks was shot through the hip,
and my father through both thighs. The latter was
twenty-three years old and Preston Brooks twenty-
two at the time. My father's second was John
Laurens Manning, afterward Governor of South
Carolina, and the second of Preston Brooks was
Pierce M. Butler, afterward also Governor of the
State. My father had been in several affairs of honor
before this; but never fought another duel after his
marriage. He seldom mentioned the subject, but
when asked for his opinion would state with an
earnestness of conviction, as refreshing as it was
real, that he was a firm believer in the code duello
as a factor in the improvement of both the morals
and the manners of a community! He held that it
engendered courtesy of speech and demeanor - had
a most restraining tendency on the errant fancy, and as
a preservative of the domestic relations was without
an equal. His fame, as a marksman, was known
throughout the State. As a funny illustration of that,
General Hampton used to tell a story, that as he was
riding one day through his plantation, he met a negro
on the road who touched his forelock respectfully
and to whom he stopped and spoke. He was sure the
man was one of his own slaves, from the direction
from which he came, but from idle curiosity asked
the question, "Whom do you belong to, Sambo?"
Sambo straightened himself and with an air of great
importance replied, "Colonel Wigfall, sah, de best
shot in Souf Callina, sah!" This was such a barefaced
misappropriation of ownership, as Colonel Wigfall's
home was in another part of the state, that General
Hampton laughed heartily and saved the story as too
good to be lost. But this is a digression.
Chandler, of Michigan, was another Republican
Senator who was especially violent in his
denunciations of the South. On one occasion he
made a very virulent attack, saying in the course
of his speech many bitter things of the seceded
states; finishing up with the statement that if
certain contingencies came about, he would "leave
this country and join some other nation - even the
Comanches he would prefer to this Government
in such a case." My father rose in answer and
stated in a grave tone of remonstrance, "that he
trusted the Senator would think better of this
resolve, for the Comanches had already suffered
too much from contact with the whites!"
At this time, March, 1861, the Provisional
Government of the Confederate States was already
established in Montgomery, Ala. The Southern
people were still hoping for a peaceful solution of
their difficulties by the evacuation of Fort Sumter.
In anticipation of leaving Washington and in view of
the uncertainty of their movements, my parents had
sent my sister and myself, children of eight and
fourteen years of age, to remain temporarily with
my maternal grandmother at Longwood, a suburb
of Boston. My father writes at this time in a letter
to my brother at school:
"Political matters are in statu quo, ante bellum.
The war has not yet begun, but I believe it will
before the end of summer, though the general
impression here is that we will have peace.
"When I get to Montgomery I'll write you fully
all the news, and my impressions as to the political
conditions present and to come. Ben McCulloch
was here yesterday. He came on to buy Colt's
pistols for a Mounted Regiment in Texas, which
he is authorized by the Confederate States to raise.
He has gone to Richmond where I'll meet him
to- morrow. Morse went on to Hartford to buy
the pistols. (The indictment against Governor
Floyd has been dismissed by the Government.
There never was the slightest ground for indicting
him. Andy Johnson was reported in the
Republican papers here as using very offensive
language in reference to Governor Floyd. The
Governor addressed him a note to-day enquiring
as to the correctness of the report and Andy, of
course, disclaimed it. So the matter ended.)"
March 24th. My mother says: "Your father has
gone over to-day to Alexandria to meet McCulloch.
McCulloch arrived here last night and went right to
Mr. Gwin's. It was deemed imprudent by his friends
for him to remain in Washington on account of the
part he took about the Forts in Texas, and they
advised him to go to Alexandria, so your father has
gone there to see him. . . . No news has yet come of
the evacuation of Fort Sumter."
Again, "Richmond, March 29, 1861. We got here
Tuesday . . . and are staying at the Spotswood
House. Mr. McCulloch is here to buy arms for
Texas, and your father is assisting him in making
the arrangements necessary. . . . I see by today's
paper that the Senate has adjourned and what is
more is that Sumter has not yet been evacuated.
I don't believe Jeff Davis will allow them to
trifle with him much longer, and should not be
surprised at any time to hear that he was
preparing to take it. . . . I attended the Convention
yesterday. . . . The friends of secession seem
confident that Virginia will join the South, but
differ about the time. We went to an elegant dinner
yesterday given to us by Mr.& Mrs. Lyons. The
party was composed of twenty, and among them were Mr.
Tyler, Mr. McCulloch, etc. Mrs. Lyons is one of the
loveliest people I have seen in a long time. Mr. Lyons told
me that the people here would never allow the removal of
the guns that have been ordered to be sent to Fortress
Monroe. He said there were about fifty of them, and it was
fully determined that the order should not be executed. I
think they are some miles from this city and would have to
pass through here to get to Old Point. This is a fine looking
old place, and reminds me of Charleston."
CHARLESTON, April 2nd, 1861.
"We arrived here
yesterday morning and I find very
little change in the appearance of things since we were
here eighteen months ago. You meet a good many
soldiers, but that is about the only difference. The
people are strongly in hopes that Fort Sumter will be
evacuated very soon. Some think to-day, and that the
reason why it has been put off so long was on account
of the New England elections. Your father has gone
down to-day to visit the fortifications and has had the
Lady Davis put at his command."
CHARLESTON, April 10, 1861.
"You see we are
still here and it is quite impossible
to say for how long a time. Your father has been
with General Beauregard almost constantly
since we came, until yesterday, when General
Beauregard requested him to go on his staff, and since
then he has been actively engaged in carrying out his
orders. I suppose you know the condition of things from
the papers - that the administration after their professions
of peace have determined to re-inforce the Fort at all
risks, and we are in hourly expectation of the arrival of
the storeship and the fleet sent to protect it. General
Beauregard is only waiting for the arrival of the troops
from the country to make the attack on the Fort. He is quite
confident of the result, and God grant he may be right. We
are all anxious enough as you may suppose." At this date
my father sent the following telegram to President Davis at
Montgomery:
CHARLESTON, 10 April, 1861.
"No one now doubts
that Lincoln intends War. The
delay on his part is only to complete his preparations.
All here is ready on our side. Our delay therefore is
to his advantage, and our disadvantage. Let us take Fort
Sumter, before we have to fight the fleet and the Fort.
General Beauregard will not act without your order. Let
me suggest to you to send the order to him to begin the
attack as soon as he is ready. Virginia is excited by the
preparations, and a bold stroke on our side will complete
her purposes. Policy and Prudence are urgent upon us to
begin at once.
Let me urge the order to attack most seriously upon
you.
"L. T. WIGFALL."
President Davis sent in answer from Montgomery
the following letter:
"MONTGOMERY, Alabama,
"My dear friend,
"As ever your friend,
"A want of vigilance let Anderson pass from
Moultrie to Sumter. I hope your guard boats,
steamers and launches are under competent and
faithfully watchful of officers. "
J. D."
The following letter is from my mother, sent to
me to Longwood, Massachusetts:
CHARLESTON, April 11th, 1861.
" . . . Your
father was gone all night with Captain
Hartstein, seeing to placing light boats, with
fires of pine wood, in the harbor, for the
purpose of detecting the approach of the enemy's
boats. He has gone again to-day and will not
return until evening. . . . A demand for the
surrender of the Fort was made to-day, but the
answer has not yet come. In case of Anderson's
refusal (of which there is little doubt), the fire of
the batteries on him will open at 8 to-night. God
grant the Fort may be surrendered before the
arrival of the Fleet, for although I believe General
Beauregard is prepared on every side, yet I should
feel all danger were over if we had the Fort. It
will be a night of intense excitement and although
I can't help feeling shivery and nervous, yet I am
not as much alarmed as I might be, and something
tells me it won't be so bad after all I am going
down after a while to walk with Mrs. Chesnut on
the Battery and will add more when I hear the
answer Anderson returns."
"April 12.
"I was awakened about half past four, this morning,
by the booming of a cannon, and it has been going
on steadily ever since - the firing is constant and
rapid - with what results we don't yet know. Your
father has gone to Morris's Island to obtain a report
from the command there, and in order to avoid the
guns of Sumter he has taken Major Whiting's row
boat, so as to run in by the Inlets. I don't know how
long he will be gone."
"11 o'clock. The news we hear so far is good.
No one killed on Morris's Island so far - and a breach
reported in Fort Sumter. The iron battery is working well
and the balls from Sumter have no effect on it. All is
excitement of the most painful kind. Another story is that
the Harriet Lane which was off the bar last night has been
fired into and injured."
My father writes to my
mother:
"HEAD QUARTERS,
" . . . I take a
moment to write you a line to say that I am well
and that all is well. I cannot return till General Beauregard
comes. I am very busy examining the position of the
different batteries and arranging Infantry to support them in
case a landing should be attempted. They are, you know,
entirely out of the reach of the guns of Sumter. I have not
been to Cummin's Point, but hear a good report. The Iron
Battery stands fire admirably, and has dismounted two of
Sumter's barbette guns. Not a single accident up to this
time on our side. Thought that Sumter suffered this morning
from the effect of shells - as Anderson is keeping his men
at the casemates. He has thrown no shell, and probably has
none; or perhaps, no guns from which to throw them. He
has been throwing 32 solid shot at the iron battery
battery, and they break to pieces, and fly off
without making the slightest impression. Dr. St.
Julien Ravenel has just come in and says that up to
this time no one has been hurt. The wind is very high
and I cannot hear the firing, but they still keep it up.
I have been on the upper part of the Island, and am
about to mount my horse again. We have just held
a council to distribute the forces for the night, and
before mounting I write to make you easy and
assure you that all is well.
My mother writes:
"Saturday, April 13.
"The news is
glorious for us. No one hurt on our
side, and no damage of any consequence to our
batteries. Your father has been at Morris's Island all
yesterday, and all night. He however wrote me not
to expect him and I did not feel uneasy, as Captain
Hartstein told me it was utterly impossible for boats
to land with such a high sea. This morning Fort
Sumter is on fire
(produced from the shells it is
thought). They say the flag is at half mast and has
been so all the morning - a sure sign of distress.
The fleet will try to relieve him, of course, but it
will be in vain, and thus, I trust in God, this business
will end. Heaven has favored our side, and we are all
grateful to a Kind Providence. I doubt if your father
returns before night."
The following letter, written from Charleston to the New
York Times, gives a very fair account of the
surrender of
Fort Sumter and my father's connection with the affair. A
Southern newspaper says:
"The gallantry,
chivalry, and heroism of this distinguished
son of the South is even applauded by those from whom
we least expected a word of commendation. The following
is an extract of a letter written from Charleston to the New
York Times, to which we invite the especial attention of
our readers, both on account of its fairness, as well as of
its correct representation of the interview which came off
between Senator Wigfall and Major Anderson:
" 'Mr. Wigfall's exploit was as gallant and chivalrous
as any deed of modern times. - Stationed on Morris
Island, where he had been on foot or in the saddle
since the commencement of the attack, he no sooner
saw the second barracks in flames and the flag staff
shot away, than he resolved to make his way to the
Fort and persuade Major Anderson to desist from a
resistance manifestly so unavailing.
" 'Despite the remonstrances of those around him,
he embarked in a skiff, and with three Negro
oarsmen and a coxswain, pulled over to the Fort.
He was scarce a hundred yards from shore when
they hailed to him to return, "The Stars
and Stripes were again flying." - He literally
turned a deaf ear to this call, and pushed on,
brandishing his sword, to which he had tied his
white handkerchief as a flag of truce. From the
batteries of Fort Moultrie balls and shell were
aimed at the skiff. The white flag was invisible
at that distance, and the boat, only noticed when
nearing the Fort, if not carrying reinforcements,
had no business there. A thirty-two pound ball
struck the water within five yards of her, and was
followed by a shell which came near proving fatal.
The Africans strained every nerve to get under
the lee of the fort, and the officers at the batteries
observing that the boat never swerved from her
course, inferred that Wigfall must have been in it,
thereby acknowledging his more than Palmetto
recklessness and daring.
" 'On touching the wharf, the volunteer sprang
ashore, and finding the gate burst open by the
flames, made his way round to an open port hole
on the town side of the fort, through which with
the aid of a loose piece of timber which he placed
beneath it, he swung himself from a protruding
gun into the embrasure. He stumbled unchallenged
upon one of the garrison, who did not know where
Major Anderson was. The fire was still raging,
the heat intense, and the smoke insufferable.
Shells were still exploding above, and from
time to time within the fort, from the mortars on
Sullivan's Island. He worked his way up to a
group of officers and men standing near a casemate -
"Was Major Anderson there?" "No!" Before
the party had recovered their surprise at the
apparition, Major Anderson came up from the
quarter Wigfall had just left. He saw the sword
and white handkerchief -
" ' "Whom have I the honor of addressing?"
" ' "Col. Wigfall, of Gen. Beauregard's staff."
" ' "May I inquire your business with me?"
" ' "I have come to say that you must strike your
colors. Your position is untenable. - You have
defended it gallantly. It's madness to persevere
in useless resistance. You cannot be reinforced.
You have no provisions. - Your ammunition is
nearly exhausted, and your fort is on fire."
" ' "On what terms do you summon me to surrender?"
" ' "Unconditional. Gen. Beauregard is an officer
and a gentleman. He will, doubtless, grant you
all the honors of war, but speciali gratia."
" ' "Well, I have done all that was possible to
defend this fort."
" ' "You have. Haul down your flag."
" ' "But your people are still firing into me."
" ' "Hoist a white one. If you won't, I will, on my
own responsibility."
" 'A shell burst in the ground within ten paces
of them as they were speaking. Major Anderson
invited the Ex-Senator into a casemate; a white
flag was hoisted, the firing ceased, and what is
called the "battle of Fort Sumter" was over.
" 'All parties concur that Wigfall's performance was an
act of heroism and high humanity. There can be no doubt
that Major Anderson and the garrison were in that state of
morbid exaltation which is the forerunner of martyrdom.
They were ready to see their magazines explode and "die
in their tracks."
" 'You know all the details of the capitulation and have,
doubtless, done justice to the delicacy and generosity of
the rebel general in requiring no parole, besides according
all the honors of war to the gallant defenders of Sumter.
" 'Newspaper correspondents have generally exaggerated
the jubilation in this city at the evacuation of Fort
Sumter. There were no bonfires, no illuminations, and
far less exuberances of conviviality than I have often
witnessed during a race week. On the contrary, there
were manifestations of thankfulness - of the relief
afforded by the removal of a great anxiety.' "
The following communication was received by my father
from General Beauregard and his answer is appended:
"My dear Colonel:
far as they related to yourself, and to Sumter, for
use hereafter if required.
"Yours truly,
"Head Quarters, Confederate States Army,
"Major:
"Before reaching the Fort the flag was again
raised. On entering the work I informed Major
Anderson of my name and position on the staff of
the Commanding General, and demanded the
surrender of the Fort to the Confederate States.
"My attention having been called to the fact that
most of our batteries continued their fire, I
suggested to Major Anderson that the cambric
handkerchief, which I bore on my sword, had
probably not been seen, as I crossed the Bay, and
requested him to raise a white flag; which he did.
The firing then ceased from all our batteries -
when Major Anderson lowered his flag and
surrendered the Fort.
"The time and manner of the evacuation are to be
determined by General Beauregard.
"Before the surrender I expressed the confident
belief to Major Anderson that no terms would be
imposed, which would be incompatible with his
honor as a soldier, or his feelings as a gentleman -
and assured him of the high appreciation in which
his gallantry and desperate defence of a place, now
no longer tenable, were held by the Commanding
General.
"Major Anderson exhibited great coolness, and
seemed relieved from much of the unpleasantness
of his situation by the fact that the proposal had
been made by us that he should surrender the work,
which he admitted to be no longer defensible.
"I take great pleasure in acknowledging that my
success in reaching the Fort was due to the courage
and patriotism of Private William Gourdin Young,
of the Palmetto Guard; without whose aid I could
not have surmounted the obstacles.
"I have the honor to be with the highest respect.
"MAJOR D. R. JONES,
MRS. WlGFALL'S LETTERS FROM MONTGOMERY, ALABAMA,
AND FROM RICHMOND - A RHODE ISLAND CORRESPONDENT
- A HUMOROUS INCIDENT - THE OBSERVATIONS OF A
GIRL OF FOURTEEN - HER JOURNEY FROM BOSTON TO
BALTIMORE.
A FEW days after the fall of Sumter my father was
on the way to Montgomery where he arrived April
24th to attend the session of the Congress which
convened on the 29th, and to which he came as
Deputy from the State of Texas.
My mother writes:
"MONTGOMERY, April 26.
"The people here
are all in fine spirits, and the
streets are so lively and every one looks so happy,
that you can scarcely realize the cause of the
excitement. No one doubts our success. . . . I
suppose the chief fighting will be in Maryland
and Virginia. . . . This is a beautiful town and
much larger than I expected to see it. There are
a great many gardens, and as beautiful flowers
as I ever saw anywhere. Several bouquets of the
most superb flowers were presented to your
father the night he spoke here and, of course, I
had the benefit of them. The streets are very
wide, and five of them unite, and diverge on the
square opposite us. Something like Washington."
"29th: I have been this morning to witness the
opening of Congress, and hear the President's
message. It was an admirable one, worthy of his
reputation. It gives such a fair and lucid
statement of matters, as they now stand, that I
am sure it will do good abroad, if not at home.
. . . This afternoon I went with Mrs. Chesnut to
call on Mrs. Davis. I am going tomorrow to
her reception. . . . You allude to reports
given in the Northern papers of the Fort Sumter
affair. It is only what might have been expected
of them, that they would garble and misrepresent
the truth; but I must confess that Major Anderson's
silence, and the disingenuous bulletin he sent
to Cameron have surprised me. He takes care
not to tell the whole truth,
and any one to read his
statement would suppose he had only come out on
those conditions, whereas, he surrendered
unconditionally - the
U. S. Flag was lowered without
salute while your father was in the fort. This
was seen, not only by your father, but by the
thousands who were on the watch, and it was
only owing to General Beauregard's generosity
(misplaced, it seems, now) that he was allowed
to raise it again, and to salute it on coming out
of the Fort, and take it with him. . . . And
this conduct too, after the kind and generous
treatment he met with from the Carolinians.
Judge Ochiltree is here and tells me Tom is a
private in a company that Capt. Bass has
raised in Marshall. . . . The drums are beating
here all the time, and it really makes me
heartsick when I think about it all.
"I don't think
though that the military enthusiasm
can be very high at the North as I see they are
offering $20 additional pay to volunteers a
month. That fact speaks volumes. I suppose it is
to be accounted for in the anxiety to get rid of
the mob population who might be troublesome
at home."
A Northern woman who
was a native of Rhode
Island, but who had lived all her married life in
the South, returned after her widowhood to
Providence to be among her people. The following
letter was written by her to my mother:
May 13th 1861.
" . . . We are
always delighted to hear from
you - and indeed your letters and Louis's are the
only comfort we have in this Yankee land
surrounded by people who have no sympathy with
us, and who only open their lips to revile the
South and utter blood-thirsty threats. This morning
an amiable lady wished she had Jeff Davis in
front of a big cannon. This feminine wish was
uttered in the cars when L. and F. were going
in to Boston. We have now sufficient proof of
how much stronger hate is than love of country.
Where was the patriotism of Massachusetts when
the country was at war with the English in 1812?
I lived then at the South, and was ashamed of my
countrymen who refused to assist in the war.
Massachusetts, which was the leading state of New
England, refused to let her militia leave the state
and when the U. S. troops were withdrawn, to
fight in other places, applied to the Federal
Government to know whether the expenses of
their own militia, who were summoned to defend
their own State, would be reimbursed by the
Government. When our capitol at Washington
was burned with the President's House and
Treasury buildings, and other public buildings,
why did they not go to meet the British? On the
contrary, they rejoiced at the English victories,
and put every obstacle they could in the way
of the government. Now they are subscribing
millions, and urging every man to go and fight
their own countrymen. It is not patriotism; it is
hatred to the South and woe is me, that I must
live here among such people. God grant you
success. It is a righteous war and all the bloodshed
will be upon the souls of those who brought it on.
". . . I think, however, that you at the South
are wrong to undervalue the courage and
resources of the Northern States. They are no
doubt less accustomed to the use of firearms -
there are very few who know how to ride, and
they are less fiery in their impulses. They are
less disposed to fight, but they are not cowardly
where their interests are concerned; and will
fight for their money. Where their property is at
stake they will not hesitate to risk their lives,
and at present there is no lack of money. The
women are all roused, and are urging their relatives
on; while some of the young ladies are exceedingly
anxious to imitate Florence Nightingale, and
distinguish themselves in the Army. The boys are
parading about with red shirts and guns; and their
wise mothers are admiring their military ardor.
"I would not advise you of the South to trust
too much in the idea that the Northerners will not
fight; for I believe they will, and their numbers
are overwhelming. You know an army of ants
can kill a wounded horse. It is a mistake, too,
for you to suppose that it is only the lower orders,
who are enlisted. I have heard of a good many
of the most respectable young men, who have
enlisted for three years. I suppose there are a
good many counter jumpers and Irish among them;
but still there are many very decent persons who
have gone to the wars. I hear that with Gov.
Sprague no less persons than W. G. and M. J.
have gone. Are you not alarmed? Think of M.
Pray keep out of his way! I wonder what his Quaker
progenitors would say, could they look out of their graves?
He has not an ancestor, on either side, for as far back as
they can be traced, who was not a broad brimmed
Quaker. Little F. has had some skirmishes with the girls on
Politics; but there has been no bloodshed; and the last I
heard of it is, they said 'anyhow' she was 'a smart little
thing and talks very well.' L. does not walk out alone: she
always goes into Boston with F. or me. By the way - I
hear it said they have got enough cotton at the North to
supply their factories for a year? Can it be true? If so, I
think there has been a great mistake somewhere The only
thing that will bring these people to their senses is to stop
the importation. I was surprised to see the other day that a
cargo of rice from Savannah was stopped, and the vessel
was allowed to sail with a load of cotton!"
My mother writes:
"May 23rd, 1861.
" . . . Congress
has adjourned to meet in Richmond on
the 20th July. The President has begged your father
to act on his staff. . . . "
RICHMOND, May 30th.
"After a terribly
fatiguing journey we arrived
here safely yesterday morning. We left
Montgomery on Sunday night, at 8 o'clock, and
travelled night and day, until yesterday morning.
"The President was everywhere most rapturously
received. . . . I was all packed to start for Texas, when your
father found that the President was so unwilling for him to
go back at that time, that he determined to accept the
position of Aide and at least act in that capacity until the
opening of Congress, which will be on the 20th July. So
here we are. These Virginians seem likely to overwhelm
your father with their attentions and kill him with
kindness - for yesterday he had to make no less than four
speeches.
"The whole country as we came through was
like a military camp. The cars crowded with
troops, and all as jubilant as if they were going to
a frolic, instead of to fight. The President is to take
the field; but I don't know the exact programme,
and if I did it would not be safe to write it - for
there is no telling who may read our letters
now-a-days. Your father of course will go with
him. It seems strange to me that I don't feel more
frightened."
The President and his party were established at the
Spotswood Hotel where they gathered round them a
distinguished group.
My mother writes:
"June 11th and 14th.
"We are still at
the Spotswood Hotel but I don't
know whether we shall continue very long.
The President and his family will move next week to the
place selected for them. I hear it is very handsome and the
City Council has bought and put it at the disposal of the
Government. They have also given Mrs. Davis the use of a
nice carriage and horses and seem disposed to do all they
can to show their joy at the exchange from Montgomery.
. . . So far all is quiet here and I can yet scarcely realize that
we are at war, actually.
"I drove out with Mrs. Davis yesterday to one of the
Camp grounds and it was really a beautiful, though rather
sad sight to me, to see them drill and go through with their
manoeuvres, Poor fellows! how many will never return to
their homes! . . . There are several camp grounds in the
neighborhood, and people throng them every afternoon and
unless you engage a carriage in the morning, it is very hard
to procure one."
To show how the humorous side of life runs parallel
with its serious side I will relate a little incident. Col.
and Mrs. Bradley Johnson, of Maryland, were in
Richmond at that time eagerly engaged in equipping
a regiment of Marylanders for the field. Mrs. Johnson
was having the clothing made for the men.
One day at the President's table, where she was
dining, she told the assembled company of a
contre-temps, which had occurred, a real tragedy -
in view of the difficulties surrounding her enterprise.
The undergarments of the men, by some unfortunate
accident, inexplicable, and most deplorable, had all
been cut out for the same leg! The lady was in real
grief over the mishap, and, in spite of the ludicrousness
of the situation, the company were so in sympathy with
her trouble, that even the most frivolously inclined
forbore to smile - except Mrs. Davis, who could not
repress her mirth; but laughed long and unrestrainedly,
much to the discomfiture of Mrs. Johnson, to whom it
was no joking matter.
At this time my parents began to feel great
anxiety at their separation from my sister and
myself; who were still at Longwood. near Boston.
They had been in correspondence for some time
with the relatives with whom we were staying;
but it was difficult to arrange matters, and in the
meanwhile all communication was rapidly being
closed between the North and South.
I give below some extracts from letters written
by myself, a child of fourteen - dated:
"LONGWOOD, near Boston,
" . . . Isn't the
news from Sumter delightful. When
I read the account in a paper, I felt like crying
for joy. No one sympathizes with me here,
except Grandmama, and I feel like a stranger
in a foreign land.
"Everybody here is groaning, and deploring the
taking of Sumter. Uncle B. says that Boston
was the scene of great excitement to-day, all the
military were getting ready and everyone is on the
lookout for war in earnest. . . .
"I went into Boston to-day and you never saw such
confusion; the State House steps and grounds
were crowded with men, some to see, and some to
volunteer.
"Grandmama had a letter from Mama, written in the
midst of the firing of the guns at Sumter. One of Uncle B.'s
last puns (you know how fond he is of making them) was
the following. 'What does the man who robs and catches
the Governor of South Carolina get? Poor Pickings.'
(Governor Pickens.) I have just returned from seeing a
company of Zouaves drill, their manoeuvres were
miserable (!) and if this is a specimen of Northern chivalry,
I don't think we have much to fear. Everybody here knows
who we are, and whenever I go out the people stare and
gaze at us. This evening I found little Fanny surrounded by
girls, who were questioning and teasing her. She seemed to
be perfectly able to maintain her position, and she said,
'she gave them as good as they sent;' they all
seemed quite
amused at he answers, and said they liked to hear her; she
talked so 'funny.' One of the girls soon after
came up to
where I stood and said she thought the girls 'hadn't
ought
to tease Fanny.' This is one of their common expressions,
and another is that they
'admire' to take a walk, or play on the piano. Grandmama
and I went into Boston the other day and to my joy I saw
a photo of President Davis in one of the windows. I
immediately purchased it. The Babcocks are coming to
take tea with us this evening, and I anticipate a good deal
of pleasure in seeing Emma. She is lovely as ever and I
am sure you would like her. We are fast friends and I made
her promise she would read Mr. Davis's message, and as
a reward I shall give her a very small piece of the flag
staff you sent me. She is a very sensible girl and in all our
discussions we never get the least excited or vexed. 'Abe
Lincoln!' is her hero, and 'Jeff Davis' is mine; but there is
one thing she never can explain, namely, 'Abe's' flight
through Baltimore! But we agree in almost everything
else. She thinks Napoleon the greatest man that ever
lived, and so do I, and that is a never failing source of
conversation.
"Mrs. Lincoln is now in Boston, and I suppose
the Republicans are all flocking to see her, and
she is asking them 'How they flourish?' Boston
is in a whirl of excitement; troops drilling and
volunteering all the time - the stores and houses
all decked with flags. . . . Dear Papa, won't you
send us each a small flag of South Carolina, and
the Confederate States? I am very anxious to see
them. Yesterday evening Aunt F. got an invitation
to attend a meeting of ladies to make shirts,
and sew for the different regiments; she, of course,
is not going. A poor set of creatures they must
be if they can't furnish their own shirts! . . .
Uncle B. has just bought the Sun announcing the
secession of Virginia. I feel as if I can't contain
myself I am so glad. Poor Uncle B. looks as if he had
taken a blue pill - he takes everything so to heart; it
is deplorable to see him. Aunt F. is in hopes that all
the States will now follow and that will be the means
of securing peace."
My father in the meantime had been conferring by
letter with Mr. William T. Walters, of Baltimore, as
to the best means of getting us through the lines.
The following letter was written by me to my
brother at the Military School of the University of
Virginia just about two weeks before we finally
succeeded in making the arrangements for our
departure.
"July 15th, Longwood, near Boston.
". . . I received
your last letter several days ago,
and I had a letter from Mama about the same
time, telling Grandmama to send us on by the
first good opportunity, but the way Mr. Walters
said was the only way we could go would not have
been safe, and I am now anxiously awaiting news
from Mama as to whether we shall go to Fortress
Monroe, and let Papa send a flag of truce, and get
us or not. My trunks were all packed ready to
start at a minute's notice, when we received Mr.
Walter's letter, telling us that the only way of
reaching Richmond was by going through
Winchester, to which you know the troops are
making a general movement.
"You may imagine how I felt. When Mr. Walters
wrote the last time, all was different, and I fully
expected to go home. I had already pictured our
meeting. I almost felt your kiss and I heard Papa
calling us 'his darlings' and Mama's dear voice, and
in one moment all was gone, and I glanced out of my
window and instead of Richmond, I saw miserable
old Boston. I felt as if my heart would break.
"You ask me in your last if I am not 'isolated'
- that is exactly the word. With the exception
of Emma Babcock, and her family, there is not a
soul here that cares whether I go or stay, or that
I could call a friend; but if nobody likes me, there
is some satisfaction in knowing there is no love
lost. If I did not follow your injunction, and
never believe what I see in Republican journals I
should have an awful time of it; for they make out
the most desperate case. All the C. S. soldiers are
poor, half starved, naked, miserable wretches that
will run if you stick your finger at them; who are
all waiting for a chance to desert, etc., and become
loyal citizens to King Abraham, the First, and
prime minister, General Scott. The Southerners
are defeated in every engagement; all the killed
and wounded are on their side, and none are
injured on the other. Such is about the summary of
their statements -
mais je ne le crois pas,
and so they don't
disturb my mind much. I saw that Papa had gone disguised
as a cattle drover to Washington, to
pick up information
for the President! That is about a specimen of their stories.
Mama writes me in her last that you have joined the
Military School at the University of Virginia, and would
enter the army in three months, if you wished to, at the end
of that time. I suppose you are very glad. I don't wonder
and wish I could go too. I sit down to the piano every day
and play 'Dixie' and think of you all away in 'the land ob
cotton,' etc."
Mr. Walters's letter, to which allusion is made, is here
given and it was determined, after all, that this was the only
feasible plan to get us through the lines.
BALTO., 9th July, 1861.
MRS. FRANCES M. CROSS.
way of Balto.& Ohio R. Road, to a point near Harper's
Ferry, thence by stage to Winchester and Strasburg, and
thence by Railway via Manassas Junction to Richmond.
"To pass the Federal Pickets near Harper's Ferry, it
would be necessary to have the pass of the War
Department at Washington. This I have no doubt I can
procure, and, as I before intimated, it would give me great
pleasure to undertake the charge of your grandchildren. As
I communicated by telegraph, 'It is possible, but very
difficult to get to Virginia now.' As I am not aware how
important it is to get the children to Virginia, I am unable to
advise you in the matter, but have merely set down the
facts in relation thereto. If the children do leave, may I ask
the favor of you to write, or telegraph me.
"Very respectfully,
Finally the arrangements being all made we started off
on our adventures - being placed by my Uncle in charge of
a responsible gentleman, who was to take us to Baltimore,
and deliver us into the care of Mr. Walters.
We were cautioned to be very quiet, to express
nothing at what we heard or saw, and to be as
unobtrusive as possible in our demeanor. I shall
never forget my emotions the day we started. In
the crown of my hat I had concealed a package
of letters to be delivered in Richmond, and my
importance in my own estimation was not a little
enhanced by the possession of this delightful secret.
We made the journey to Baltimore without mishap
or adventures of any kind - and when we reached the
station, and alighted from the car, I noticed a
gentleman eagerly scanning the passengers, as they
passed him. As we approached he came forward,
asked a question in an undertone, which was
answered with equal caution, and we were hurried
into a carriage, and driven rapidly to Mr. Walters'
house on Mt. Vernon place, where we were received
by Mr. and Mrs. Walters with the greatest cordiality
and affection. On refreshing ourselves after our
journey, we were taken in to dinner, where my eyes
fairly danced with delight at beholding in a wine
glass at each cover, a dear little Confederate flag;
placed there in honor of the two little guests. After
a short period our kind host and hostess bid us
goodbye, and we were again on our travels; it not
being deemed safe for us to remain in Baltimore.
Mr. Walters' brother now took charge of us, and
we were rapidly driven six or seven miles in the
country, to a hotel called "Paradise," near
Catonsville and a veritable "Paradise" it proved to
the two tired little children who were received with
open arms by the kind ladies at the hotel. There we
spent the night, and in the morning were again on
our travels.
On taking the train near the Relay House we
found on board a number of the members of the
Maryland Legislature, on their way to Frederick,
at which place the Governor had convened the
Legislature; Annapolis, the capital of the State,
being under the control of Federal troops. When
we reached the Point of Rocks, we left the train,
and had dinner at the country tavern, where we
sat at table with a number of Federal soldiers, our
appearance under such circumstances, exciting
no little interest and curiosity. Mr. Walters had
with him an "open sesame," in the shape of a
pass from General Simon Cameron, Secretary of
War; and we were given every facility to proceed
on our journey. At a signal, which had of course
been pre-arranged, a boat put off from the Virginia
side, bearing a white flag of truce, and our
sensations may be imagined as we saw the little craft
approaching, which was to bear us over the swift,
beautiful river into the dear land of "Dixie."
Our luggage being put on board we soon followed,
and were rowed across the river without mishap.
On reaching the shore we found a large comfortable
carriage and a pair of horses waiting for us,
and we were soon driving through a deep woods,
where the sweet air and refreshing shade were very
grateful after the glare, dust and heat of our journey.
It seemed like a story in fairyland, where the
magic of the good fairy, at every turn, provides
the thing most needed. Being furnished with
fresh horses, we travelled almost all night, stopping to rest
but a few hours; and then taking the train at Gordonsville,
arrived in Richmond in the afternoon. We drove at once to
the Spotswood Hotel to join my mother. Not knowing the
hour we would arrive, she had gone out to the Camp of the
1st Texas Regiment, which my father was commanding,
to witness the presentation by the President of a
beautiful Texas State Flag, which she had made for the
Regiment. Nothing must do but we must follow, as
soon as possible. When we reached the camp the
ceremony was over, and my father was reviewing his
Regiment.
As the carriage stopped, word was carried forward
of our arrival - and we were immediately
surrounded by numbers of friends, eager to greet
the little travellers; and my father, hurriedly
dismounting from his horse, and leaving the regiment
in charge of another officer, rushed forward to
meet us! He returned with us to Richmond, and
there, as we reached the Spotswood, coming down
the stairs, we saw my mother; her beautiful face
lit up with joy, and her fair arms held out to welcome
us. She was clad, I remember, in a lilac-colored
gown, of some soft material, made in the fashion
of the day, with the long angel sleeves falling
away at the shoulder, while a filmy lace cape
covered her neck, leaving the throat bare. As I
remember her that day, I love best to think of her.
Then we were fêted and caressed to our
heart's content; took tea with the President and his
party that night, where our heads were completely
turned by the attentions shown us, and where
we gave, to an appreciative audience, a full
account of all our adventures "coming through
the lines" - and the one query from all our eager
auditors was, "What do they think of the battle of
Manassas?"
LETTER FROM GENERAL BEAUREGARD - THE "CARY
INVINCIBLES" - TURNER ASHBY - WILLIAM PEGRAM - JOHN
PELHAM - WILLIAM LATANÉ - THE SEVEN DAYS BATTLE
AROUND RICHMOND."
ON July 8th, about two
weeks before this time,
General Beauregard wrote the following letter to
my father in Richmond:
MANASSAS JUNCTION, Va.,
"My dear Col.,
I am determined to give the enemy battle no matter
at what odds against us - but is it right and proper
to sacrifice so many valuable lives (and perhaps
our cause) without the least prospect of success?
"I think not; but I
hope that it will delay the
forward movement of the enemy, and give our
friends time to come to the rescue!
"I have applied
two or three times for the most
essential things required here. To obtain anything
with despatch, I have to send a special messenger
to Richmond. Is that the way to direct and control
the operations of an army in the field? Cannot
that evil be remedied? I am sure it could, if properly
represented to the President.
"I am afraid General
Johnston is no better off than I
am - but his section of the country is, I believe, more
easily defended, being wooded and mountainous.
"My troops are in
fine spirits and anxious for a fight
They seem to have the unbounded confidence in me!
"Oh! that I had the
genius of a Napoleon to be more
worthy of our cause and of their confidence! If I can
only get the enemy to attack me - as I am trying to
have done - I will stake my reputation on the
handsomest victory that could be desired.
"Yours very truly,
"Col. L. T. WIGFALL,
From Richmond, July
21st my mother writes:
"No news except
that Gen. Johnston has joined
Beauregard with a large force. A part of his
troops are left still at Winchester, but the greater
part are with him. The President went down
to-day, but I don't know exactly in what capacity,
whether he will command or not. . . . The troops
are pouring in, and a general battle at Manassas
is expected very soon. We brought up by one
train, upwards of 50 prisoners brought from
Winchester, and crowds gathered on the way,
at every roadside station, to see 'the Yankees.'
I was almost sorry for them."
"9 o'clock. You will have heard that we have
gained a second victory, and a 'glorious though
a dear bought one,' Mr. Davis telegraphs, at
Manassas. Only some of the deaths are known
as yet; Lieut. Colonel Johnson of the Hampton
Legion and poor Col. Bartow they say are killed;
Wade Hampton slightly wounded. All Beauregard's
staff are safe. Poor Mrs. Bartow is here, but does
not yet know the sad tidings. The enemy they say
were in full retreat. All is excitement here and the
people seem almost wild.
23rd. "We have been in the greatest excitement
over our glorious victory. I am curious to know
what the effect will be at the North - whether they
will be panic stricken or exasperated to frenzy
at such a defeat. Poor old Scott! If he had only
died after the Mexican War, how much better it
would have been for his military fame. They say
that the trunks of some of the men were actually
directed to Richmond! In the next fight I suppose
of course the President will take the field. He got
down too late this time - just as they had begun
to retreat. . . .
"The fact is the fight took place sooner than he
had expected, and he had made no preparations
for engaging in it. Don't however repeat anything
I may say to you on such subjects."
29th. "I send you the 'Examiner' of to-day, which
has full extracts from the Northern papers - about
the battle. Some of the handcuffs were shown at the
Hotel, yesterday, but I did not happen to see them.
'Tis however a fact - how many exactly I don't
know - but there are certainly a great many taken."
About August 10th, my father's command was
ordered to Manassas, and from there to Dumfries,
he having received in October his commission as
Brig. General - commanding the Texas Brigade.
We joined him at Dumfries, a quaint little village
on the Occoquan river, and were there several
months.
My father's headquarters were at the little
village tavern, where we spent some happy weeks,
going out every afternoon to see the dress parade
of the Regiments and wandering by the lovely
Occoquan river, where the big cannon guarded
the shores from the enemy's approach. Soon we
returned to Richmond.
Congress was in session, and my father resigned
his command, shortly after this, to take his seat in
the Confederate Senate. I remember little of that
journey to Richmond, except the sweetness of the
woods through which we drove to the railroad, and
our calling a halt under a persimmon tree, which
hung heavy with luscious fruit, made delicious by
the severe frosts which had fallen. We gathered an
abundant supply, and drove on in the crisp air, which
we would have enjoyed more, had it not heralded the
approach of winter, and the rains and snows, which
we knew would bring hardships to our brave soldiers
in camp.
The early enthusiasm of the first few months of
the war was now deepening into grim determination
at all hazards, and into a realization that war, with all
its accompanying horrors, was upon us. Provisions
increase in price, and the difficulty of obtaining
supplies of proper clothing, was already felt.
The Army soon went into Winter Quarters, and
the letters from camp rejoiced the hearts of anxious
mothers with the accounts of the snug contrivances
for comfort. The luxury of sleeping on a board
floor was descanted on, and the possession of a
stove promised warmth and comfort in the long
winter days and nights of rain and snow, Richmond
was enlivened, from time to time, by the
furloughs granted to officers and men, and opened
her hospitable doors to cheer and brighten the hours
of their brief holiday.
The President was inaugurated on February 22nd
and many of the officers had leave for a few days to
witness the ceremony, which made it a gay week in
Richmond.
Many of the private houses received boarders, as
the reduction in the purchasing power of their
incomes, through the depreciation of the currency,
was already severely felt by the people. Yet this was
not done for the sake of profit alone. The enormous
influx of strangers from other states had to be
accommodated. These were brought here by the
presence of the Government, and the proximity of
the Army of Northern Virginia, which drew to
Richmond hosts of anxious relatives, who waited
through the weary weeks and months for occasional
tidings, and possible glimpses of their loved ones.
Social pleasures, however, were not neglected
and music and song and the dance made merry the
hearts of the gallant soldier boys, who came from
the wet, and mud, and discomfort of the camp.
Among the many lovely women in Richmond at
this time were the two Misses Cary, of Baltimore,
and their cousin, Miss Constance Cary, of Virginia.
The former two had come across the lines after
experiencing many thrilling adventures on the
way. In a letter written at the time I find the
following: "The young ladies who seem to be the
greatest belles are the Miss Carys, of Baltimore
. . . They are very beautiful and are commonly
known by the name of the 'Cary Invincibles.' "
Constance Cary was also a very lovely girl, and
even in those days was noted for a facile pen, which
from time to time delighted her many friends with
charming little productions. Miss Cary, as is well
known, married Mr. Burton Harrison, President
Davis's private secretary, and has since attained
widespread note from the clever fictions of which
she is the author.
In the meantime, my sister and myself had been
entered at Miss Pegram's on Franklin, Street,
which was then the fashionable school in
Richmond. With all the distractions of the time
it was hard work to keep the girls at their books.
It was difficult to fasten one's attention on ancient
history and "belles lettres," when such very modern
history was being made in our midst, and such
"beaux soldats" were marching, with drums beating,
and banners flying, by our very doors. Richmond
has always been famed for its lovely women, but
I venture to assert that there has never been a larger
assembly of beauties than that collected at Miss
Pegram's School during the war.
Early in the spring, rumors were rife in Richmond
of the approach of McClellan's army and in May
the great battle of Seven Pines was fought,
when General Joseph E. Johnston was wounded,
and after which General Lee was placed in command
of the Army of Northern Virginia.
There were four brilliant young soldiers in that
great army who especially held the love and
admiration of the people - Turner Ashby,
commanding General Stonewall Jackson's Cavalry;
William Pegram, the "Boy Artillerist"; John
Pelham, commanding Stuart's Horse Artillery, the
"Gallant Pelham," as General Lee called him; and
William Latané. Each in turn was to immortalize
his name and glorify the good cause for which he
fought, and each in turn, amid the din of battle and
the shouts of victory, was to give his life for his
country.
William Latané lost his life, June 13, 1862,
"leading his squadron in a brilliant and successful
charge, the enemy routed and flying before him"
- so writes General J. E. B. Stuart in his order,
and adds "his regiment will want no better battle
cry, than 'Avenge Latané.' "
General Robert E.
Lee announces the victory with "the loss of but
one man, the lamented Captain Latané." The
following account of the burial and the peculiar
circumstances surrounding it, were given to me
by a member of the family and is repeated here
almost verbatim.
"John Latané, a Lieutenant in
his brother's company, took charge of the body
and with a cart and driver tried to return to Richmond.
Finding this impossible, as the enemy were
in the possession of the country all around - he
went to 'Westwood,' the home of Dr. Brokenbrough,
who was then a surgeon in the Army. The enemy
approached and he, to avoid capture, was obliged
to leave his brother's remains and escape on foot."
Then followed the scene "portrayed by Washington's
brush and Thompson's pen" - and also described in
a private letter, which, after the war, was published
in Blackwood's Magazine and is now given here.
"Mrs. Brokenbrough sent for an Episcopal
clergyman to perform the funeral ceremonies, but
the enemy would not permit him to pass. Then with
a few other ladies, a fair haired little girl, her apron
filled with white flowers, and a few faithful slaves
who stood reverently near, a pious Virginia matron
read the solemn and beautiful burial service over the
cold, still form of one of the noblest gentlemen and
most intrepid officers in the Confederate Army. She
watched the clods heaped upon the coffin lid; then
sinking on her knees, in sight and hearing of the foe,
she committed his soul's welfare and the stricken
hearts he had left behind him to the mercy of the
All-Father."
John R. Thompson writes in the closing stanza of
his poem:
"And
when Virginia, leaning on her spear,
Among my papers I find
next a letter written
by my mother after an illness, during that awful
time known as "The Seven Days Battle around
Richmond."
RICHMOND, June 25th, 1862.
" . . . I am
getting a great deal better, and went out
this afternoon to take a drive with your father. We
stopped at Genl. Johnston's to see how he was,
and Mrs. Johnston came out and sat in the carriage
with me. He is recovering rapidly, but will not be
in the fight, which has in fact, begun. There has
been very heavy firing all the afternoon, and there
will be a regular attack made at daybreak to-morrow,
if the present plan is followed out. I presume it will
be, as Genl. Jackson is to move into position to-night,
and of course, has to be supported. This was agreed
upon last night. What has caused the fight this
afternoon we do not know - but I trust it is all right.
Jackson and his forces are to make the attack on the
rear, and I trust it has all been so planned that
McClellan will find himself glad enough to take the
road away from, instead of on
to Richmond."
"Thursday
26th.
"I wrote you your
father had acted as Aide to
Genl. Longstreet. After we got home last evening,
your father determined to go to Genl. Longstreet's
Headquarters, to see if there had been any change
in the programme since the night before. He did
not get back till nearly twelve o'clock - and at that
time, the original plan was to be carried out - and
he accordingly was off at four o'clock this morning.
Strange to say, however, there seems to be an
impression in town, that there has been no fighting
to-day; not a gun has been heard, and everyone has
been on the lookout for tidings. Halsey came in just
before dinner and he has heard nothing of it - so I
am afraid (I was going to say) that something has
disconcerted the plan and I feel quite impatient for
your father's return. He said he would be back some
time to-night."
"Friday night, 27th.
"Yesterday
afternoon I took a drive with Halsey
and as soon as we got on Church Hill we heard
the cannon and it seems the fight had begun at
3 o'clock in the afternoon instead of at daylight
as it had been arranged. Your father got back
after twelve last night. The news was all good
as you have seen, I suppose. We had driven them
from Mechanicsville and taken several batteries,
etc. The battle was to be renewed this morning
at daybreak, and accordingly, off went Papa, and
I don't expect to see him again until midnight or
maybe to-morrow. Robert Nicholas, however,
told me about sundown that he had left him well
an hour or two before and that the Yankees had been
driven back six miles. All the accounts we have yet
received, altho' meagre, yet agree that we are in hot
pursuit and the enemy trying to get away. God grant
that our victory may be complete! I will write more
to-morrow when I can tell you what your father says.
Good night."
"Saturday, 28th.
"Your father did
not come last night, dear L.
I got a note from him early this morning. Thank
God, he was unhurt! and remained to look up our
wounded Texans. So far our victory has been
brilliant, but oh! at what sacrifice of life! Poor
Col. Marshall (1st Texas) is killed; so is Lieut.
Col. Warwick. His poor mother's heart will be
broken, I fear. (He was an only child.) The
Major of the Regiment, too, is dangerously
wounded. Genl. Hood is not hurt or was not
when your father wrote. God grant your father
may be safe now! He expected to be up all night
collecting and caring for our wounded. We have
heard no cannon to-day and don't know whether
the fighting has continued or not. Cousin Lewis
has just been here and says he hears 1,500 prisoners
have already arrived, and among them 2 generals.
There are all sorts of reports, one, that we have
taken eighty officers above the rank of major.
Your father thought the battle would be over
to-day. I am almost afraid to believe it. Halsey
has not been at all in the direction of the fight. He is
guarding the batteries on the extreme right, and the
contest has all been on the left. He has got his
commission for 2nd Lieutenant - or rather, I have
got it here for him."
"Sunday, 29th.
"Another note from
your dear father this morning.
It was written last night, the other side of the
Chickahominy at Headquarters. He says they
were still driving the enemy before them and that
operations would begin again at daybreak, and that
he hoped it would be over to-day. I shall not expect
him back until it is entirely concluded. He says the
slaughter has been terrible, but our success
glorious."
Subjoined is a short note from the pen of Mrs.
James Chesnut, the wife of Senator Chesnut, of
South Carolina. Mrs. Chesnut was one of the most
brilliant women of her time and as warmhearted as
clever, as is shown by this little note. If she had
written a volume the tragedy of which she told could
not have been more graphically described.
"My dear friend,
bosom friends, were Mrs. Preston, Mrs. McCord
and Mrs. Izard. Captain Cheves McCord, only
son of my friend, lies dead at a Mr. Meyers' only
a few doors below us. I did not know he was here.
Mr. Chesnut had a letter from him yesterday dated
Fredericksburg. He was wounded at the Second
Manassas, two balls in his leg, and one in his
head. Contrary to the advice of his doctors, he
had rejoined his company, and this is the end. He
died in convulsions from a pressure on the brain.
His mother is expected by every train - poor thing
- I could not sleep for thinking of her. She seemed
to have but one thought in this world - 'My Son.'
He is barely twenty-one - is married - his wife a
beautiful girl - unfortunate and miserable and
wretched is it all!
". . . I will try to see you as soon as possible, but
I will not, as I had hoped, take the box with you.
This unhappy boy, lying dead so near me, makes
the thought of theatres hateful to me just now. . . .
I feel you are too true hearted a mother not to
sympathize.
"Your friend, M. B. C."
JEFFERSON DAVIS WRITES TO L. T.
WIGFALL - NOTES FROM
GENERAL LONGSTREET AND GENERAL LEE - HOME GOSSIP
- PRINCE POLIGNAC - LETTERS FROM GENERAL HOOD -
FROM THE AUTHOR'S BROTHER IN CAMP NEAR
FREDERICKSBURG - FROM GENERAL JOHNSTON - FROM THE
AUTHOR'S FATHER - FROM J. A. SEDDON.
THE autumn opened with
dispiriting news from
the West. Beauregard had been superseded and
rumors were rife that a demand had been made
on the administration for the removal of General
Bragg. While we did not know certainly that
this was a fact, there was no question but that
dissatisfaction was felt in many quarters with
President Davis's policy and conduct of affairs,
my father's intimacy with him began to decrease,
and strained relations to take the place of their
former friendship. Notes asking for consultations
to discuss pressing matters which formerly
began "Dear Wigfall" - as the time ran on into
the autumn were commenced "My dear Sir."
One of these letters is
given.
"EXECUTIVE MANSION,
"GENL. L. T. WIGFALL,
"It has been
suggested to me that you thought
Holmes had failed in his duty at Malvern Hill, by
being too slow in getting into position, and in
that connection I wish to say to you that he was
ordered up from his position on the South side of
James River to aid in the attack upon McClellan's
Army and if possible to prevent it from reaching
the James River. It being then supposed that the
enemy would endeavor to reach a landing some
distance above Curl's Neck. He moved down the
River Road, taking Gen. Wise and his brigade with
him, to the position indicated, where I found him
on Monday morning, most advantageously posted.
He had made a thorough reconnoissance
and fully
explained to me his position and plan of operations.
He was then about a mile to the right of the place
where I found you with Gen. Longstreet's staff and
where I met Genl. Lee. Genl. Lee had ascertained
that the enemy was taking a different route by
what was known as the Quaker Road and he
ordered Genl. Holmes to advance and take position
on that road to intercept the enemy's retreat. He did
so promptly, and waited at the place indicated with
his infantry for the approach of the enemy. They
did not come, but halted and offered battle before
reaching Poindexter's farm. Genl. Holmes
thus fulfilled all his orders and proved as well his
gallantry, as his candor, by subsequently expressing
his regret that no one knew enough of the ground
to have indicated to him what afterward was found
to have been feasible, to wit, an attack upon the
enemy's left and rear. It may be that such remarks
have led you to suppose that he was directed to do
something which he failed to perform. If so, I am
sure that your fairness needs only to have the
facts distinctly pointed out to you. Genl. Lee
reconnoitred the ground as far as he was able and I
did the same thing in person - whilst Genl. Holmes
was in position and under a heavy fire from the
enemy's gunboats. Genl. Lee certainly attributed no
shortcoming to Genl. Holmes and it never occurred
to me that any blame was fairly to be attached to
him. I write this in justice to the individual but am
urged much more by the consciousness of his
peculiar fitness for the command to which he has
been assigned.
"Your friend JEFFER. DAVIS."
In a letter from Genl.
Longstreet allusion is made
to the break in the friendship between my father
and the President.
"CULPEPER C. H., Nov. 7th, 1862.
"My dear General,
"I heard yesterday that you and the President had had
an unpleasant interview. It is no business of mine, but I
would like to take the liberty to beg you not to allow
anything to bring about any difference between you. We
think that all our hopes rest upon you and the hopes of the
country rest upon the army. You will readily perceive what
weight you have to carry. Most truly and sincerely yours,
"J. B. LONGSTREET."
October found us
delightfully situated in a comfortable
house on Grace Street. General and Mrs. Joseph E.
Johnston, ourselves, and Major Banks, composed our
"Mess." The house stood back from the street with a
large garden in front, now, in the fall, fragrant with the
aromatic scent of that sweetest of all flowers, the white
chrysanthemum, which grew in great profusion in the
old-fashioned borders. General Johnston was still
suffering from his wound and too unwell to report for
duty for some weeks. One great trouble in Richmond
during the winter of '62 was the want of fuel, and
prices began to mount up fabulously, and the suffering
among the poor was great. Our men in the field, too,
began to feel the difficulty of getting warm overcoats
and proper clothing.
The snow began as early as November 9th. I say in
a letter to my brother of this date:
"We had quite a snow-storm day before yesterday,
and it is still very cold. I am afraid our poor
soldiers will suffer dreadfully from the weather
this winter, as I heard yesterday that we had
upwards of 10,000 men without shoes!
"Genl. Johnston is improving, and speaks of
reporting for duty in two weeks, but Papa says
he doubts if he is able."
"November 14th.
"Mama sends you
by Capt. Sellers the buffalo
robe and blanket and also a cake of soap, which
will be sufficient for present emergencies - and as
soon as another occasion offers she will send some
more. Mama says as soap is $1.25 a cake you
must economise! Capt. Sellers will also take the
flag that Mama has had made for the 1st Texas;
the tassel on it is one taken by Col. Brewster, from
the field of Shiloh, just where Sidney Johnston
fell, and of course therefore enhances the value
of the flag. We are expecting to leave Richmond
next week for Amelia, to return in January when
Congress meets. Genl. Johnston reported for
duty yesterday and we suppose he will be given
command of the Department of the West. They
are expecting to leave by Wednesday of next
week, so you see there will be a general breaking
up of our nice little 'Mess.' I am really very
sorry; for Mrs. Johnston is a sweet lovely person.
. . . Mama has promised to leave us with her next
Summer when she and Papa go back to Texas.
There have been several distinguished
visitors at our house last week - viz., Prince
Polignac; an M. P.; and our Bishop General Polk.
Yesterday Major Daniel (Examiner) and Col.
Myers dined here. Mrs. Elzey and the General
were here evening before last: he is to have
another operation performed on his jaw, poor
fellow, and he looks miserably."
It was now a frequent occurrence for foreigners
of distinction to come to the Confederacy and in
many instances to enter the army and fight valiantly
for the cause. Prince Polignac was a typical
Frenchman in appearance; a fiery little man; erect
in figure with a keen black eye, white teeth that
showed brilliantly when he smiled, and a dark
waxed mustache which lent a fierceness to his
expression that I remember impressed me very
much. He offered his services to the Government,
and was given the command of a brigade of
Texans in the Western Army. And just here
comes an anecdote which I cannot forbear
telling, as an illustration of American humor
in general, and Texas wit in particular.
It needs little reflection to see how the peculiar
name of Polignac would strike the ear of the
irreverent Texan, with the evident possibility, not to
say necessity, of ludicrous transposition. And it is
equally evident that the name, at once suggesting
itself as appropriate, was that of the little animal
which bears such a malodorous reputation.
Probably, most of these Texan soldiers had never
seen a Frenchman before; they had never tested
Prince Polignac's prowess. He was certainly, both in
appearance and manners, unlike any of the Rangers,
whom it had been their happy fate to follow in other
battles, and as they glanced at the dapper little
Frenchman, they shook their heads ominously, and
with derisive laughter dubbed him "Polecat!" It was
impossible that such a soubriquet should have been
given and uttered frequently, secure in the Prince's
ignorance of the vocabulary, without his curiosity
being aroused, and questions following which finally
discovered to him the play upon his name, and the
meaning of the word. He maintained a discreet
silence, and never revealed his knowledge, nor his
indignation, until one day - when the brigade being
ordered into battle he had his revenge. As the order
was given to charge, he raised himself in his stirrups
and brandishing his sword aloft he led his men in
person, shouting at the top of his voice, "Follow
me! Follow me! You call me 'Polecat,' I will show
you whether I am 'Polecat ' or 'Polignac!'" And he
did. With an answering shout they followed him, and
that battle over, never had a word of ridicule more
for the gallant little Frenchman, who led them on to
victory.
I cannot refrain here from paying a tribute to
the Texas troops by giving a letter written to my
father by General Robert E. Lee in praise of them.
"HEAD QUARTERS ARMY, W. Va.,
"GEN. LOUIS T. WIGFALL,
"I have not yet
heard from you with regard to the new
Texas Regiments which you promised to endeavor to raise
for this Army. I need them much. I rely upon these we have
in all tight places and fear I have to call upon them too
often. They have fought grandly, nobly, and we must have
more of them. Please make every possible exertion to get
them in, and send them on to me. You must help us in this
matter. With a few more such regiments as those which
Hood now has, as an example of daring and bravery, I
could feel much more confident of the results of the
campaign.
"Very respectfully yours,
"Official.
The following
characteristic letter was received a little
later from General Hood alluding to these same regiments
from Texas.
"DIV. HD. QRTS.
"My dear Genl.:
way to Richmond. If they came on as independent
Regiments I wish to recommend a Brig. Genl. For
them.
"If I can I will
come to Richmond about the time
the Regiments come on.
". . . Well, I think
Mr. Burnsides is coming in a
few days, and what a fight! I think we will whip
him badly. Our army is in good trim for an
old-fashioned fight.
"Give my kindest regards to your family.
"GEN. L. T. WIGFALL,
In a letter from my
brother dated Camp, near
Winchester, Oct. 24th, 1862, he writes of Genl.
J. E. B. Stuart and Stonewall Jackson.
"I had a very
pleasant visit to Rosser's Camp
where I spent the night. On my way down I
met Genl. Stuart and stopped and had some
conversation. He was in as high spirits as ever,
and told me particularly to tell you, when I wrote,
that in his recent raid into Pennsylvania he got
nothing but 'Apple butter' and 'Dry water.' You
know he is a 'Total Abstinence Man' in practice.
The next day I rode down to Shepherdstown
about eight miles from Camp with Rosser and
through the town to the river bank (the Potomac)
where our cavalry pickets are stationed. The
Yankees who still picket entirely with infantry
have their lines on the opposite bank. While I
was in that neighborhood Jackson's Corps, and
McLaw's Division from this Corps, were hard at
work destroying the B.& O. R. R. They have
also torn up the track of the road between
Winchester and Harper's Ferry and it will be a
long time before these roads can be repaired. I
put my last postage stamp on this letter and I
understand there are none in Winchester."
In a letter from my
mother she writes:
"RICHMOND, Nov. 26th 1862.
" . . . Genl.
Johnston got his orders only day
before yesterday. He is to have command of the
three armies of Bragg, Kirby Smith and Pemberton,
but not West of the Mississippi, as I understand. He
expects to get off on Saturday, and his wife goes
with him."
On the date mentioned Genl. Johnston left
Richmond for the West and in a letter from me to
my brother dated, Amelia Springs, Dec. 5th, 1862, I
find this recorded:
"Mama and Papa returned last Saturday; they
having come with General Johnston and staff and
Mrs. Johnston, on a special train from Richmond,
and parted from them at this place.
" . . . What is the general impression as to
Fredericksburg? Will your battery be in the engagement, if
there is one? The rain is pouring and Mama hopes it will
prevent Burnside from advancing. . . . "
My brother writes from camp the following letter:
"CAMP, near Fredericksburg,
" . . . We reached
here on yesterday afternoon, having left
Culpeper on Wednesday about twelve o'clock. We were
on the road three days and a half, and it rained every day
but the last. So you see that we have been enjoying
ourselves. The Yanks were to have begun the shelling of
Fredericksburg on yesterday, but they did not keep their
word. We met yesterday, ladies on foot in all the mud and
wet, five and six miles from the town, the women and
children having been ordered to leave the place in anticipation
of the opening of the fight. What kept the enemy from fulfilling
their threats I don't know. They demanded a surrender and
the authorities refused; they then gave the citizens until nine
o'clock the next morning to move out the women and
children: they afterwards deferred it until two in the
afternoon, but when two o'clock came the Yankee shells
did not. The citizens in this section all accounts have
suffered terribly from the presence of the Yankees in their
midst and I think are
prepared to undergo any privations rather than see the
enemy again among them.
"I am much obliged for the things sent me - especially
the razor, as cats are very scarce in camp and cream
more so.
"We had a magnificent supper last night consisting of
preserved salmon, sardines, pepper vinegar, beefsteaks,
biscuits and butter and real coffee. It was quite a shock to
my system, I assure you. . . . "
My mother writes:
"Dec. 5th, 1862.
" . . . We are all
painfully anxious about Fredericksburg. It
has been raining hard all day and hailing this evening, and if
there has been no advance yet I think Burnside will have
little chance of doing anything this winter. . . . Genl. Johnston
carried quite a numerous staff with him to the West and
I hope with all my heart that he will win fresh laurels there."
Immediately on
reaching Chattanooga General Johnston
wrote the following letter to my father which I give in full.
"CHATTANOOGA,
"My dear Wigfall:
railroad accidents. A telegram from the Ad. Genl. urges
me, in the name of the President, to reinforce Pemberton,
who 'has fallen back from his positions by advance of very
superior force of the enemy' with 'a sufficient force of
Genl. Bragg's command.' 'Genl. Holmes has been
peremptorily ordered to reinforce him - but his troops may
be too late,' I am told. Genl. Pemberton in falling back,
moves towards Vicksburg, where Holmes must cross the
river - every step he makes, therefore, brings him nearer to
his reinforcements. But as this march is in a direction
exactly away from Bragg, and the enemy's army is
between, every day's march makes a junction of the latter
with Pemberton more difficult. I proposed the order to
Holmes more than two weeks ago. Had it been given then,
his troops would now be near Vicksburg, and we should
be secure of our possession of the Mississippi. As matters
now are, the enemy being between our armies, and
probably superior to any one of them, their junction must
be difficult - impossible, if his troops are well directed. I
have not had time yet to learn if the movement of Bragg's
troops is practicable, and if so, what time will be necessary
for it, nor what Pemberton's force is, nor that of the
enemy - nor where he is - nor in what direction he
proposes to move. Under such circumstances a much wiser
man, than any I know, might fail to plan wisely. The thing to
be done is to urge
Holmes to expedition. Do tell the Secretary of War
to do so.
"The President does not consider, in estimating
the time Bragg's movement may require, what an
obstacle the Tennessee is. Nor that Vicksburg at
least, will secure Holmes's junction.
"Nobody ever assumed a command under more
unfavorable circumstances. If Rosecranz had
disposed our troops himself, their disposition could
not have been more unfavorable for us.
"My suggestion to the President, referred to
above, was to unite the troops of Pemberton and
Holmes and attack Grant. It was about the 15th ulto.
Genls. Cooper and G. W. Smith were present.
"I shall join Bragg at Tullahoma tomorrow; the
railroad arrangements make it impracticable sooner.
All the information necessary to me is still to be
gained.
"Mrs. J. sends
cordial regards to Mrs. Wigfall
and yourself.
"Very truly yours,
"GENL. WIGFALL,
Upon the receipt of
this letter from Genl.
Johnston, my father sent immediately the following
communication to Secretary of War, Mr. James A.
Seddon.
"December 8, 1862.
"My dear Sir:
object. Political considerations should weigh
nothing in the movement of troops. A distinguished
writer upon the art of war, says, that political
objective points, if adopted during a campaign, must
be in accordance with the principles of strategy, and
that when that is not possible, then they should be
adjourned till after a decisive victory. When Oldham
and Bob. Johnston were badgering me for not
joining them in insisting that all the troops from the
other side of the river should be returned, I told
them that if I had control of the army every soldier
from Arkansas and Texas should be brought at once
to this side so that Bragg might at once crush Buel.
The debate was published and I have to see the first
man from Texas who does not approve my course. I
mention this to show, that those who oppose the
concentration of our troops, be it on one side, or
the other, of the river, on political grounds, are
mistaken as to public opinion. Our people are full of
good sense and patriotism, and they will not refuse
the means necessary to secure success. Let us save
Vicksburg and then crush Rosecranz and then I am
indifferent whether you winter the army in Kentucky
or Missouri.
"One word more as to
the policy to govern in the
West. The valley of the Mississippi should be the
échequier of operations and the armies of the West
should be under one head. On whichever
side of the river the enemy appears, he should
be met with our whole force, and crushed. If he
appears on both sides, concentrate on one, and crush
him there, and then cross and crush him again. I trust
that the last battle has been fought by us with
inferior numbers. Whenever the enemy divides,
concentrate and crush; and then 'follow up the hand,'
as at ten pins when you make a ten strike. I am
induced to write you more fully on this subject from
a conversation I had with Boteler during my last visit
to Richmond in which he was urging the propriety of
giving Jackson a separate command. The entire army
of Virginia should continue under Lee. I write you
freely and unreservedly because I know you will not
misunderstand me, nor regard my advice as
obtrusive. I would be obliged if you would answer
this letter, as I feel great anxiety and uneasiness as
to the fate of Pemberton's Army. I am writing
currente calamo and in great haste and beg that you
will excuse this scrawl and believe me very truly and
sincerely,
"LOUIS T. WIGFALL.
"HON. J. A. SEDDON
I do not find among my papers the answer from
Mr. Seddon to this letter, but that he gave it careful
attention cannot be doubted, as he says in answer to
a previous letter.
". . . When you write to me, mark your
letter on the outside 'Private' and then it will
come under my own eye. . . . I shall always
receive with gratitude the suggestions of your
fuller knowledge and riper experience. . . .
"Most cordially yours,
But General Johnston's
letter of December 15th,
1862, shows that his suggestions were not complied
with. He writes as follows:
"CHATTANOOGA, Dec. 15, 1862.
"My dear Wigfall:
I have no other resource than the troops on this
front, and must draw upon them. This has blown
away some tall castles in the air. I have been
dreaming of crushing Grant with Holmes's and
Pemberton's troops, sending the former into
Missouri, and with the latter, Bragg and Kirby
Smith, marching to the Ohio. Our troops beyond the
Mississippi seem to be living in great tranquility.
"Bragg's troops are in fine condition. Healthy
looking and well clothed. In fine spirits too. I see
no evidence of the want of confidence and
dissatisfaction of which we heard so much in
Richmond.
"A great mistake has been made in the
arrangement of my command. Mississippi and
Arkansas should have been united to form it. Not
this state and Mississippi, which are divided by (to
us) an impassable river and impracticable country.
The troops in Middle Tennessee could reach
Fredericksburg much sooner than Mississippi. Then
Genl. Holmes's communications depend upon our
possession of the Mississippi. It is certainly his
business to at least assist in the maintenance of his
communications. The troops in Arkansas, as having
a common object, could be naturally united.
"You perhaps see no special object on my part in
troubling you with this, and in truth I have no other
than putting my troubles before one, who
has a head to comprehend grand war, and a heart to
sympathize with me.
"I start, this afternoon, to Pemberton's Army.
About 9,000 men are ordered from Bragg's - and I
hope to bring back a great many stragglers who are
scattered over the country S. W. of us.
"A telegram from the War Department to the
President gave us information of the fighting at
Fredericksburg on Saturday. What luck some people
have. Nobody will ever come to attack me in such a
place.
"Mrs. J. wrote to Mrs. Wigfall a day or two ago.
This mild climate is very favorable to her. She
is in excellent health and spirits.
"I hope that you have good accounts of Halsey -
of his health, I mean, for professionally there can be
no doubt. Present me cordially to Mrs. Wigfall and
the young ladies.
"Very truly yours,
From Jackson, General
Johnston wrote the
following letter.
"JACKSON, Jany. 8th, 1863.
"My dear Wigfall:
the writing of that letter. And no doubt it has been
made. I can't help thinking myself that we ought to
have won at Murfreesboro'. You think I am sure, that
we ought to have renewed the attack on the morning
of the 1st, instead of postponing it nearly two days,
when the enemy had reorganized his forces behind
intrenchments. You think too, that having failed
to
attack on the 1st, we should either have turned the
fortified position or cut off supplies from the
enemy by our cavalry.
"The present state of things fully confirms the
opinion I expressed to the President here that this
command of mine is a nominal one, imposing upon
me responsibilities which I cannot possibly meet. It
is not a unit; the armies of Bragg and Pendleton have
different objects. They can't be united without
abandoning one of them. I can have no command
when they are not united except by taking the place
of Bragg or Pemberton, which could not have been
intended. As it would work great injustice to the
officer thus superseded, without probabilities of
benefit. I cannot, from an intermediate point, direct
the operations of the two armies. No man could do
it well; these departments are too completely
separated to form one proper command - they ought
to be separated. Tell Mr. Seddon so. Had I been in
Tennessee I could have done nothing except by
depriving Bragg of his command. Here in the recent
battle I did nothing - not choosing to supersede
Pemberton. I have asked the President to take me
out of a position so little to my taste. It is very like
being on the shelf with the responsibilities of
command. . . . I have just read a slip from the N. O.
Delta, giving account of a glorious affair at
Galveston; but am afraid to believe it. You will see
it of course long before this reaches you. Mrs.
Johnston is looking extremely well and I trust much
to this mild climate for continued good health.
"I have an office and staff here, but very little
office work. Mrs. Johnston desires to be cordially
remembered to Mrs. Wigfall, yourself and the
young ladies.
"Yours as ever,
"GENL. WIGFALL,
LIGHT-HEARTED BOYISH LETTERS FROM CAMP - SCHOOLGIRL
FROLICS - A SOUTHERN BARBARA FRIETCHIE - CHATTANOOGA
- ANECDOTE OF "STONEWALL" JACKSON - FAMILY LETTERS
TO AND FROM RICHMOND.
IN reading over the letters written at this period (the Winter
of '62-'63), the thing that strikes me is the tone of
cheerfulness and hope that runs through all of them. It had
not dawned yet on the minds of anyone that success was not
assured. Jackson was the idol of the people and everything
was anticipated of him when the spring campaign should
open. The confidence in Lee was absolute; and no one
doubted that he would carry all before him. The fact that
provisions were scarce; that prices were phenomenally high;
that the purchasing power of our currency was depreciating
daily; seemed to make no impression on the temper or spirits
of the people. At this time it was frequent for individuals to
run the blockade, or come through the lines, and their advent
was hailed with delight by their friends to whom they
brought welcome presents in the shape of shoes, and other
necessities, which it was difficult to procure in Richmond.
The Virginia housekeeper, famed for her hospitality and
good living, had hard work to produce a tempting menu for
her guests. It would have been droll (had the cause not
been so tragic) to note the stress laid upon a fair supper, on
the rare occasions when it was forthcoming. For they still
had "parties," as they were called, and if, by good fortune,
ice cream and cake and "real" coffee appeared, the
delightful fact is duly recorded.
The letters from camp were cheering - no complaining
at hardships. Men reared in luxury who had worn
"purple and fine linen" all their lives, were the best
soldiers in the field and the most cheerful bearers of the
burden of camp life, and of the terrible marches through the
scorching suns of summer, and through the winter's wind
and rain. And the poor boys, many of them little more than
children, who had come from the far south, sickened and
died of homesickness and disease, in camp and
hospital - yet we find no record of complaint or of desire
expressed to give up the fight. Some of the letters from
camp at this time give the spirit of the men in the war. My
brother, a boy of eighteen, writes the following boyish
nonsense from
"CAMP near Culpeper,
"As Capt. Bachman
is going down to Richmond on
business I take this opportunity of 'tellin' 'em
huddy fur me, an' ask 'em for sen' me sumfin.' As this is a
strictly business letter I will proceed to enumerate the
articles desired. Primo, one large black valise. Item, a
plenty of writing paper (this is my last half sheet) and
envelopes and a few postage stamps. Item, one buffalo
robe and blanket. Item, the horseman's overcoat of which
I wrote in my last, and which was to be made of the heavy
bluish grey cloth now at the Qr. Mrs. Clothing depôt in
Richmond or any other suitable stuff, with long skirts and
cape and lined throughout with woolen stuff and at the Qr.
Mrs. dept. which will be cheaper, 'vich it is a very good
thing,' all of the aforesaid to be accomplished through the
instrumentality of the 'ubiquitous Banks.' Item, the coat to
be double-breasted. Item, if the coat is not finished by the
time of Capt. Bachman's return don't send it by him! Item,
My BOOTS! Item, some soap and a tooth brush. Item,
my red silk sash. Item, one of my razors - my shaving
brush and soap. Item, if possible to be procured, one
travelling toilet glass - this last very important! Our horses
are getting more than they can eat - and we ourselves fare
very well, so far as an abundance of beef and bread is
concerned. We got a little Sorghum molasses the other day
and have had some sweet cakes which were very good, I
assure you. We have a battery drill and are at the manual
of the piece every day - and altogether camp life is
somewhat endurable though Mama's pen-knife won't
compare to it in dullness. I was at Genl. Hood's Head
Quarters this morning. Since he has got to be a Major
Genl. he has moved into a house and I suppose intends to
live in style! . . . "
And again from Camp near Chesterfield Station:
". . . My home is in a wild pine grove and
sweetest melancholy, poesy's child, keeps watch and
ward over my innocent spirit. I sit on my bench and muse
on the time when the Yank-Yanks shall meet me in battle
array and when, 'Virginia leaning on her spear,' I shall retire
on my laurels with one arm and no legs to some secluded
dell to sigh away my few remaining years in blissful
ignorance. But a truce to such deep Philosophy. We are all
jogging along as usual. All the day I long for night, and all
the night I long for its continuance. In fact it is very
disagreeable to get up to attend Reveillé roll-call, as I do
every fourth morning, and it is vastly more pleasant to
remain in my comfortable (?) bed and have no other care
upon my mind than that of keeping warm with the least
exertion possible. But then comes that inevitable too-diddle-
tooty, too-diddle-tooty, &c., &c., &c., and up I have to
jump and go out in the cold to hear that Von Spreckelson
and Bullwinkle are absent and look at the exciting process
of dealing out corn
in a tin cup. . . . The snowing began before daylight
yesterday morning and kept it up with scarcely an interval
until late last night. It fell to a depth of about nine inches.
This morning, the 1st, 4th, and 5th Texas Regiments came
by our camp, marching in irregular line of battle, with their
colors gotten up for the occasion, and with skirmishers
thrown out in advance, and passing us, attacked the camp
of the 3rd Arkansas, which is immediately on our right. A
fierce contest ensued, snow balls being the weapons. The
Texans steadily advanced, passing up the right of the camp;
the Arkansians stubbornly disputing their progress, and
their shouts and cheers as they would make a charge, or as
the fight would become unusually desperate, made the
welkin ring. A truce was finally declared and all four
regiments marched over the creek to attack Anderson's
brigade. After crossing they formed in line, deployed their
skirmishers, and at it they went. The Georgians got rather
the best of the fight and drove them back to the creek,
where they made a stand and fought for some time. They
then united and started back across the Massoponax for
Genl. Law's brigade. Just before arriving opposite our
camp they saw another brigade coming over the top of the
hill behind their camp (i. e., Anderson's) and back they
went to meet them. How that fight terminated I don't know.
. . . I suppose this rain and snow will retard the movements
of the enemy too much for them to attempt to cross
for some time to come. . . . Yesterday and to-day have
been lovely days and I trust that the weather will clear up
and continue so. I expect Burnside feels very grateful for
the interposition of the elements to give him an excuse
for deferring a little longer the evil day on which he is
forced to attack us or be decapitated. . . . I saw in my
ride the other day a body of Yankees, apparently a
Regiment, drawn up in line, firing. They were using blank
cartridges I suppose. This looks as though they had some
very fresh troops. If that is the case they had better keep
them out of the fight, as they will do precious little good in
it. . . .
"Christmas eve we went to see the Hood's Minstrels
perform. One of the best performances was 'We are a
band of brothers' sung by three make-believe darkies,
dressed entirely in black, with tall black hats and crêpe
hatbands, looking more like a deputation from a corps of
undertakers than anything else - and was intended, I
suppose, as a burlesque upon Puritanism. At all events it
was supremely ridiculous. . . . I understand that several of
the tailors in Charleston have committed suicide lately,
driven to it by the ruinously low rates at which their wares
(no pun intended) are now selling. They can only obtain
two hundred and fifty dollars for a second lieutenant's
uniform coat and pantaloons. Poor wretches!
They should bear their burdens with more patience,
however, and remember that (according to the
newspaper) the hardships of this war fall on all
alike and must be endured by high and low, rich
and poor, equally. I saw Col. Jenifer who told
me he had met Papa and Mama at a party at
Col. Ives's in the city of Richmond. Isn't that
dissipation for you? Do they have cake 'and sich'
at parties now, or is it merely 'a feast of reason
and a flow of soul?' And in conclusion tell me of
my overcoat. Have you seen it? If not, has anybody
else seen it? If not, how long will it be, in all
human probability, and speaking well within
the mark, before somebody else will see it?. . .
My old one has carried me through two winters
and is now finishing the third in a sadly dilapidated
condition. There is a sort of 'golden halo, hovering
round decay,' about it, which may perhaps be
very poetical, but is far from being practical as
regards its weather resisting qualities. . . . "
In this spirit of lightheartedness wrote the soldier boys
from their camps in the mud and rain and discomfort of
every kind. In Richmond too the young people managed
to make merry, as young people will, under adverse
circumstances. The girls made the best show possible
with their meagre wardrobes - and fortunate were the
extravagant ones of other days who had a multiplicity
of garments, from which to levy supplies,
to cut and make over to suit the fashion of the day.
On Franklin Street, on any fine afternoon during
the winter, it was a lovely sight to watch the
promenaders going up and down. The officers,
on leave for a few days, made the best of their
holiday, and the pretty girls were decked out in
the best finery they could muster. The sun shone
and hearts were light and the shadow of Appomattox
was still so far away that not even the cloud as
big as a man's hand had showed itself. The school
girls too, in spite of the troublous times, found
many ways to amuse themselves. One day,
when the snow lay thick on the ground, we
were all at luncheon, when we heard a great
shouting in the street, and with one accord rushed
to the windows to see the cause. We found a
regiment marching by, on their way through
town, to the railway station. They were footsore
and weary, ill clad and worse shod; but the
flag was flying and they held their heads up and
stepped out bravely, as the bevy of girls appeared
on the doorsteps and greeted us with a great shout.
We rushed in again and came out speedily, with
our hands and aprons full of bread, and everything
portable from the table. There was a halt, and we
ran out in the street and passed on our refreshments
from man to man. They laughed in great glee
and cheered and shouted - and then such a
frolic ensued, for one of the mischievous girls
threw a snowball in their midst! This was "a
dare" and they took it! All discipline was at an end
and the snowballs flew thick and fast - as they filed
past us on their journey, alas! to battlefields from
which many, indeed, most of them, would return no
more. We went hungry till supper time; but were so
glad to have cheered them on their weary way. One
of the interesting incidents that occurred at this
time was the arrival of Miss Hetty Cary from
Baltimore. She had just been released from Fort
McHenry, where she had been imprisoned for
wearing a white apron with red ribbons, the
Confederate colors! I remember seeing her at a
dance at Mrs. Pegram's which is thus described in a
school girl's letter.
"We had a glorious time - plenty of ice cream,
cake and officers; the latter predominating. When
the evening was a little advanced we were honored
by the presence of the beautiful Miss Hetty Cary
and we danced until nearly 3 o'clock." Of all the
women I have ever met I think she was the most
beautiful - and combined with great loveliness of
person, a brilliancy of wit, which made her
remarkable. At this time, having just come through
the lines, she was dressed in the last mode, and
shone resplendent in an exquisite violet moiré with
pink roses in her hair. This last was Titian tinted and
rippled back from her fair low forehead. Her
complexion was lilies and roses; and her figure
magnificent. She was indeed a beauty. It is told of
Miss Hetty
Cary that, on one occasion, when Federal troops
were passing through Baltimore, she stood at an
open window of her home and waved a Confederate
flag. One of the officers of a regiment passing
below noticed the demonstration and calling it to the
attention of the Colonel asked: "Shall I have her
arrested?" The Colonel, glancing up and catching a
glimpse of the vision of defiant loveliness, answered
emphatically: "No: she is beautiful enough to do as
she - pleases."
Though anticipating events by two years, I will
mention here that Miss Cary married General John
Pegram, who was killed in battle three weeks from
her wedding day.
There are many now who recall those two
processions up the aisle of old St. Paul's.
As I have said, it was not uncommon for people
to slip back and forth through the lines. My
mother writes at this date:
"February, 1863.
"Your father has
gone to introduce Burke (the
scout) to Mr. Seddon. He wanted to know the
Secretary of War and to tell him, I suppose, his
impressions of his visit to New York. He spent a
week there and has just got back!"
General Johnston writes from Chattanooga
giving an account of his perplexities.
CHATTANOOGA, Jany. 26th, 1863.
"My dear Wigfall:
"Bragg has done wonders, I think - no body of
troops has done more in proportion to numbers
in the same time. At Murfreesboro' he killed,
wounded and took 17,000 and within the three weeks
preceding 7,500. His own loss in all that time about
9,000. My own official position does not improve on
acquaintance. It is little, if any, better than being laid
on the shelf. I have endeavored to explain this to the
President, but he thinks it essential to have one here
who can transfer troops from this department to
Pemberton's and vice-versa. That would be extremely
well if either department could possibly spare
troops, even for a short time, but that is not the case,
each having too few for immediate purposes and the
distance and character of the intermediate country
such as completely prevents them from aiding each
other, except an occasional cavalry movement. It is
an attempt to join things which cannot be united. It
would require at least a month to send 10,00 men from
one of the two armies to the other. Each department
having its own commander and requiring - indeed
having room but for one. You perceive how little
occupation I can find. I can not unite the two
armies - because they are too far apart, and each
is required where it is. Nor can I take command of
one because each has its proper commander, and yet
the country may hold me responsible for any failure
between North Carolina and Georgia and the
Mississippi, for I am supposed to be commanding in
all that country. After commanding
our most important, and I may add, best army for a
year, it is hard to lose that command for wounds in
battle and to receive a nominal one. I must confess I
cannot help repining at this position. The President,
however, evidently intends that I shall hold a high
position and important one; but I think he mistakes
the relation between Tennessee and Mississippi.
"I flatter myself
that I have never been so
garrulous before and won't be so again.
"We rarely see
Richmond papers, so I don't know
what you are doing for us. My cordial regards to
Mrs. Wigfall and the young ladies.
"If you can help me
out of my present place I
shall love you more than ever. It will require
diplomacy and cunning, however, and I don't think
you strong in the latter.
"Yours truly,
General Johnston
writes again from
"KNOXVILLE, Tenn.,
"My dear Wigfall:
Qr. Mrs. dept. As these things were all for the
benefit of the military service, in which you take
as much interest as any soldier or citizen of the
Confederacy, it is unnecessary for me to apologize.
Let me now ask you to consider the services of the
Army of Tennessee. Our principal officers and the
most intelligent of our friends in Nashville estimate
the loss of the enemy in the battle of Murfreesboro'
at not less than 20,000 - the force which inflicted
that loss could not have been much more than 30,000.
More effective fighting is not to be found in the
history of modern battles. The enemy fell back to a
very strong position, where he received
reinforcements, on account of which our army
abandoned the ground; the general being urged to do
so by those under him of high rank. This Army of
Tennessee has had a hard time of it and a thankless
one. My object now is to persuade that in the
neighborhood of Murfreesboro' it was well
commanded and fought most gallantly, inflicting
upon the enemy more harm in proportion to its
members, if my memory is not at fault, than any
army of modern times. So if you thank any troops
for fighting well, these, it seems to me, should be
included. I desired Gen. Harris, of Missouri, to say
so to you. I am especially interested in this matter
because the thanks of Congress would have a good
effect upon the troops who feel that others have
received the compliment for far less marching and
fighting. Bragg has
commanded admirably in Tennessee and made the
best use of his troops of all arms.
"I have been very busy for some time looking for
something to do - to little purpose, but with much
travelling. Each of the three departments assigned to
me has its general and as there is no room for two,
and I can't remove him appointed by the Prest. for
the precise place, nothing but the post of Inspector
General is left to me. I wrote to the President on the
subject - trying to explain that I am virtually laid
upon the shelf with the responsibility of command,
but he has not replied, perhaps because he has no
better place for me. I should much prefer the
command of fifty men.
"Very truly yours.
As I sit and think of
the many memories that mark
the passage of those wonderful four years some
seem to stand out in bold relief and arrest the mind.
Far down the street one day in the early spring we
heard the tramp, tramp, of many feet and the
unearthly, mournful sound of the dead march. We
knew what it was. They were bearing to his last
resting place the "gallant Pelham," the young
Alabama hero, who had commanded Stuart's Horse
Artillery and laid down his life at Kellysville on
March 17th, in the first great Cavalry battle of the
war. We watched the sad procession file past the
door and the music
floated to our ears like the wail of a human voice. We
wept in sympathy - for one so brave, so young, so
fair. Such scenes were now frequent and we were
soon called upon to bear the heaviest grief yet laid
upon the people, who were to be whelmed in sorrow
before the end should come.
My mother writes to my
brother, then with Fitz
Lee's Cavalry Division:
May 11th, 1863.
"We are all
saddened to the heart to-night by
hearing the death of our hero Jackson! In addition to
our own irreparable loss, it will put new life and
courage into our cruel foe. It will cause mourning
all over our land and each person seems to feel as if
he had lost a relative. I feel more disheartened about
the war now than I have ever felt before. It seems to
me, it is to be interminable, and what a wretched life
of anxiety it is to look forward to! I suppose the
death of Jackson has affected us all and I can't help
thinking it will put new life into the enemy and give him
courage to make another attempt very soon. You see
by the papers they claim having taken almost as
many prisoners as we have and I am sure the loss of
Jackson has turned the last fight into a calamity, if
not a curse. I expect you will think I am really
blue - but you know Jackson has been my hero and
favorite for a long time. We must, though, hope on,
hope ever!"
Another letter says:
"I have just come up from witnessing the
funeral procession of dear 'old Stonewall.' I never
saw a more solemn scene and hope never to see
another such. This morning early I went to the
Governor's and saw the body lying in state. He looks
perfectly natural, more as if he were asleep than
dead. No one seems to know who will succeed to
his command."
A touching incident concerning this great man
was told me by one of the Maryland men who wore
the Grey and served under Jackson, and in whose
own words I give it:
"Our Battalion was in winter quarters and
stationed at Genl. Jackson's Headquarters a few
months before the battle of Chancellorsville -
a short time before his death. It was Genl. Jackson's
custom every afternoon to have a meeting for
prayer, in a large tent. He sent over an invitation to
the members of our Battalion to be present, saying
he would like very much to have us come. One
afternoon I went over to the prayer meeting tent and
as I approached nearer I heard some one praying
aloud - in earnest supplication - and the words of
the petition, in their beautiful simplicity were like
those of a little child. I did not know at first who it
was. When the prayer was ended I perceived it was
Genl.
Jackson. After the prayer there was a pause and Dr. Lacy,
his Chaplain, told him that the young men present would
like to hear a few words from him. But his modesty was
such that he could not be induced to speak a word. I was
deeply impressed by the simple childlike faith of this great
soldier - to save whom any man among us would have
died."
At this time thousands of Federal prisoners were taken
through Richmond. An extract from a letter says, "They
formed a perfect army and as they marched in the middle
of the street one could scarcely realize they were actually
prisoners, if it had not been that their arms had been taken
from them, and that they were guarded on each side by our
men, who you may be sure looked proud enough as they
escorted them."
My mother writes, May 17th, 1863, to my brother:
"I send you, with our letters, a pound of candy and a
box of Guava jelly which was given me. I know you have
no sugar, and I have no doubt that although you will laugh
at the idea you will nevertheless enjoy the sweets. Mrs.
McLean (Gnl. Sumner's daughter) has been staying with
Mrs. Davis for three weeks, waiting for a passport from
the Yankee Secretary of War, and Mrs. Chesnut told me
the other day that it had been
peremptorily refused - so I doubt if Rose will be able to
get to Baltimore to her children. We are all very anxious to
know the next move. I heard yesterday that Genl. Stuart
was to go immediately on an extensive raid, but your father
says it is not so. Genl Lee is still here. Your father is talking
of going up with Genl. Stuart in the morning."
Prices in Richmond had now taken another rise and
board in private houses with poor fare was $240 a month, so
all persons not obliged to be on the spot were leaving for
quiet places in the country, where cheaper rates could be
secured. This was difficult too, for it was imperative for
one's peace of mind that these retreats should be on a line
of railroad and within reach of tidings from the army.
The following letter, written by my brother in pencil,
bears date May 2, 1863, and gives a description of a skirmish
just before the battle of Chancellorsville.
"We have had a glorious fight this afternoon. Drove the
Yankees from the start and kept them going as fast as we
could follow until dark. Major Beckham and Capt.
Breathed and I were with my Howitzer which was the first
piece of Artillery fired. The fight began about half past five.
The first shot the Yankee Artillery fired was a spherical
case: one of the bullets struck me on the
arm. It was however, entirely spent. Three of our
pieces and one of McGregor's were the only ones
of the Horse Artillery engaged. I wrote last night,
but don't know whether you got it. Don't look to
hear from me until the fighting is over, for there are
no mails. It is all mere chance as to getting a letter
to you. Out of our three pieces we only lost one
man. He was killed. I write by moonlight on a
limber chest and on Yankee paper. Our men in the
highest possible spirits. Everything is bright."
I wrote in answer:
RICHMOND, May 15th.
" . . . Lieut. J.
called to see Mama and delivered
both the letter and the overcoat. The letter
was by far the most welcome of the two, as
we had heard so little from you since the battle.
. . . Though your first letter written by moonlight
on a limber chest was the most romantic,
the last was by far the most satisfactory and
interesting.
"Hood's Division passed through several days ago
and we girls had our usual fun, waving, &c., &c.
Quantities of prisoners, thousands at a time, have
passed also. 3,000 went through on the day that
General Jackson's funeral took place. Quite a
misfortune happened last night in the way of the
Tredegar Iron Works taking fire - or being
set on fire as some people believe by Yankee spies.
Genl. Anderson they say has lost an immense amount of
money and it will seriously retard the making of arms.
Mama is thinking of leaving town Monday, for what
destination she does not know. She and Papa both
think it useless to wait in Richmond for information
of a pleasant locality, so they have determined to
get on the cars and travel till they come to some
agreeable stopping place. They will then write me
of their whereabouts and I will join them, as soon
as my examinations will be over, which will be the
end of June. There is no news of any sort at present
in Richmond. Everything jogs on as usual - and the
devotees of the Capitol and Franklin St. take their
usual promenades, and with the exception of a new
face now and then, and a little variation in the way of
stars and gold lace, all is the same as when you were
here last winter. Richmond is looking beautifully
just at present but in a few weeks the heat and dust
will have become intolerable."
My father and mother had intended making the
journey home to Texas this summer of " '63,"
but news that a number of ironclads had succeeded
in running past Vicksburg had interfered with their
plans.
A number of the Texas delegation made the
attempt and had to return to Richmond to try the
Nassau route. This perilous journey was afterward
made the next summer of '64 by my father and
mother, under more terrible circumstances than
those that now existed, as will be told in due time.
All accounts now pointed to a forward movement
of the Army and the heavy-hearted mothers and
wives contemplated a tragically anxious summer.
SOCIAL LIFE IN RICHMOND - HALSEY WIGFALL'S LETTERS
FROM THE FRONT - GETTYSBURG - LETTERS FROM GENERAL
HAMPTON - FROM GENERAL STUART - FROM GENERAL
LONGSTREET - A TOURNAMENT - HUMOR IN A HOSPITAL.
IT IS curious to note how youth will extract gayety
and pleasure out of adverse surroundings. I find
recorded in letters at this time, in spite of the
gnawing anxieties which were weighing down the
hearts of all serious people, that sundry delightful
parties were organized to partake of strawberries
and ice cream at "Pizzini's," the famous
confectioners of the day in Richmond. Expeditions
were planned to Drewry's Bluff with a band of music
in attendance, and, of course, with the usual
accompaniment of the delightful officer, who,
equally, of course, was either halt, lame or blind, as
all whole men were at their posts in the field in
June, 1863. Serenades, too, were in order, and I find
that on our return from one of the aforesaid
strawberry feasts, about twelve o'clock on the same
night Ella - had a charming serenade of a full brass
band from one of her
admirers. This combination of serenade, with strawberries
and ice cream, seemed to fill the cup of joy to the brim.
June 5th found my father and mother at Orange Court
House in comfortable quarters, luxuriating in the country air
and fruit. The fare too was rather more abundant and of
better character. There we joined them a few weeks later.
The house was filled to overflowing with women and
children - families of officers in command in the army near
by. General J. E. B. Stuart, the gallant Cavalry leader, was
at Culpeper Court House and there on the night of June 4th
a ball was given, to which flocked all the Virginia belles of
the country side, as one can fancy - for this was the flower
of the chivalry of the Army of Northern Virginia. One can
imagine the scene - the jingling of spurs and clanking of
sabres, to the merry tunes of the fiddle and the banjo, and
the old story repeating itself in the telling, as is, and ever will
be, the case, "when youth and pleasure meet to chase
the glowing hours with flying feet."
On the morrow a great review was held of the Cavalry
at Brandy Station in the broad open country surrounding
that place, and General Lee was present in person. An
immense concourse of people gathered to see the sights,
and a beautiful spectacle it was, with the sun shining from
the summer sky on that brave array - though the gold lace
was somewhat tarnished and the gay uniforms
showing signs of wear. Yet the gallant forms that wore
them, dashing hither and thither in the manoeuvres,
embodied in the eyes of the watchers all the graces and
daring of the dauntless cavalier. Upon them they rested
their hope - and the thought that failure should come to
J. E. B. Stuart and his gallant corps never darkened the sky
of that glorious June day.
That night the Federal Cavalry attacked the
encampment and the battle of Brandy Station passed into
history - the Federals being repulsed and driven across the
Rappahannock.
Then came Stuart's raid
into Pennsylvania, and the battle
of Gettysburg.
My mother writes to my
brother:
"ORANGE C. H., June 27th, 1863.
". . . I was very
glad to get your note of the 18th June,
and only wish I knew where you were now. We are all an
anxious set of women at present. Mrs. Gordon (J. B.)
leaves to-day for Winchester to try and hear something
of her husband. He commands Lawton's old brigade. . . .
"We are all much delighted with the accounts from the
Yankee papers - of their alarm and dismay - but it seems
unaccountable, after their disgraceful and barbarous
treatment of our people that we should not be repaying
them in their own coin."
From the letter
alluded to, written in pencil on a
scrap of paper, I make the following extract:
RECTOR'S X ROAD, June 18th, 1863.
"Dear Mama,
"The wounded are always sent to the rear and if I
am ever unfortunate enough to be placed in that
category I shall certainly let you know. So till you
hear positively to the contrary make your mind easy
on my account. We marched from Starke's Ford the
day your letter is dated (14th) and came up by
Amisville, Gaines' X Roads, Flint Hill, Orleans,
Piedmont on the Manassas Gap R. R., Paris,
Upperville and Middleburg to Dover Mills, which
we reached yesterday afternoon and where we
engaged the Yankee Cavalry and Artillery. I was
detached from the battery in command of the
Whitworth gun of my section. This piece lost none.
The other piece of my section and one of Johnston's
three pieces each lost one man killed. These were
the only men of the battery
lost. The drivers of the Whitworth in trotting
through a gate ran against one of the posts and
snapped the pole short off. . . . We were falling back
at the time so there was no chance to repair it. The
enemy was flanking us so we were forced to fall
back, making a circuitous route and striking the
turnpike between Upperville and Middleburg late
last night. The battery is about to move now, so
good-bye. You must not expect to hear from me
regularly but write yourself frequently."
The next letter from my brother was written just
after the battle of Gettysburg, on the march -
dated July 7th, 1863. Camp near Williamsport,
Maryland.
He was at this time not
nineteen years old.
"Dear Papa,
this place yesterday afternoon while a fight was going on
for the possession of the ford, the enemy endeavoring to
drive us from it. The battery was not engaged however.
Orders have just come to move.
"July 8th. We are now near Funkstown. Young
Winston is going over the river this morning and may go as
far as Hanover. Everything is wet around, it having rained
nearly all night and there is not much chance for elegant
letter writing. We were engaged on the third day of the
fight at Gettysburg with a battery of the enemy at long
range. It was opposite the left of our line where the Cavalry
was fighting. Tell Mama to write to L. for me if she is not
with you and until we halt for a day or two at least you may
not expect to hear much or often from me. Give my best
love to dearest Mama and L. and little F. Good-bye dear
Papa and believe me as ever,
"Your affectionate son,
On July 8th my mother
writes: "We are all excited by
the news that came yesterday. Owing to the weather or
fear of the trains being taken, we have had no mails from
Richmond until yesterday and then only a stray paper, but
that tells us there has been another battle. Your father does
not think that Halsey was in it - but I can't help feeling
anxious till I hear more about it."
These were the first tidings that came to them of the
battle of Gettysburg. Later I find a letter dated
"ORANGE C. H., July 16th, 1863.
"It is some time
since I have written to you, my dearest
son, but the uncertainty of your getting letters make it
almost useless to write. The note you sent in pencil by Mr.
Winston came yesterday and was thankfully received. 'Tis
the only tidings we have had of you for weeks except from
Col. P., who told me you were well up to the 23rd of June,
and your father saw an officer on the cars who said he had
seen you on the 4th. Your note bears date a week later.
Write, my child, whenever opportunity offers. You cannot
tell the intense anxiety and uneasiness of those left at home.
We have all been watching with painful interest the course
of our Army since it crossed the border, and although late
accounts have cast a gloom upon us, we all feel assured
that Lee will yet do something to make them tremble as
much as they are now exulting over our misfortunes.
Troubles seen to thicken upon us all at once. The fall of
Vicksburg and the attack on Charleston when so many of
the troops have been withdrawn are enough to dispirit us,
but we are not dismayed, but believe that all will yet be
right. The most sickening feature is the prolongation of the
war. Groaning, however, will do neither you nor me any
good, so a truce to it."
"I had a long letter from Mrs. Johnston dated July
5th. She had not then heard of the fall of Vicksburg,
but fully expected it as did we. Genl. Johnston wrote
fully to your father June 28th, and told him it was
utterly impossible with his 25,000 men, scarcely
then equipped, to relieve the place and that if Kirby
Smith could do nothing it must fall. Mrs. Johnston
encloses me a letter to her from her husband, which
is so noble and manly in its tone that I don't wonder
that she is proud of him. . . .
"F. has just come in with a letter from Genl.
Hampton to your father. He writes from
Charlottesville, says he is doing well and hopes in a
few days to go home. Genl. Hood came with him to
Staunton where he is under the care of Dr. Darby,
requires nothing but good nursing and generous diet
and proposes to pay us a visit if he can."
The letter alluded to from Genl. Hampton is as
follows:
"CHARLOTTESVILLE, July 15th, 1863.
"My dear Wigfall,
leaving Gettysburg, the 4th instant. I have been
handled pretty roughly, having received two sabre
cuts on the head - one of which cut through the
table of my skull - and a shrapnel shot in my body,
which is there yet. But I am doing well and hope in a
few days to be able to go home. Suppose you meet
me at Gordonsville as I pass? Our Army is in good
condition after its terrible and useless battle.
"The Yankees will be defeated if we can get at
them on fair ground. We could better have stormed
the heights of Stafford than those of Gettysburg.
"I had a large leather trunk, canvas covered, and
with 'W. H.' printed on each end. Will you do me
the favor to enquire for it? It was put on the cars at
Culpeper C. H. With kind regards to Mrs. Wigfall, I
am,
"Yours very truly,
"HON. L. T. WIGFALL."
My mother writes:
CHARLOTTESVILLE, July 22nd.
"As you see this
was written before I had heard
of the return of our Army to Va. . . . Your father
returned on Sunday from Richmond and says
young Lee told him he had left you well two
days before. We came here on Monday. The
people in the house where we were in Orange determined
to take no more boarders. They say their supplies have
given out, etc. We are staying here at Dr. Dice's on the
Ridge. It is a beautiful spot and just near enough to the
centre of the town to be a pleasant walk. How I wish you
could pay us a little visit! Now you have got back to 'old
Virginny's shore' I hope to hear from you occasionally.
The Administration party is bitter against Genl. Johnston,
but the public will sustain him and it isn't thought true that
he is to be superseded. I have just done writing Mrs. J. a
long letter. . . . "
The following letter from my brother gives an account of
his experiences during Stuart's expedition:
"CAMP NEAR LEETOWN,
". . . I wrote a
short note to Papa from near
Funkstown on the other side of the river on the
9th inst., though I have very great doubts as to
whether it ever reached you. The battery is in
very bad condition as to horses and is out of
ammunition. Two of the guns got some of the
latter before we recrossed the river, leaving the
other two without and I was left with them and
have consequently been in the rear ever since the
cavalry fight near Boonsboro', Md. on the 8th inst.
All the guns are now in the same condition, but
the Ordnance officer of the Division, Capt. John Esten
Cooke, perhaps better known as Tristran Joyeuse, Gent.,
has sent to Staunton for ammunition and as Lt. Johnston
has gone to Richmond I shall be done for the present with
'Company Q.' I think that when we reached Westminster
Md. on Genl. Stuart's expedition round the Yanks, I was a
little the richest specimen of a Confederate officer that you,
at all events, ever saw. My boots were utterly worn out.
My pantaloons were all one big hole as the Irishman would
say: my coat was like a beggar's - and my hat was actually
falling to pieces, in addition to lacking its crown, which loss,
allowed my hair, not cut, since sometime before leaving
Culpeper, to protrude, and gave me a highly picturesque
finish to my appearance. I fortunately there got a pair of
boots, a pair of pantaloons and a hat which rendered my
condition comparatively better. We left Union in Loudon
Co., Va., on that expedition on the morning of the 24th of
June - and reached the lines of our army at Gettysburg,
Adams Co., Penn. late in the afternoon of the 2nd of July.
During that time the harness was off the horses only twice.
You should have seen the Dutch people in York Co.
turning out with water and milk and bread and butter and
'apple butter' for the 'ragged rebels.'
"I was quite surprised at the tone of feeling in
that part of the State. In two or three instances I
found people who seemed really glad to see us and at
scores of houses they had refreshments at the door for the
soldiers. The people generally seemed not to know exactly
whet to expect and I don't think would have been at all
astonished if every building had been set on fire by us as
we reached it, nor would a great many have been
surprised if we had concluded the business by massacring
the women and children!
"I stopped at a house in Petersburg, Adams Co., Penn.
and almost the first question addressed me by the daughter
of the house, a girl of eighteen or twenty and a perfect
Yankee, was whether our men would molest the women!
I told her not, and she seemed to feel considerably
reassured. It was this same girl who told me in all
seriousness that she had heard and believed it, that the
Southern women all wore revolvers. I suppose, of
course, by this time you have seen from the papers who
has been killed, wounded and captured and have very little
doubt that you know more about these points than I do,
myself, for beyond hearing the report that Genl. Lee's
Headquarters are at Bunker Hill and that the Infantry are
beyond Martinsburg and some little inkling of the position
of portions of the Cavalry Division I am in the same
condition as honest John Falstaff before he formed the
acquaintance of Prince Hal, and 'know nothing.'
"I received yesterday a double letter of the 23rd
of June from you and Mama, the first since I left Rector's X
Roads on the 18th of that month. Gen. Lee has issued an
order curtailing all transportation except that for the Corps
and General Reserve Ordnance trains. This is evidently
getting ready for another move, but whether it is in order to
cross the Potomac again or to fall back behind the
Rappahannock, or merely to be in readiness for any
movement of the enemy, is more than your correspondent
is aware of."
At this time, the
latter part of July, 1863, my father wrote
to Genl. J. E. B. Stuart asking for a few days' leave for my
brother to visit us. His answer is given below, and although
containing some personal allusions is inserted as being of
interest, coming from such a hand.
"HD. QRS. COV., DIV. A. of N. VA.
"Dear General,
"You will readily understand that such an
officer cannot be spared in such times to visit home -
but should there be a period when an engagement
is not daily expected in which the Horse Artillery
will not necessarily take part, I will cheerfully
approve his absence.
"I was truly glad to hear the favorable accounts
you gave of Hampton's, Butler's and Hood's wounds,
and sincerely hope that all three of those glorious
fellows will be in the field again for the next fight.
Hampton I fear will not soon be with us His wound
must have been very severe. Baker, Black and Young
were all three wounded in a fight the other day
(2nd). The first mentioned is a Brigadier Genl. and
will command the four N. C. Regiments.
"Present my kindest
regards to Mrs. Wigfall and
any other friends you may fall in with, and believe
me,
"Truly yours,
At Charlottesville,
about August 1st we were
joined by General Hood, then recovering from a
wound in the arm. He remained about a fortnight and
then with General Longstreet left to join General
Bragg in the West. General Longstreet, writing to
my father at this time, says:
"RICHMOND, Sept. 12th, 1863.
"Dear General,
Chase. If I should get that far in the enemy's country,
however, I hope that I may be able to bring your
friends to see you! . . . Hood's Division are en route
and the most of my command are rapidly moving on
to Bragg. I hope that we may be with him in ten days
more.
"Do not forget me
because I have gone so far
away from you.
"I would write more,
but if I should start to go
further into matters I should write more than I have
time to write or you would be inclined to read. I will
reserve it for a general talk
"Most sincerely yours,
Soon after their
arrival in the West, on September
20th, the battle of Chickamauga was fought and
General Hood, then barely recovered from his
wound in the arm, was struck in the thigh by a minié
ball which fractured five inches of the bone. His
thigh was taken off - four and a half inches below
the body and yet he recovered and on October 8th,
about three weeks after, I find it recorded: "We
believe Genl. Hood will recover. He believes it, and
is already asking when he will be able to take the
field."
Many officers and soldiers were in Charlottesville
in the fall of 1863, recovering from their wounds,
and their presence in all the stages of convalescence
infused a spirit of gaiety to the little town. Picnics
were organized in the bright autumn days to historic
Monticello. It was difficult to secure any mode of
conveyance; but old "Uncle Guy's" hack, the only
available coach, was often called into requisition,
while the remainder of the party would be mounted
on sorry looking nags, and though the riding habits
were the worse for wear, rather nondescript
costumes the rule, and the attendant cavaliers in a
more or less disabled condition, yet we enjoyed
ourselves. That the gallant colonel had lost his eye
in his country's service made the unsightly black
patch a badge of honor - and the old ragged, faded
jacket with the hole in it, showing where the minié
ball had just missed the brave heart beneath it,
invested the boy captain with added charm. One day
we had a Tournament in the grounds at Monticello.
Some of the Knights - with only one arm to
use - holding the reins in the teeth and dashing
valiantly at the rings with wooden sticks, improvised
as spears for the occasion. I remember on that
day - among the company, there was a young officer
connected with the Commissary Department, and
stationed in Charlottesville. He had on a beautiful
new uniform and was mounted on a fine black horse;
where or how he had procured either we could not
divine; and he formed a great contrast in his finery to
the rest of the party. The girls eyed his elegance
askance, and one and all felt the contempt for him
that all Southern women had for a man in
those days who had never "smelt powder." The men
looked on in amusement at the caracollings of the
fiery steed which made evolutions and pranced and
danced for the benefit of the ladies. Finally on our
way home in his efforts to display his horsemanship
the noble steed became unmanageable, and his
rider's "vaulting ambition" having "o'er leaped itself,"
he literally "fell on t'other side" - in a huge mud
puddle in the road. How we all laughed, as he arose
crestfallen; the beautiful uniform a ghastly wreck
and his humiliation complete. I suppose we ought to
have been sorry for him - but in those days the "stay
at homes" had no sympathizers. For the men in the
field, and for the men in the hospitals, the Southern
woman's heart overflowed with love and gratitude
and her hand was ready ever to minister to their
wants.
There is a droll story told of one of these
ministering angels in the hospital when she
approached the bedside of an ill soldier. He looked
wan and weary and infinite pity filled her heart. "Can
I not do something for you?" she asked. "Would you
like me to bathe your face?" He raised his eyes and
looked at her, replying in dead earnest, with real
gratitude for her good intentions, and not the
slightest appreciation of the humor of the
situation:
"I have had it washed seventeen times to-day,
Miss, but you can do it again if you want to!"
In a letter from my mother, dated Charlottesville,
October 25th, she writes: "I hope you will be able to pay
us a visit at Xmas in Richmond. We are looking forward
with much pleasure to the winter, in spite of the prospect of
having nothing to eat nor wear! We hear to-day that Genl.
Hood is doing exceedingly well and would be in Richmond
this winter. He is going first to pay Gen. Hampton a visit in
Columbia. Mr. B. has been with him since his wound and
wrote to your father that he was in fine spirits and bore it
admirably. Genl. Hampton is expected on very soon."
The tidings reached us at this date that my brother had
had his horse killed under him and I find the record on a
little scrap of paper - the ink faded and barely legible.
"CAMP NEAR FOX'S FORD,
"Dear Mama,
"Your affectionate HALSEY."
"CAMP
AT MANASSAS, Oct. 16, 1863.
"Dear L.,
"CAMP AT BUCKLAND.
" . . . We have
had another fight to-day. We
marched from between Gainesville and Bristow
Station before day and passed that station and
Catlett's and then up the Warrenton road which
we left about half way between the two places,
taking the road leading to Buckland four miles from
Gainesville on the Warrenton and Alexandria
Turnpike. We got in position about twelve hundred
yards from Battery 'M,' 2nd U. S. Artillery, six
guns. We had two. We lost four wounded, Lt.
Shanks and Lt. Johnston among the number, neither
dangerously however. I shall get Lt. Shanks, who
starts for Warrenton directly, to take this. I think
that the Army is on the retreat and when we get back
I will write a full account of our doings.
"On the 19th Hampton's Division was on the
turnpike West of Gainesville and ours about midway
between Gainesville and Bristow Station. Before
daylight we marched to Bristow, then down to
Catlett's and from there across the country by
Auburn which lies about half way between Catlett's
and Warrenton. At Auburn we left the Warrenton
road and took that leading to Buckland which is four
miles from Gainesville to the West. Meanwhile
Stuart with Hampton's Division had been retiring
before the Yankees along the turnpike before
Warrenton. Then when the Yankees thought
everything was getting along finely, the whole of
Fitz Lee's Division came in on their flank and before
night we had them back on their Infantry supports
and some even of the latter on their way to
Richmond. . . . "
General Johnston wrote to my father from
MERIDIAN, NOV. 12th, 1863.
"My dear Wigfall,
"Very truly yours,
THE PRESIDENT OF THE CONFEDERACY - WHAT ONE WOMAN
ENDURED - HIGH PRICE OF FOOD AND CLOTHING - A FALSE
ALARM - A PROPOSAL TO RECRUIT THE ARMY OF THE
CONFEDERACY WITH SLAVES.
AT this time the deepest anxiety was felt for the
success of our cause in the West - and my father's
advocacy of General J. E. Johnston's being given
the control of affairs in that department was
earnest and persistent. But it was disregarded
by the President; and led to a severance of their
friendly relations. While he never varied in his
estimate of the President's sincerity, integrity and
patriotism, nor ceased to admire the pure and
noble character of the man - he never could
justify his absolute refusal to waive his private
judgment in the crisis of his country's trial and
hearken to the appeals of men whose patriotism
and judgment he should have regarded as
certainly the equals of his own. That he erred, erred
fatally, no one cognizant of the state of affairs at
the time can doubt; but it is equally sure that the
penalty of his mistakes was borne with a dignity
and serene courage which excited the admiration
of the world. In modern times there has been no such
spectacle as that frail old man, the chief magistrate of eight
millions of people, lying manacled in a dungeon, bearing
vicariously the sufferings and penalties of his people! He
may have erred - but when the fetters were placed upon
him the Southern people forgot everything but that he was
their first and only President.
In a letter written by my father at this time he says:
"Davis is still in the West and is not expected back for a
week or ten days. He seems determined to sustain Bragg
and Pemberton, cost what it may to the Country. John A.
Wharton of Texas has been lately made a Major General
of Cavalry. He told me when here that the dissatisfaction
with Bragg was universal in the Western Army and a
general desire to be commanded by Johnston. I got a letter
from Seddon a few days ago saying that the President was
determined to keep Bragg in command, not that he thought
him a great General, but that he was better than any with
whom he could replace him. That is, than Johnston or
Longstreet."
My mother writes:
"CHARLOTTESVILLE, Nov. 26th,
1863.
". . . We hear
to-night that the Army is
to move, it is
thought to Fredericksburg.
"The news from the
West has made every one
look very blue - and I should think Mr. Davis
would feel very uncomfortable with such a weight
to carry. . . . What is to happen next no one can
tell. We are all quite busy getting ready to go to Richmond.
We leave here Monday, Dec. 1st. . . . I had a letter from
Mrs. Johnston a few days ago. She was with her husband
at Meridian. I expect he feels very keenly his present
position; it is certainly an odd one - for such a general, at
such a time - no army and nothing to do. I suppose you
have seen by the papers that Genl. Hood is in Richmond.
We hear that Dr. Darby is going to Europe to buy a leg for
him, so Gen'l Ewell told your father; he is up here at
present with his wife."
I find in another letter of December 5th: "Gen. Hood is
in town and Dr. Darby has gone to Europe to procure a leg
for the General with the money contributed by the Texas
Brigade. Gen. Hood looks remarkably well and bears his
misfortune with the greatest cheerfulness."
General Johnston
writes:
"BRANDON, Dec. 14th, 1863.
"My dear Wigfall:
"Let me suggest that the campaign really commenced
in the beginning of December, 1862 - and that my
connection with it dates from November 24th of that
year - the day on which I was assigned to supervision of
Bragg's, Pemberton's and Kirby Smith's Commands. If
investigation is made it should include that time, to make it
complete. Or if correspondence or papers are called for
begin with the order of November 24th just referred to. At
that time we had the means of preventing the invasion of
Mississippi and those means were pointed out by me in
writing, as well as orally, to the Secretary of War in your
presence. Such a publication would justify me fully in the
opinions of all thinking men. It would show that while it was
practicable I proposed the true system of warfare. That I
could not go to Mississippi sooner than I did, and that I
was 'too late' to repair the consequences of previous
measures and never had the means of rescuing Vicksburg
or its garrison.
"Very truly yours,
The following letter
from a South Carolina mother gives
a picture of the time and the suffering of our women during
the war. The writer was one of a family who for
generations had had large wealth and had lived all her life
surrounded by luxury.
"Dec. 15th, 1863.
"I have passed
many anxious months lately, in this siege
of Charleston. My only child and son was at Fort Sumter, a
First Lieutenant in the 1st Regular Artillery Regiment. He
passed through the first attack in April safely - though
occupying a post of danger, but, on the 17th of August, in
the attack upon Sumter from the enemy's land batteries, on
Morris Island, my poor boy was wounded by a fragment of
a 200-pound parrots shell: he was slightly cut in the back of
the head and wounded in two places in the shoulder; and
picked up insensible. I went to him as soon as the news
reached us of his being wounded, but was but two days in
Charleston, when we were roused from our slumbers, at
two hours past midnight, by the enemy shelling the town
filled with sleeping, helpless women and children. The next
day I left with my wounded boy to return to my quiet home
in Georgia. He was with me but ten days, when he returned
to Charleston, though he had not then recovered the use of
his right hand and arm, which had been, from the severe
contusions on the shoulder, entirely paralyzed. He had been
in command of his company, at Sumter, since the first of the
attack, his captain being absent on sick leave, so that he
was anxious to return to duty and has been ever since, for
the last three months, at a battery on James Island, near
Fort Johnson, where I am again anxious
about him. He is a devoted son, and the trial to me of
having the boy so constantly exposed to danger is
almost more than I can bear. . . . I had hoped you
were spared the anxiety of having an only son in the
service, so young as he is, I can truly feel for you,
but then he is not your only child. You have
daughters at home to cheer and comfort you. I never
wished until this cruel war that my son had been a
daughter, but we must believe it is ordered for the
best. I was made very happy last week by my son's
return to us on a short leave - he makes everything
bright and joyous for me and I miss him sadly when
away. If we had only had a navy to fight for us, as the
army has done, this war would have ended in a few
months, I imagine; and now, who can see the end of
it? With the coming spring instead of peace and joy,
when the earth is all beautiful and smiling, we are
told to prepare for another fierce attack of our cruel
foe and more carnage and blood and slaughter await
us. My heart sickens at the thought. I heard from
Aunt N. from New York, December 6th. She seems
very miserable about us all, and wishes I were in
New York to share some of the many comforts they
enjoy. Much as I once liked New York, I never desire
to see it again and would rather starve and die
here than live and grow fat under Lincoln! They
have no idea, even our Southern friends there, of
the feelings aroused in our hearts by this war. I am
busy getting John ready to return to his post on
James Island. As it breaks my heart to think of the
poor boy being on picket all night in the rain and
having only dry hominy and cold water for breakfast,
I am scouring the country to buy syrup and eggs and
a few comforts to keep him from starving.
Poor little mother heart, how it beat and
throbbed with pain and anxiety, and with it all,
no talk of wanting to give up the fight. Such
women as these were the rule, not the exception;
such women as these were the mothers, who
made the soldiers in the armies of the Confederacy.
The winter of '63-'64 saw us back in Richmond.
The Army of Northern Virginia was inactive
during the latter part of the winter but made a
campaign of heroic endurance without parallel,
for suffering and privation. With no proper
shelter, half clothed, many without shoes, and
barely enough food to keep away starvation, they
bore the rigors of the season, the cold rains and
snows, the dreary days and long nights of discomfort
with no blankets to cover them, without a murmur.
The currency was now so depreciated that the
pay of the highest officers was inadequate for
their wants. With cornmeal at $50 a bushel;
beans at $60; bacon at $8 and sugar at $20 a
pound it was almost impossible to procure the
necessaries of life in Richmond - and yet I do not
remember during that winter of suffering and
anxiety, ever to have heard the eventual success
of our cause questioned. The spirits of the people
generally were bright and buoyant. The question
of clothes became a burning one, and many were
the devices resorted to in order to meet the needs
of the occasion. Early in March Dahlgren's raid
around Richmond took place and struck terror
into the hearts of the women and children when
the character of the orders captured on his person
were known. It was stated and believed at the
time that he and his command had volunteered for
this expedition. He was repulsed and lost his
life in the attempt, which resulted in absolute
failure. The orders found on his person were
explicit, and most extraordinary, when viewed
in the light of the usual rules governing civilized
warfare. He was ordered to burn the city of
Richmond, and the oakum and turpentine to
carry out this purpose were found with him. He
was ordered to sack and loot the city, then filled
with helpless women and children - and to the
mercy of God we owe it that he was prevented
from carrying out his purpose, and that an awful
crime against civilization and humanity was not
committed. My father said at the time, and I have
lived to see his prophecy come true, that in future
years no one would believe that such orders
had been given or such an expedition organized,
but these are facts nevertheless. All during
that early spring the alarms in Richmond of an attack on the
city were frequent; and at any hour of the day or night
would be heard the sound of the alarm bells ringing and all
the remaining men in the town, the clerks and civil officers,
would gather up their arms and rally to the defence of their
homes and the protection of their families. It was a
wretched time of anxiety almost unbearable.
I recall one night particularly when I had been beguiled
into reading until a late hour the charmed pages of
Dickens's "Tale of Two Cities." It was about one o'clock
and all the household were fast asleep; when far down
Main Street I heard the clattering of many hoofs, and the
shouts of soldiery. I rushed to my father's door, and called
him. He dressed with all haste, and buckled on his sword
and pistol, which lay always ready to hand. Then he calmed
and quieted the terrified women and children who had been
aroused by the noise. A moment we waited, as the sounds
came nearer and nearer. We were sure the Yankees were
upon us - and I must confess that for the first and only time
during the war I felt terrified. As the troops came in sight
they slackened their pace and to our joy, we found it was a
company of Fitz Lee's Cavalry clattering through the town
and for pure mischief rousing the sleeping inhabitants. How
we cheered them when we saw the "red heart" gleaming on
their grey coats, and knew that we
could go to our beds in peace and sleep safe and
sound with Fitz Lee's men on guard!
The following letter from
General Johnston
suggested a method for recruiting the army.
"DALTON, Jan. 4th, 1864.
"My dear Wigfall:
"I propose to substitute slaves for all soldiers
employed out of the ranks - on detached service,
extra duty, as cooks, engineers, laborers, pioneers,
or any kind of work. Such details for this little
army amount to more than 10,000 men. Negroes
would serve for such purposes, better than soldiers.
The impressment of negroes has been practiced ever
since the War commenced - but we have never been
able to keep the impressed negroes with an army near
the enemy. They desert. If you can devise and pass a
law to enable us to hold slaves or other negroes with
armies, this one can, in a few weeks, be increased by
the number given above - of soldiers - not
conscripts. Is not this worth trying? We require
promptness here
and this is the only prompt way of sending us
soldiers. The proposed modifications of the conscript
law are good, but then operations cannot help us in the
present emergency. The plan is simple and quick. It
puts soldiers and negroes each in his appropriate
place; the one to fight, the other to work. I need not
go into particulars in this matter. You understand it
as well as I. Now do apply your energy and zeal to it.
There is no other mode by which this army can be
recruited before spring - and there is no other so
good as this. Speak to General Sparrow and Mr.
Miles for me on this subject. I would write to them
both but am so pressed for time as to be unable to
do so.
"As ever yours,
FROM CAPTAIN WIGFALL ON GENERAL HOOD'S STAFF -
AFTER THE BATTLE OF THE WILDERNESS - THE WOUNDED ARRIVE
AT CHARLOTTESVILLE - JOURNEY FROM ATLANTA TO MACON
IN A HOSPITAL TRAIN - GENERAL JOHNSTON SUPERSEDED
BY GENERAL HOOD - MRS. CLAY'S TRIBUTE TO THE FORMER -
THE EVACUATION OF ATLANTA.
IN THE month of February, 1864, my brother joined
General Hood in the West, as one of his staff, and
writes from Dalton, date March 21st:
". . . I have just returned from a ride with some of
'the staff' looking at the country. I think Gen. Hood
is quite anxious for a fight and I have no doubt will
distinguish himself whenever it does come. He
brought a carriage up from Atlanta when he came,
but has sent it back, and rides everywhere on
horseback. He is out nearly every day and rides from
twelve to fifteen and twenty miles without
dismounting.
" . . . I heard a sermon yesterday from Gen.
Pendleton, who I wrote in my last to Papa is out here
inspecting the artillery of the army. He read the
service, and it had a very familiar
sound with the exception of the hymns, which
were from the prayer book, but sung to the regular
old Camp-meeting tunes, through the nose. . . .
April 9. . . . The sham battle of General Hardee's
Corps took place on Thursday, and was witnessed by
a large number of ladies from all parts of the State.
There was a party of them at Gen. Hood's for several
days and the evening after the battle we had a dance
at Hd. Qurs. to which was gathered 'the beauty and
the chivalry.' It was a decided success and was
almost fashionably crowded. I indulged slightly in
the galop and deuxtemps and wish L. could have
seen me. There are to be some tableaux a few miles
below here at a country house on the railroad
Monday evening, to which the General and his staff
are invited. I expect there will be a good deal of
gaiety in Dalton, (that is, for the army) until the war
begins, which from all appearance is as far off as
ever. Tell Papa that the army is very much 'down on'
Congress for the ration bill and ask him to be sure
and have it remedied as soon as the session begins. I
have heard several plans proposed by officers for
inviting one or two members of Congress now with
the army to a 'one ration a day dinner.' Something of
this sort, for instance: The entertainer would be very
generous and have the whole day's ration served for
dinner. He would divide the pound and a quarter of
meal, the quarter of a pound of hominy and the
third of a pound of bacon into three parts and give his
guest one, take one himself and set one aside for his
servant. However, we all live in hope of the better
time coming."
"April 29. . . . There was a review to-day of all the
infantry and artillery of the army. The reviewing
officer was Gen. Johnston, who rode down the line,
halting opposite each brigade to receive its salute.
He then took his position and the troops marched in
review past him. Mrs. Johnston was there and a good
many other ladies and I expect enjoyed the spectacle
though the wind was high and the dust insufferable.
Mrs. Johnston spoke to-day of your and Fanny's
being with her this summer. I have no doubt you will
have a very pleasant time indeed, and if the Army is
inactive I shall doubtless be able to run down to see
you. . . .
"We are barely managing to exist on the third
of a pound of bacon. We keep up our spirits
however, and hope for the time when Congress
shall intervene in our behalf and satisfy the Oliver
Twists of the Army. A friend of one of our mess
the other day sent a turkey and you should have
seen our countenances as we prepared to devour
him. . . . "
In the Spring of 1864 board in the country towns
in Virginia was hard to obtain at any price and $300
was charged a month in Charlottesville for poor
accommodations and wretched fare.
I find this item, May 3rd, 1864: "It is very
uncomfortable at Mrs. - as they allowance each
person to butter, etc. Things are in a dreadful state.
Have you tried to get your shoes mended? I am
completely unshod, as my boot gave way entirely
yesterday in my walk with F."
The battle of the Wilderness took place at this
time and a letter from Charlottesville, May 9th,
gives the following:
". . . Charlottesville is in a whirl of excitement and
the ladies go in crowds to the dépôt to assist the
wounded, who come in train after train. We are
all going this afternoon laden with ice-water,
buttermilk, etc., to see what we can do. Dr. C. is
going with us and I hope we will do some good. It
was urged by Mr. Meade in church yesterday that the
ladies should render their assistance, as upwards of
four or five thousand are expected this afternoon.
"There is nothing new this morning. Everything is
very favorable and yesterday evening there was a
rumor that Grant, being defeated, was entrenching,
and Lee, also; the latter to send troops to Richmond,
which is threatened on the south side and has only
14,000 at present. Beauregard in command. It is also
said that Pickett had driven the enemy back below
Petersburg. There are thousands of rumors and we
are satisfied with knowing we have been victorious thus
far. Gen. Longstreet passed through here yesterday,
painfully, but not seriously, wounded in the shoulder.
"I told you in my last the package had come
safely and I will be very careful of it. The prices for
mending shoes are so exorbitant that I expect I had
better wait and have them mended in the country."
As the summer advanced the journey to Texas,
which necessitated crossing the Mississippi river,
and which had been abandoned by my father and
mother the previous summer on account of the
perils to be incurred, became imperative. It was
determined to undertake it at all hazards, though it
involved a separation of months from their children,
uncertainty of the fate of an only son, who was daily
exposed to danger in the army, and the encountering
of difficulties which were enough to have deterred
even the bold spirit of my father, to say nothing of
my mother, whom the anticipation must have filled
with dread. With the quiet heroism of the women of
that day, she never faltered where duty led, and I find
no record of any hesitation or question as to her
sharing my father's dangers on that journey to the
home from which he had now been absent nearly
four years. As it was, of course, impossible that we
should accompany them, my sister and I (then girls
of twelve and seventeen years of age, respectively,)
were left in the charge of Mrs. Joseph E. Johnston
at Atlanta; General Johnston being then in command
of the Army of Tennessee.
Mrs. Johnston was temporarily settled in a little
house, furnished with cots, tables and chairs
borrowed from the hospitals, and some few articles
lent by kind friends in an effort to make the wife of
the commanding General a little more comfortable.
We had also the General's mess chest with its
supply of table cutlery, spoons, etc., "six of
everything," and the other members of the party
brought in to the general aid of the establishment all
we could "muster" in the way of additions to the
store. Here we were quiet for a few weeks, when the
position of affairs at Atlanta became so uncertain
that General Johnston thought it best for us to be
sent to Macon. In a letter written to my mother on
her journey (which reached her at Meridian,
Mississippi,) I say:
"MACON, July 11th, 1864.
". . . You see by
the heading of my letter that
already we have been forced to leave Atlanta -
not that it has fallen, but Mrs. Johnston
received a letter from the General in which he
advised her to send us off at once - to remain until
the fate of the city was decided either one way
or the other. Col. Brewster and Brother (who
came from camp near Atlanta for a conference)
agreed with her in thinking it best for us to go -
as the machinery, government stores and wounded
from the hospitals were being removed, and there
was no telling how soon it might be exceedingly
difficult if not impossible to get away. Mrs.
Johnston will remain till the last moment practicable,
and then, in case of a rush to the cars, she
has her carriage in which she can come. The plan
is now, if Atlanta falls, for her to come immediately
to Macon, and try to get a house. Col. Ewell (of
Gen. Johnston's staff) is obliged to have an office
in the rear of the Army, and this will be as convenient
a place as he can procure. If she fails in getting
the house or rooms here, she will try to be
accommodated at some little village on the way
between here and Atlanta; and I rather think she
would prefer this arrangement as it would bring her
nearer the army. If au contraire Atlanta should not
fall, we will return to her as soon as that fact is
decided; and the same will be done as soon as she
gets settled in her new quarters, (wherever they
may be) if obliged to move. In the meantime we
are with Mrs. Clay."
I shall never forget the horrors of that journey
from Atlanta to Macon. We left in a hospital
train, filled with wounded, sick and dying soldiers,
in all imaginable stages of disease and suffering.
My little sister and myself and one other lady
were the only other passengers on the train,
except the officer put in charge of us to see us safe
to our journey's end. I never imagined what a
hideous, cruel thing War was until I was brought into
direct, contact with these poor victims of "Man's
inhumanity to man." For this was no modern hospital
train with scientific arrangements for hygiene and
the relief of suffering. There was scant supply of the
common comforts, and even decencies of life - no
cushions nor air pillows for weary heads; no ice to
cool the fevered thirst; no diet kitchen for broths
and delicate food for these half starved sufferers; no
wine or brandy to revive the failing pulse and
stimulate the weakened vitality; not even medicine
enough to check the ravages of disease; nor
anæsthetics nor anodynes to ease their agonies - for
the supply of medicines and anodynes was daily
diminishing, and they could not be replaced, as our
foes had declared them "contraband of war!" There
was not even a place in that crowded car where the
sick could lie down; but, packed in as close as
possible on the hard uncomfortable seats, they made
that journey, as best they might, in uncomplaining
martyrdom. I reached Macon sick at heart over the
suffering I had witnessed and was so powerless to
avert.
We heard from our travellers from various points
on their route before they reached the Mississippi
river; the last tidings being dated "Jackson, July 29."
They were then on the eve
of starting, having been detained there three days, making
arrangements for the adventure.
An ambulance, drawn by mules, had been secured, and
in this, as small a portion of luggage had been stowed as it
was possible to manage with, and the journey to the river
began. It was four months before we heard from them
again. In the meantime, events had been occurring
rapidly - and on July 17th, General Johnston was
removed from the command of the Army, and General
Hood put in his place. I find in a letter from my brother,
who was on General Hood's staff, the following account:
"ATLANTA, July 31st, 1864.
" . . . You
doubtless have heard before this reaches you
of the removal of General Johnston, and the placing of
Gen. Hood in command of the Army. The dispatch was
received the night of the seventeenth, and Genl. Johnston's
farewell address bore that date. The three corps
commanders next day telegraphed to Richmond requesting
that the order should be revoked, but it was refused. This
is what I understood and I think it is true. Genl. Hood
accordingly assumed command that day, the 18th. Gen.
Johnston went into Atlanta that morning and left for Macon
next day. I rode into town in the evening to say good-bye
and saw Mrs. Johnston and himself. No one could ever
have told from his countenance or manner that anything
unusual had occurred.
Indeed he seemed in rather better spirits than usual
though it must have been at the cost of much exertion.
An universal gloom seemed cast over the army, for
they were entirely devoted to him. Gen. Hood, however,
has all the qualities to attach men to him, and it was
not a comparison between the two, but love for, and
confidence in, Gen. Johnston which caused the
feeling I have before alluded to. Gen. Hood, as you
will see, assumed command under circumstances of
no ordinary difficulty. He has applied himself,
however, heart and soul to the task and I sincerely
trust will bring us out of the campaign with benefit to
the country and honor to himself. The Administration,
of course, is compelled to support him both with
moral and material aid, and that assistance which was
asked for by General Johnston unsuccessfully will no
doubt be afforded now. A portion if not all of Gen.
Roddy's command is now on the way, if it did not
reach here to-night. If Gen. Forrest is thrown on the
road in their rear everything will be as we want it.
Time will tell us all. On the 20th, Stewart and Hardee
advanced on the enemy in their front and drove them a
short distance before them capturing some prisoners
and one or two stands of colors. On the 22nd, Gen.
Hardee's corps which had been moved the night
before to a position on their flank, attacked and
drove the enemy from their vidette line, their skirmish
line and two main lines of works, and held them,
capturing some twelve hundred prisoners, eight
guns, and thirteen stands of colors. Gen. Wheeler
with his cavalry drove a brigade of infantry from
their works and through Decatur which is seven
miles from town on the Augusta R. R., capturing
some two or three hundred prisoners and one gun.
A portion of Cheatham's corps, (Gen. Hood's old
corps) drove the enemy from the first main line of
works in their front, but were forced to retire,
bringing off however three or four hundred
prisoners, five stands of colors and six pieces of
Artillery.
"The fruits of the victory were fifteen guns,
eighteen colors and between eighteen and nineteen
hundred prisoners. There was another fight on the
28th in which three Divisions were engaged. They
drove the enemy into slight works which they had
erected, but did not take the works. The attack was
made to prevent the enemy's gaining possession of a
road. Major Preston, son of Gen. John S. Preston,
was killed in the fight of the 20th by a cannon shot.
He was universally regretted. Gen. Stevens of South
Carolina was mortally wounded in the same fight and
has since died. On the 22nd, Gen. W. H. T. Walker
was killed and Gen. Gist and Gen. Smith, commanding
Granbury's Texas brigade, wounded. On the 28th
Gen. Stewart, Gen. Loring, and Gen. Johnson, who
received his appointment as Brig. Gen. on the
march to the fight, were wounded. Gen. Ector
was wounded during an artillery duel - and has lost his
leg. Col. Young, whom you remember to have seen at
Charlottesville, is now commanding the brigade. Gen.
Mackall, Gen. Johnston's Chief of Staff, has been relieved
at his own request, and Genl. Shoep, formerly Chief of
Artillery of the Army, is now Gen. Hood's Chief of Staff.
Col. Beckham is Chief of Artillery of the Army and will I
suppose be made Brigadier. I am messing at present with
Gen. Hood, am living in a house, and have a room all to
myself. I write very frequently to L., generally every two or
three days. The last letter I received was dated the 24th.
Mrs. Johnston had obtained a large house in a very
pleasant part of the town and would move into it in a few
days. L. and F. will be with her there and L. says she
thinks she will spend a very pleasant summer comparatively
'when these awful battles are over.'
"Genl. Stephen D. Lee has taken command of Gen.
Hood's old corps. He told me he had heard you were on
your way across the river and I suppose by this time you
are safely in Louisiana. The Yankee cavalry has been very
actively at work on the railroads in Georgia and Alabama
for the last week or two. A force which had cut the road
between here and Macon, only tearing up a mile and a half,
were pursued by our Cavalry and when they reached the
West Point R. R. came upon some of Roddy's forces on
the cars, were
held in check until some of the pursuers came up, and
from all accounts it seems that the only ones of them
who will get back to their lines will be the fugitives
who can make their way through the woods. Remember
me to all the servants."
As recorded in the preceding letter, General Johnston,
immediately on his removal, left for Macon with Mrs.
Johnston and his staff. The feeling of indignation at his
removal was generally expressed and the people did all in
their power to show their sympathy and respect. He bore
his trouble with an outward stoicism which was pathetic,
since we, who knew and loved him, were so fully aware of
the agony of mind and heart he suffered. But no word
escaped his lips, whatever his thoughts may have been. I
shall never forget a scene which occurred at the church
door on General Johnston's first appearance at service
after his removal. Mrs. Clement Clay, wife of the former
United States Senator from Alabama, had, with her
husband, the warmest admiration and affectionate
friendship for General Johnston. She was as impulsive and
demonstrative, as he was shy and reserved. Her feelings of
indignation at his removal were at a white heat. She not
only felt incensed, but she wanted everyone to know that
fact and the depth of her sympathy. They had not met since
his arrival in Macon, and, catching sight of the old hero, as
with reverent
mien and modest air he moved with the crowd
through the church door, she rushed up to him with
hands outstretched, and rising on tip toe imprinted
on his bronzed cheek a warm kiss of love and
sympathy, in the face of the whole congregation.
The effect was magical. A low murmur went around
among the people, tears sprung into many eyes, as
they saw the blush mount to his brow at this
spontaneous tribute to the love which we bore him.
Mrs. Clay had only expressed our feelings, and,
surrounded by a half laughing, half tearful crowd,
the old General made his way down the church steps
and hurried homewards.
We were delightfully fixed in a large roomy
house, of the architecture and style so often seen
in the extreme South - three stories high, with tall
pillars reaching from the roof to the piazza, thus
affording shade to the whole structure without
preventing the passage of air. The house was
on the outskirts of Macon and faced a beautiful
valley - beyond which rose a range of hills. From
this broad piazza I saw the only battle I witnessed
during the War. Stoneman, with three brigades,
attempted to take Macon, but he was met by
the Militia, which was composed mostly of men
unfit for active service, and of the convalescent
soldiers, and was kept away from the town.
When he attempted to retreat he was met by
our cavalry, and surrendered himself with five
hundred of his command. Our people pursued
the remainder, capturing many more and all the
artillery. From "our coign of vantage" on the piazza,
we could see the smoke issuing from the guns and
then after an interval hear the report, though we
were too far off to see much of the fight.
At this time we received information that my
father and mother had crossed the river in safety;
but the details of that perilous trip were not told till
their return in December.
All during that anxious summer we hoped and
feared, as the news would be brought us now of
victory, and now of defeat, while our gallant
General, chafing in his enforced inactivity, spoke
never a word of approval or disapproval of the
conduct of the campaign.
I find in a letter, written by myself to my mother,
the following:
"MACON, Sept. 4th, 1864.
" . . . I have no
news to give you and must confess
that things just at present look rather blue. The
intelligence that comes from the front is all
confused. We know that Hardee attacked the
enemy and with his one corps held his position
till night, when he was flanked and driven back
four miles. . . . Hood, with the rest of the army,
is in Atlanta; the army thus being cut right in
two. Reports cam yesterday and to-day that
Atlanta has been evacuated. I have heard nothing
from Brother, but suppose from that fact that
he is all well. Every face looks anxiously expectant
and we can only hope for the best. Before this
reaches you it will be decided, I suppose.
"Genl. Johnston received a very flattering letter
from the citizens of Macon not long ago, offering
him the house, in which we now are, for as long a
period as he desires it. The old General was very
much gratified at the compliment, but of course
signified his refusal."
My brother, who was on General Hood's staff,
writes to my father after the evacuation of Atlanta,
giving an account of the affair:
"CAMP near LOVEJOY'S STATION,
"When my last was
written Sherman had not
developed his intentions, and we were all in the
dark as to what he would do next. After drawing
back his line from our right and centre, he pushed
these troops round in rear of his original right and
crossing the West Point and Atlanta R. R. struck
for the Macon road. On the night of the 30th Aug.,
Hardee's Corps started from the neighborhood
of East Point, six miles below Atlanta, for
Jonesboro', sixteen miles further in the direction
of Macon - opposite which was McPherson's
Army. You know Sherman's Army is composed of
McPherson's old Army, commanded since his
death by Howard; Thomas's Army and Schofield's
Army. Lee's Corps followed Hardee and next day
they attacked this fraction of the Yankee force, but
failed to make any impression. There was therefore
nothing left but to evacuate the place, which was
done that next night. Lee's Corps was drawn away
from Hardee after the fight and covered the flank
of the troops marching from Atlanta to effect a
junction with Hardee. . . . Gen. Hood is making
every exertion to get ready for the fall campaign
and preserves his equanimity perfectly.
"A few days after the army was reunited, Sherman
retired his forces to the neighborhood of Atlanta
and the campaign came to an end. He is doubtless
preparing for another advance before the stoppage
of operations by bad weather. He stripped the
citizens of the country that he has abandoned to us,
and yesterday there was application made at
Jonesboro' for rations for one thousand destitute
people in that vicinity. He has signalized his
retirement to Atlanta by an order exiling every white
man, woman and child from the place, regardless of
political opinion. The reason given is that it is to the
interest of the United States.
"I feel confident that the first of December will
see Sherman North of the Etowah River. His
line of communication is too long, his means of
transportation consisting as it does of a railroad.
You must be sure and come up to the Army as you
pass on your way to Richmond. I have a great deal
to say that I do not like to entrust to a letter.
"Genl. Patton Anderson was severely wounded on
the 31st, as was Genl. Cumming, of Georgia, and
Gen. Finly, of Florida. I suppose you will have heard
of Governor Lubbock's appointment as Aide to the
President. He was in Atlanta just before the
evacuation, accompanied by Tom Ochiltree. Genl.
G. W. Smith's Georgia Militia have been furloughed
for thirty days to give them an opportunity to gather
their crops" (!)
THE MISSES WIGFALL IN
CHARGE OF MRS. JOSEPH E.
JOHNSTON - A CHEERFUL HOUSEHOLD - MRS. TOBY'S "PARTY"-
THE APPROACH OF GENERAL SHERMAN CAUSES A RUSH
FROM MACON - A LOUISIANA SWAMP - CROSSING
THE MISSISSIPPI IN DUGOUTS.
WHEN October came General Johnston gave up the
house which had sheltered us during the past anxious
months, as it was not deemed prudent, in the present state
of uncertainty, to attempt any settled plans. There was no
telling how soon, now, we might be obliged to evacuate
Macon. Genl. Johnston's opinion was, that after the
conclusion of the sort of armistice then existing, that active
operations would begin again immediately. Sherman, taking
advantage of the short respite, had already laid in immense
supplies in Atlanta and said openly that he could march to
Augusta, Mobile or Macon. We therefore, in view of these
uncertainties, broke up our household and went to Vineville,
a suburb of Macon, where we joined forces with the family
of General Mackall, General Johnston's Chief of Staff, and
messed together in a snug little house at the end of the village
street. Here we formed a cheerful household
with the young people of the family, and the young
officers on the staff. Little did we care that the
mid-day meal consisted of one course of corn
bread and sorghum molasses. We kept brave
faces and spoke brave words to cheer each other,
though there was gnawing anxiety tugging at our
heart strings day and night for our noble armies
in the field, and deadly fears for the loved ones
exposed to hourly danger. In spite of all this, or, it
may be, because of all this trouble and sorrow, on
the principle of whistling to keep one's courage up,
there were many homes, in other days famed for
their generous hospitality, which still in this fair
Georgian town opened their doors and called the
young people aside to make merry, if possible, for
even a few hours - and many a pleasant evening we
spent with music and song and dancing. The young
officers passing to and fro on sick leave, or during
periods of cessation of hostilities, having a two or
three days' furlough, would find delight in these
little glimpses of a brighter side of life. There was
in Macon, at this time, a Mrs. Toby, a charming
matron, who was noted for her love of young
people, and her delight was to have informal
gatherings upon every available occasion. There was
also in our household a young officer of the staff
who was of a serious turn of mind, cared little for
the society of the more frivolous sex and who
consequently was a continual target for
the mischievous pranks of the young ladies, who
teased him unmercifully. Practical jokes were
played upon him, which he bore with an equanimity
and amiability unexampled, and hard to comprehend,
until the sequel showed that he was only biding his
time for a goodly revenge.
This came, after a consultation with Mrs.
Johnston, who was full of life and vivacity and ever
ready to further the gaiety of young people, and who
suggested, that in the well known hospitality of Mrs.
Toby, he might find the long sought opportunity for
vengeance.
The plot, as concocted, was that the young ladies
of the house were to be invited to a "party" at Mrs.
Toby's, that lady's name being used for an
entertainment which had existence only in the
imagination of the conspirators, and which, of
course, was never to take place. The following
letters were composed and written by Mrs. Johnston
and the young officer and delivered at intervals - as
required by the situation. In reading over these
foolish little letters, which caused such merriment
at the time, I have thought what a pathetic picture
was presented - of that brave old General, with heart
bowed down with sorrow for his country's peril, and
bitterness at his own enforced inability to help her
in her hour of need, forgetting for the moment the
tragedy of the times, to indulge in the innocent
mirth produced by a practical joke. The first letter
was as follows:
"My dear Mrs. Mackall:
"Very truly,
The reception of this
invitation, which was
delivered in all seriousness and without our having
a suspicion of the wicked intention veiled in its
smooth phrases, created a flutter of excitement
among the girls in the household. Acceptance of
the offered delight was a foregone conclusion, but
the burning question of apparel loomed up in the
foreground. What could we wear? We retired
to the upper regions and called Mrs. Johnston to
our council. We rummaged among our meagre
resources, and spread out for critical inspection
the results of our search. I selected an old crimson silk
which had done faithful service in the past on many a
festive occasion, and a faded lavender gown, with an
ancient cut, and skimped proportions, was the choice
of the other eager young aspirant for pleasure. An old
sycamore tree grew in the yard and its boughs were heavy
with lovely green balls, which suggested themselves to my
excited fancy as a beautiful decoration for the hair. This
latter, by the way, had to be crimped and curled - so we
remained up stairs all day, close prisoners, ripping and
remaking the old dresses; and refused even to come
down to the corn bread and sorghum repast, owing to
the crimped and frizzed condition of our tresses. Mrs.
Johnston would appear at intervals with suggestions and
advice and on returning to the lower regions, if our ears
had been attuned to suspicion, we might have wondered
at the sounds of laughter and merriment that invariably
greeted her return. As night approached and we began to
make our toilettes - the conspirators relented. We heard
afterwards that the dear old General remonstrated and said
"it was a shame" to impose further on our innocence
and credulity. So Mrs. Johnston appeared up stairs with
the second note - and still we never suspected.
"Dear Mrs. Mackall:
about the weather than I am - and having notified me
that I was not to be 'surprised' tonight have greatly
disappointed me. If the young ladies partake of my
annoyance, I hope they will also partake of the pleasure I
anticipate of seeing them some early evening under more
auspicious circumstances. I would even now beg your
family and friends to come, but am afraid the gumbo would
be a poor inducement.
"Truly yours,
Upon the receipt of
this artful epistle, we sighed our
disappointment, donned our sober garments and went
down stairs, where we were greeted by the conspirators
with many expressions of regret. The next morning at the
breakfast table - the third and last note was handed in by
the grinning darkey, who knew some joke was being
perpetrated. I can see now the old General's grim visage
relaxing into a smile, as with shouts of laughter the note was
passed round the table and read by each in turn.
"VINEVILLE, NOV. 4, 64.
"My dear Mrs. Mackall:
amazement, when I tell you that though always
glad to do anything for the enjoyment of young
people, I was wholly innocent of any such purpose
on this occasion. I fear they have been made
victims of one of those silly, stupid, practical
jokes, in which I never could see any amusement!
I do not envy the person whoever he be, who can
enjoy the disappointment of two such charming
creatures as the 'Fair Rose of Texas' and 'the
Nymph of the Alabama' in the realization of
fancied triumphs of dazzling glances, and bewitching
smiles, dreams of delicious tête-a-têtes, divine
galops and ecstatic waltzes - ambrosial gumbo. (?)
They have my heartfelt sympathy. Amanda tells
me too, that all day long they were pent up, up
stairs, patient martyrs to 'crimps,' (Mr. Toby
can't bear me in 'crimps' - says I look like the
head of Medusa - horrid man!) - that the entire
toilette was arranged. Just think of the crimson
silk and the sycamore balls - the killing lavender!
"I cannot close without expressing my contempt
for the person who so cruelly and maliciously
amused himself at their expense. It can be no other
than a young man, one of those unappreciative,
indifferent, ungallant, 'frisky' creatures of these
degenerate days. I am sure that that highly
chivalrous gentleman, Capt. Mackall, will become
perfectly furious at this disclosure of the plot,
and will not be pacified, swearing vengeance
on the author! Woe be to him! if caught. I am
too angry to write more. The sad thought of
'how it might have been!'
"Yours truly,
"P. S.
"T. B."
It is needless to add
that Mrs. Toby was guiltless
of any and all of these effusions but Mrs. Johnston
and Captain Mackall could not claim equal ignorance
of their composition.
This little laughing interlude was of short duration,
for graver matters soon absorbed our attention.
Sherman was threatening Macon and we were
making ready to leave on his nearer approach.
The small-pox was becoming also a serious menace
and knowing the crowded condition of the little
town and the insurmountable difficulties surrounding
its sanitary conditions, we were very uneasy.
Vaccination was universal and we wore little bags
of asafetida next the skin to ward off the infection.
I don't remember whether this was Mrs. Johnston's
own idea of an efficient preventive, or not, but I
know all the young people in our household were
similarly decorated.
At last the dreaded day came when we were
forced to fly for safety. The rush for the cars was
tremendous. Through the kindness of Mr. Cuyler,
the President of the road, a car was reserved for a
number of his friends and acquaintances, and we
were lucky enough to secure two seats and one for
Captain Miller, who was sent in charge of us. Mrs.
Johnston remained behind, to leave next day with
the General. I shall never forget that journey. I was
ill with fever and headache from my arm, which
had "taken" violently from vaccination. I was
separated from father and mother; my only
brother exposed to hourly danger, news of his
safety from day to day being impossible to
obtain; with the care and responsibility of a young
sister upon me and flying before a ruthless foe to
take refuge among strangers. And I not eighteen
years old at the time! As our poorly equipped
train lumbered slowly along, cumbered with its
heavy load, we had time enough for reflection
on the terrible situation of affairs. Our objective
point was Columbia, that fair little Carolina town,
which had not yet fallen into the enemy's hands,
and was still a haven for the distressed refugees
flying before Sherman's advancing army. At
night-fall we reached a way station, and there
came to a halt. A raid was threatened and trains
were unable to pass beyond that point. The
terrified women and children were flocking into
the little village, and the only inn, a small frame
building, could not even give cover to the crowds
that swarmed in from every quarter. We alighted
from the train and made an investigation of the
prospects for a night's lodging. We could not even find a
seat in the small sitting room filled to overflowing with
women, children and babies; and the stifling atmosphere
caused us to beat a swift retreat. What to do we did not
know, or where to find shelter. Captain Miller was at his
wits' ends - when the question was promptly settled by our
determining to spend the night on the platform. A chair was
found, and seated on the bare boards, with my head on my
muff, with the chair for a support and with my little sister
lying on my lap, we spent the night. I was so exhausted
from illness and fatigue that I was soon lost to a sense
of all the trouble and terror, and slept the hours away
in utter unconsciousness.
In the early morning we were aroused and, hurrying
on board the train, proceeded on our way to
Columbia, and thence to Greenville, where kind
friends received us. Here we remained in quiet for
some weeks, when one happy day, to our utter
delight, my father made his appearance, having
successfully accomplished the journey to Texas
and recrossed the Mississippi river. He had
now come for us to join him and my mother
on their way back to Richmond. In life, there
are always hours that stand out in bold relief
against the negative tints of daily events. The
joy of that meeting is as fresh to-day as if it were
yesterday, and the rapturous delight of being safe
once more in the haven of father and mother love
as vivid as the pain and sorrow of the separation.
And now we heard the story of the journey. How
they had traveled through the Louisiana swamps,
with the mosquitoes as big as "woodchucks"
almost, ("gallinippers" they were styled), swarming
around them, the mules struggling bravely with the
heavily laden ambulance over the corduroy roads,
my father on the alert day and night, fearing the
approach of the enemy.
I give the following
notes to show the surrounding
circumstances:
"IN THE SWAMP, Sunday Morning.
"Dear Genl.:
"The road over which I am passing can not be passed
by any wheel conveyance. I deem it my duty to inform you
of this fact. Were there a chance for you I should say
come, but as it is I must say the route is impracticable.
Should the upper route be free of the enemy's presence, it
remains for you to determine whether you will run the risk
attendant on it. I believe from all that I have heard, after the
most diligent inquiries, that should the enemy have gone,
you can pass in safety to the river - of course, there may
be enemies there at any time, but such risks fade into utter
insignificance compared with this road. You have to pass
down the river eight miles, but under cover of night I
scarcely think there can be much danger. Should I find the
enemy still on the river I will advise you immediately of it. I
would suggest that as the only practicable means of solving
the difficult problem of reaching the East bank of the
Mississippi, that you recross the Black River and proceed
to Trinity, getting from Col. Purvis, who commands a
regiment now stationed there, an escort who know the
roads and country, being residents of that part of the state,
and proceed to Columbia, crossing the Ouachita River
at that point and proceeding via Bayou Macon and St.
Joseph road to St. Joseph or Boninsburg. It is with sincere
regret that I should find such a course the only one possible
for you, but the difficulties on this route, naturally much
greater than I had supposed, have been greatly augmented
by the recent rains.
"The nearest route for you to St. Joseph or Boninsburg
would be to cross the Ouachita at Harrisonburg, but as
the Bayou Louis, three miles from Harrisonburg, may
not be crossable, I give you the other route. Col. Purvis
can inform you whether you can cross Bayou Louis, and
if you can would take that road.
"I do not know whether I can cross the river at
the point near to which I shall debauch from
this road or not. If you think it necessary for me to
go with you to Boninsburg I will go, although I do
not know the road and it will delay me very much.
I deem it my duty, however, to assist you to the last
extremity.
"Very respectfully,
"IN
THE SWAMP, Sunday Morning.
"Dear Genl.:
travelling and I should not be at all surprised if some of
our animals found it to be their last journey. With great
respect, I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
"H. T. FOOT, JR.,
"P. S. - The suggestions which I have made are
intended for your information in case accident should
befall me."
When, after many
vicissitudes and tribulations, the
bank of the river was reached without encountering
the enemy the most difficult part of the journey was
still to be made. When the width of the river is
remembered, that the enemy's gun boats were lying
in plain sight, ready to send a shot in any direction
that suited their errant fancy, the situation may be
imagined, and when to this is added a description of
the mode of conveyance proposed and successfully
put in use, the account seems almost incredible.
Two long "dugouts" - i. e., trunks of trees hollowed
out in the centre, were procured. The ambulance
was then driven into the water and the "dugouts"
placed beneath the wheels, and the mules swimming
bore the ambulance across the river. In the night the
passage was made; and lying clearly defined up and
down the broad waters were the Yankee gunboats,
their grim shapes looming like the awful monsters
they were, with power to hurl
death and destruction in an instant, should even a suspicion
arise of the daring travelers on their way over the Father of
Waters in that frail craft. And when I remember who was
seated there, so calm and composed - in all that danger
and terrible risk - my gentle mother, the most feminine of
women, I am lost in admiration of her amazing courage.
In telling of it all her comment was: "And the mules would
snort; and made such a dreadful noise that we expected
every moment the gunboats would hear and send a shot
across our bows!" But they reached the shore in safety
and we were now on our way to Richmond for the fateful
winter of 1864.
CAPTAIN WIGFALL WRITES FROM NEAR NASHVILLE,
DECEMBER 5, 1864 - THE FIGHT AT FRANKLIN - MARCHING TO
TENNESSEE - RETURN TO RICHMOND - A SORROWING
MOTHER.
THE following letter written from near Nashville by
my brother, is given here:
"AT MRS. OVERTON'S,
"I wrote you a
short note from the other side of
Franklin the morning after the battle. I have not
written oftener because I have been unwilling to
trust letters to the mail, as I suppose communication
has been interrupted between Macon and Augusta.
We left Florence, Alabama, on the 21st of
November; we reached Columbia and after
remaining in front of the place two or three days
it was evacuated by the enemy who then took
position on the north bank of Duck River,
immediately opposite the town. There was some
artillery firing and sharp shooting across the river
and it was in this on the 28th that Col. Beckham
was wounded. I have not heard from him since the
morning of the 1st. when he was doing well, but
the wound is so severe (the skull fractured) that I
fear he will not recover. In fact the surgeon said
there was a bare possibility of his surviving. His loss
will be very severely felt. It is hard enough to be
killed at all, but to be killed in such an insignificant
affair makes it doubly bad.
"The fight at Franklin was very severe - while it
lasted, and though our loss was heavy, everybody
is in the finest humor - and ready for the fight again
whenever Gen. 'John B.' gives the word. Col.
Cofer, Provost Marshall Gen. of the Army, told
me the other day that he had taken particular pains
to find out by enquiring the feelings of the men and
that the morale of the army was very much improved
by the fight, and that the men would go into the next
with double vim and impetuosity.
"Our men fought with the utmost determination
and if we had had three hours more of daylight
I feel as confident as possible that we should have
been to-day in Nashville. The Yankees are now
in their works around the city and our main line
is at one point only twelve hundred yards from
theirs. We have captured three engines and
about twenty cars and I hope before long to hear
the shriek of the locomotive once more. The
country we have marched through for the past fifty
miles is one of the gardens of the world. The lands
are very fertile, the plantations well improved and
the people before the war were in the possession
of every comfort and luxury. The destruction, too,
caused by the Yankees, is not to be compared to
that in other sections occupied by them. There
has been no part of the Confederacy that I have
seen which has been in their possession and has
suffered so little.
"Our Army, in leaving Tennessee, on both
occasions previously, passed to the East of this
portion of the state, so that an Army has never
before marched over it. The Yankees too have
held it a long time and I imagine considered it
permanently in their possession. We reached this
place on the night of the 2nd. There are several
young ladies from Nashville here who are very
pretty and agreeable and the most intense
Southerners. The enemy was forced from his
position north of Duck River by a flank movement
which placed the whole army except, two
Divisions, near his communications. He fell back
to Franklin that night and the next day, the 30th
November, was the battle of Franklin.
"Dec. 8th. I have heard this morning of poor
Beckham's death. What a cruel, hard thing is war!
The individual suffering, however, is the public
gain. Over the road, on which moved Cheatham's
Corps, was hung, just at the Tennessee
State line, an inscription in these words: 'Tennessee,
A grave, or a free home.' A good many
graves have been already filled - but better we
should all meet that fate than fail to gain the
prize we struggle for. As he passed over the line,
Gen. Hood received a formal welcome into the
state from Governor Harris, who has been with
us since we took up the line of march for Tennessee.
If we can gain Nashville, what a glorious
termination it will be for the campaign. Even
if we fail in this, for I fear the fortifications are
too strong, and hold the enemy in his lines round
the city, it will be one of the grandest achievements
an army has ever performed. Think of it! Starting
from Lovejoy's thirty miles beyond Atlanta on
the 18th Sept., here we are on the 8th Dec. in
front of Nashville with the enemy cooped up in
his works and the fruits of two years hard
marching and fighting lost to him. . . .
"Dec. 11. There was communion service held at
the house this morning. Dr. Quintard officiated
and prayer was offered up for the Confederate
Congress for the first time publicly in this country,
I suppose, since our army retreated from the state.
It is bitterly cold. Fortunately the troops are
lying quiet and can have their fires to keep warm
by. I feel, I assure you, for the poor fellows in
the skirmish line in such weather.
"In each brigade a detail has been set at work
making shoes for the barefooted men from leather
obtained in the country. They are making some
twenty pairs a day in each brigade, and in addition,
there is a large supply coming from the rear, so
you see we are getting on finely.
"The Quartermasters and Commissaries too are
hard at work getting other supplies and the R. R.
is in operation from Pulaski to Franklin. We
have gotten into a real land of plenty and I
sincerely trust we shall never leave the State except
it be to enter Kentucky. I don't believe myself
that the Yankees will allow us to enter Winter
Quarters, even should we desire it, without a fight.
Of course, in order to make a fight they must
leave their entrenchments, and if they attack us
in ours or allow us to attack them without works,
I feel not the slightest fear of the result. . . . "
We made the journey to Richmond with all
possible speed, my father being eager to be at
his post in the Senate; and on our arrival we took
up our quarters at "The Spotswood." We found
the spirit of the people unchanged. Our reverses
in the field were acknowledged; our diminishing
resources were apparent to all; shot and shell and
disease had decimated our gallant armies; the land
ran red with blood and the wail of the widow and
the orphan was heard above the roar and din of
battle; yet no voice was raised to cry, "Hold, it
is enough. Ultimate defeat was not contemplated,
nor discussed as a possibility. And the women, of
all the women in the world the most gentle and
feminine, and upon whom the suffering and sorrow
of the time pressed most heavily, the women of the
South, were, if possible, more indomitable in their
courage than the men! It was the "tender fierceness
of the dove," while into their own gentle breasts
they received each wound by which a hero fell.
Of them, as of the Blessed Sorrowing Mother,
may be truly said, "Yea and a sword shall pierce
through thine own soul also."
I have in my mind, as I write, a picture that comes
before me whenever I hear of the suffering of
the women of the South. I was on a train, after
Appomattox, and seated across the aisle were
two figures, a mother and her son. She had
journeyed from her far-away home in Alabama
to the hospital in Richmond to find her boy and
bring him back with her. She found him, sitting
there waiting for her, blind and helpless, a minié-ball
having passed through his head just back of the
eyes, absolutely destroying the optic nerve. How
she had made that journey, in weariness and
painfulness with the hope deferred and the sickening
terror of what awaited her at the end, we can
never know. She was of the class called "poor
white," her faded calico gown was worn and
patched; her cheek was pale and the eyes deep-set
and pitiful beyond words. At her side sat a patient
figure; the hands folded in pathetic idleness;
the sightless eyes closed. His life work done; his
young manhood yet in its dawning!
The war is over: and he, blind and helpless as an
infant, is journeying to his desolate, ruined home,
one among the thousands of the wrecks from the
armies of the South! But in the heart of the poor
old mother there was still room for a great joy -
he was blind and helpless - but - he was alive!
She had him safe, and the spirit of her mother love
seemed hovering over him and enfolding him with
the wings of peace.
UNFALTERING HOPE AND FAITH OF THE SOUTH - LETTERS TO
SENATOR WIGFALL FROM GENERAL WADE HAMPTON,
VICE-PRESIDENT ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS AND GENERAL
ROBERT E. LEE - A WAR PICTURE FROM NORTH CAROLINA -
CHARACTER SKETCH OF GENERAL HOOD.
No INSTANCE of the absolute faith of our people,
even at this late day, in the success of our Cause,
is more convincing than their investment of money in
Confederate bonds, during these last months of the
war.
Many circumstances could be related in evidence
of this fact; but one will suffice. My grandmother,
in Providence, Rhode Island, had succeeded by
some means in sending to us through the lines
$1,000 in gold. Without a moment's hesitation
this precious metal was transmuted into Confederate
bank notes, a large package of which, consisting
of 500- and 100- dollar bills I have with me
now, a constant reminder of the implicit faith in
the success of the good Cause that was lost. I am
sure my father would have felt he was recreant to
his country if he had admitted to himself that
Confederate money was not as good as gold. It
may not have been of the wisdom of this world,
but it was beautiful, and I am glad he did it and
I keep my bank notes and shall leave them to
those that come after me, as an infallible proof
that the civilization of the old South produced a
race of men, who maintained what they believed
to be their constitutional rights, sacrificed every
material gain, and, giving freely of their own
lives and the lives of their sons, would not
withhold the baser treasures of silver and gold.
General Wade Hampton writes to my father at
this time the following:
"HD. QRTS., Jan. 20th, 1865.
"My dear Wigfall:
" . . . We are passing through a fiery ordeal
but if we 'quit ourselves like men' we must be
successful. I do not allow myself to contemplate
any other than a successful issue to our struggle.
"I have given far more than all my property to
this cause, and I am ready to give all. Genl. Lee
thinks that I may be of some service in South
Carolina and I go to see what I can do there. . . .
I am going to fight for my State and I am willing to
fight anywhere. The record of the cavalry which has
fought under my command, is that this campaign has
been an honorable one, and I take great pride in it.
They have been successful in every fight - not a
few - have captured large supplies of arms and taken
not less than 10,000 prisoners. So I leave the record
good. . . . What will be done with the Army of Tennessee?
You know how highly I regard Hood, how much I
esteem him. but it was a mistake to remove Johnston.
The army had perfect confidence in him and I am
convinced that they will not fight as well under
anyone else as under him; therefore do I regard
his removal as a national calamity. And if the
President would reinstate him it would not only
restore public confidence, but would strengthen the
President greatly. I wish, my dear Wigfall, that you
would forget the differences of the past and try to
re-establish the intimate relations that once existed
between Mr. Davis and yourself. You can aid him
greatly and you can serve the country by giving him
counsel. . . . I wish that I could have seen you before
leaving this State, as there is much I want to talk
to you about. But I hope to meet you in brighter
times when my heart is not so oppressed by public
and private anxieties. . . . But I bate not one jot or
tittle of our claims and I shall fight as long as I
can wield my sabre. I hope your family
are well. Give my kindest regards to them and
believe me to be,
"Very sincerely, your friend,
"Hon. L. T. Wigfall,
The following letter
written to my father by the
Vice-President, Alexander H. Stephens, is given
in full:
"13 Feb., 1865.
"HON. LOUIS T. WIGFALL,
"Dear Sir:
and say anything in our power in a manly way to
enlist the sympathy and action of all the true friends
there of Constitutional liberty. We should show
them we are fighting their battles as well as our own.
If we go down; if our liberties are lost in these
waters, theirs will be too. We must make them allies
in a common struggle. We must not be deterred
from this by any such ghosts as the goblin of
reconstruction. On this point the future must be left
to take care of itself. Congress ought to pass, before
it adjourns, some such resolutions as the three first
that were reported to the House by the Committee
on Foreign Affairs. Numbers 1, 2, and 3 of those
Resolutions are now quite as opportune as they
were when reported. For the remaining Resolution
in that series one might be substituted embracing
some of the ideas in them and appealing from
the authorities at Washington to all friends of
Constitutional liberty at the North - invoking an
adjournment of the questions of strife from the
arbitrament of arms to the forum of reason - upon
the great principles of self Government, on which
all American institutions are founded. On this line
if our people can endure for two years longer - all
may yet be well. But my word for it, the only
peace that the sword alone will bring us in fighting
the United North will be the peace of death and
subjugation.
"Yours truly,
The following letter was written by General Lee
to my father in answer to an appeal to allow the
Texas Brigade to go home to recruit the shattered
regiments - after an absence of four years. How
little they could have anticipated the near approach
of the end (this was just two months before
Appomattox) to be contemplating that long journey
to Texas and a happy return.
"HEAD QUARTERS,
"HON. LOUIS T. WIGFALL,
"Dear Sir:
"No troops in the Army have earned a better
title to indulgence than the brave Texas Brigade,
and to none would I more willingly grant any
privilege consistent with the interests of the service.
I have no doubt but that they would return, and
I hope they would realize all you promise in the
way of recruits. But it is impossible for me to
detach any men from this army now. I do not
think that we shall remain long inactive. Operations
on our right have already begun, and there are
indications of movements in other quarters in
which this army has an immediate concern.
Such is our great want of men, that the absence
of even four hundred would be severely felt,
especially four hundred of our best troops. I see
no way to accomplish your wish except by first
bringing some regiments or a brigade from Texas
to take the place of these now here. If that can
be done I need not say how much pleasure it
would afford me to let the old brigade go home,
and how pleased I should be to see it return
augmented to a Division.
"I do think it extremely important that some of
the troops west of the Mississippi should be
brought to this side.
"The enemy has brought away a large part of the
force with which he has been operating in the West,
and concentrated upon our eastern armies. I think
we must do the same with ours, and will be greatly
obliged for any assistance you can render to
accomplish it.
"We are greatly in
need of men.
"Very respectfully,
Ah! the pathos of this
letter! Our great General
could not spare four hundred men; while his
adversary had all the world from which to draw
recruits!
In the meantime, the
brave Army of Tennessee,
under the gallant Hood, so far from fulfilling the
bright hopes of its leader, returned from a disastrous
campaign with decimated ranks, and Sherman, in his
march to the sea, was devastating the fair country
through which he passed.
The following letter, written to me by Mrs. Joseph
E. Johnston, the wife of the Commander of the
Army of Tennessee, gives a picture of the time:
"CHARLOTTE, N. C.,
" . . . I take
advantage of this sweet, quiet Sunday
afternoon for a little chat with you. It is so quiet in
my little nook and the bright sunshine outside looks
so cheerful and calm that 'tis hard to realize the
terrible storm of war that is raging within a few
miles of us, or the scene of excitement and fatigue I
have gone through myself. At last Sherman has
planted himself upon Carolina soil, and the pretty
little town of Columbia, we learn to-day, has been
partially destroyed; and alas the poor women and
children, who were forced to remain there, of their
fate we know nothing; but oh horrors, have
everything to fear from the nature of the savages
who are desolating their homes. What a sight it was
to see the poor people flying almost terror stricken
to know what they could do - many leaving with
only little bundles of clothes - and many compelled to
remain, for they had nothing but God to look to for
shelter. . . . I left at the last moment on the car that
brought the powder out. We only saved our clothes.
How fortunate we were to do that, for many saved
nothing. We left with the roar of the cannon in our
ears!
" . . . I arrived here, after spending two days and
nights on the road - three hundred poor women on
the car ahead of us - none of us able to get rooms.
A gentleman came down to the cars at twelve at
night and brought me to this home and gave me this
delicious little room, and here I am quite sick, with
a Doctor visiting me. I am waiting to hear from the
General to know what to do. Oh these terrible times
of shipwreck - everything looks hopeless to me
now, and then if we are to go down - we are so far
apart that we can see nothing of each other, but the
glimpse of a pale face as it sinks out of sight! What
a glorious struggle our brave people have made
for their liberties! The sight of this town to-day is
lamentable: women hunting in every direction for
shelter - and the people themselves beginning to
move off for a safer place."
General Johnston, in a letter to my father, says:
"Genl. M. Cook, U. S. A., told several of our
officers made prisoners by him, but rescued by
Wheeler, that Genl. Sherman said, on learning of
the change of Commanders of our army, that
heretofore we had fought as Johnston pleased,
but hereafter 'twould be as he pleased!"
A braver man, a purer patriot, a more gallant
soldier never breathed than General Hood.
Aggressive, bold and eager, the "Fabian" Policy of
General Johnston was opposed to all the natural
impulses of his nature. He revelled in "a fight,"
and firmly believed he could lead his troops to a
victorious conclusion in the active operations he
inaugurated on taking command of the Army of
Tennessee. Though, as stated, he remonstrated on
General Johnston's being removed from command,
yet I have no doubt his soldier heart beat with eager
hope, as he was called to take his place, and he saw
in fancy his brave army marching to victory. He was
a man of singular simplicity of character and charm
of manner--boyish in his enthusiasm - superbly
handsome, with beautiful blue eyes, golden hair and
flowing beard - broad shouldered, tall and erect - a
noble man of undaunted courage and blameless life.
We made the journey with him homeward when the
war was over. I can see him now - we were in a
baggage car, seated on boxes and trunks in all the
misery and discomfort of the time. He sat opposite,
and with calm, sad eyes looked out on the passing
scenes, apparently noting nothing. The cause he
loved was lost - he was overwhelmed
with humiliation at the utter failure of his leadership -
his pride was wounded to the quick by his
removal from command and Johnston's
reinstatement in his place; he was maimed by the
loss of a leg in battle. In the face of his misery,
which was greater than our own, we sat silent -
there seemed no comfort anywhere. And the ending
of his life, years after, was even more sombre -
dying by the side of his wife with yellow fever and
leaving a family of little children to mourn a father,
who, though unsuccessful in the glorious ambition
of his young manhood, left to them the precious
heritage of a stainless name, linked ever with
the highest courage and purest patriotism.
GENERAL JOHNSTON REINSTATED TO COMMAND THE ARMY
OF TENNESSEE - HIS SENTIMENTS ON THE SUBJECT - THE
SURRENDER AT APPOMATTOX - SENATOR WIGFALL ESCAPES
IN DISGUISE - THE LAST BALL OF THE CONFEDERACY-
RETURN OF MAJOR WIGFALL - POEM ON THE
CONFEDERATE FLAG.
GENERAL LEE having been made Commander-
in-Chief of the Armies of the Confederate States, a
communication was sent to him dated Feb. 4th,
1865, from the Confederate Senate asking him to
assign General Johnston to the command of the
Army of Tennessee. After the fall of Columbia this
was done.
"C. S. SENATE CHAMBER,
"GENL. R. E. LEE.
room to doubt its correctness, that the Army
referred to is seriously disorganized, and that the
surest, if not the only means of effecting its speedy
reorganization, and of restoring its discipline and
efficiency in time for the approaching campaign,
will be the immediate return of its former
commander, whose assignment to that position is
universally desired by the Officers and Soldiers of
that Army. We are further persuaded that among
the people of those important and principal States
of the Confederacy which have looked to the
Army of Tennessee as furnishing their chief defence
against the forces with which the enemy is seeking
to overcome them, the desire is not only general,
but intense, that the principal Army designed for
their protection should be placed under the command
of Genl. Johnston. And we are convinced that the
gratification of their wishes on this point would
materially assist in dissipating the feeling of
despondency which undoubtedly prevails to a
considerable extent in those States, and do
much towards restoring public confidence and
reanimating the hopes and courage of the people.
"In making this suggestion to you, we assume
that under the recent Act, by virtue of which, you
have been appointed General in Chief of the Armies
of the Confederate States, the right and duty of
assigning the General Officers to command our
different Armies, are devolved upon you. Such we
believe was the intention of Congress in passing
the Act, and such we trust will be its practical
construction.
"In conclusion we beg leave to assure you that in
recommending the assignment of Genl. Johnston to
the command in question, we have been influenced
by an imperative sense of duty, and by a firm
conviction that what we have advised, would be
promotive of the public good, if indeed it be not
essential to the public safety.
"With high respect,
"ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS,
"V. P. C. S. A.
"A. E. MAXWELL, Flo.
"Official.
"HD.
QRS. Armies C. States,
"Gentlemen:
ascertained that a change was necessary, before it
was made.
"I do not consider that my appt. as Gen. in chief
of the Armies of the C. States, confers the right
which you assume belongs to it, nor is it proper that
it should. I can only employ such troops and
Officers as may be placed at my disposal by the War
Dpt. Those withheld or relieved from service are not
at my disposal.
"I have the honor to be,
"Your most obdt. svt.,
"Honble. A. H. Stephens,
"SENATE
CHAMBER, "My dear Sir:
assignment of Genl. Joseph E. Johnston to the
command of that Army.
"Very truly and respectfully,
"Official.
General Johnston,
after taking command of the
little remnant of the army, wrote to my father the
following letter - which gives a clear idea of the
feeling between these two great men, Lee and
Johnston.
"RALEIGH, March 14th, 1865.
"My dear Wigfall:
"What you write me of Lee gratifies me beyond
measure. In youth and early manhood I loved
and admired him more than any man in the world.
Since then we have had little intercourse and have
become formal in our personal intercourse. A good
deal, I think, from change of taste and habits, in one
or the other. When we are together former feelings
always return. I have long thought that he had
forgotten our early friendship: to be convinced
that I was mistaken in so thinking would give me
inexpressible pleasure. Be assured, however, that
Knight of old never fought under his King more
loyally than I'll serve under Gen. Lee. [In another
letter he speaks of serving under Gen. Lee 'as
loyally as my father served under his in the first
revolution.'] I have suggested to him what seems
to be the only course for us, should Sherman
endeavor to join Grant. . . .
"As ever yours,
It seems almost
incredible and yet it is a fact that
several entertainments were given in Richmond
in January and February, 1865. The most
notable of these was at the beautiful home of the
Welfords which was filled with guests who
danced at what, I believe, was the last ball of the
Confederacy. Grandmothers' satins and brocades
figured on the occasion; and I warrant no lovelier
group of women, nor company of more gallant
gentlemen, were ever gathered. How the fiddles
scraped and the music swelled for "the dancers
dancing in tune;" while they shut their ears and
would not hear the minor key that wailed the ruin
of our hopes. And the grim shade of Appomattox,
looming dark already on the horizon, stalked ever
nearer and nearer.
In a letter from Mrs. Joseph E. Johnston, dated
"Charlotte, North Carolina, March 15th, 1865," I
find this record: "Charlotte is in a state of great
excitement to-day, at the arrival of the President's
family, on their way South. What does it mean?
Everybody seems to think it is the prelude to the
abandonment of Richmond. How sad it seems
after such a struggle as that noble army has made
to keep it! These terrible dark hours, when will
they be past?"
A week before its evacuation we left Richmond.
It was a lovely evening late in March.
"And
as I saw around me the wide world revive
As the train pulled out
and ran slowly across the
long bridge over the James, we watched with
aching hearts the sunshine lingering with loving
light on the towers and spires of this city, which
is veritably "set on a hill" - and the light shining
there seemed but a reflection of the glory which
shall for all time linger around her as the Capital
of the Confederacy.
We stopped in Raleigh and there heard of the
fall of Richmond and the surrender at Appomattox.
There we were joined by several of the Cabinet
and Members of Congress and traveled in company
with them to Georgia.
After General Johnston's surrender, which followed
on April 26th - and the capture of the President -
it became necessary in order to escape
arrest, that my father should make all possible
effort to conceal his identity, and endeavor to
make his way across the Mississippi river as
speedily as might be, where Kirby Smith was
still commanding the remnant of an army. To
this end he donned the garb of a private soldier,
shaved off his beard and procured a borrowed
parole. I have it yet.
"APPOMATTOX COURT HOUSE, VA.,
"The Bearer, pri.
J. A. White, of Co. M. First
Regt. of Texas Vols., a paroled Prisoner of the
Army of Northern Virginia, has permission to
go to his home, and there remain undisturbed.
"JNO. N. WILSON, CAPT.
The next step was to
secure a large covered
wagon, in which could be stowed away the few
belongings we had with us, and four strong mules
to draw the load. Then an escort of paroled Texas
soldiers was found, among whom my father took
his place. Some kind friend provided a saddle
horse for me; and clad in a homespun dress, and
with my head covered by a poke sun-bonnet I
rode alongside of the wagon. We were apparently
a family of country people moving from one State
to another; and that a number of soldiers tramped
along in company with us excited no
surprise, as the country side was full of these poor
tired, heart broken travelers, making their way back
to their ruined homes. It is recorded of one of these
pitiful wayfarers, that he wandered at eventide to the
door of a farmhouse, and accosted the woman
standing there, with "Stranger, whar's the
spring - have you got any milk? I am so
hongry, I
don't know where I am going to sleep to-night." But
to return to our journey. Our plan was to travel direct
through the State of Alabama to Montgomery. And
this we did, riding one hundred miles through the
State. Of course we had no money; that is, what the
outside world called by that name. We had thousands
of our dear old Confederate Currency, in $100 and
$500 bills, (with Stonewall Jackson's head engraved
in one corner, and the Confederate banner draped
over General Washington, on the Great Seal, with
"Deo Vindice" underneath it, on the other) but some
kind friend had given us a large box of tobacco,
which was as good as specie any time for a trade -
so we went on our way - not rejoicing - alas! far
from it; but with heavy hearts - while my father
tramped the weary miles on foot among the Texas
boys, who were proud enough to have the company
of their former General and Senator in such unceremonious
guise. And you may be sure they never told who he
was. All things come to an end; and nearing Montgomery
we stopped over night at Governor Fitzpatrick's
plantation, and had a rousing welcome and the
best accommodations for tired travelers. My
father and the Governor had much to talk over.
When last he had seen him he was United States
Senator from Alabama, and possible candidate
for the Vice-Presidency on the Breckinridge ticket.
And now! Well, the next morning we continued
on our way, and nearing Montgomery we caught
sight of the first Federal pickets. I can feel now
over again that suffocating sensation that sent the
blood surging through the veins at sight of them.
It was all over indeed!
Here we parted from my father, who was to
make his way with the soldiers, home to Texas,
as it was not safe to go with us, through towns and
in the ordinary mode of traveling by railway and
boat. We were received into the hospitable home
of Mrs. Knox on the outskirts of Montgomery.
Here, even the stress and straits of war had not
been able to make an impression on the delightful
luxury of her well appointed home. Oh! the bliss
of those delicious beds and the sweet linen sheets
and the comfortable meals. It seemed like a haven
of rest after that terrible journey. In a few days
Governor Watts, true friend and noble patriot,
with heart and hand open to share his all with his
countrymen, came for us and took us to his home,
where plans were made for our reaching our
ultimate destination. Here we waited for some
weeks, hoping for tidings from my brother, who
we had heard was making his way in our direction.
One evening, about dark, I was standing at the
gate, watching down the road, with hardly a
thought or hope of his appearing, when, far up
the dusty highway, I saw him coming. He walked
slowly, unlike the brisk step I knew of old; absolute
dejection was in his mien, and he had no joyous
greeting to give me. His uniform was worn and
soiled, and he had taken from his collar the gold
stars of his rank. Somehow I had no word to say. We
stood and looked at each other. Finally, we found
speech, and to my query, "What are you going to
do?" he answered, "I am on my way across the river
to join Kirby Smith." I laid my hand upon his
shoulder, and paused a moment, "Have you not
heard," I said, " Kirby Smith has surrendered."
The
hands of our women made it!
As
high o'er our hosts it floated,
And
we wept, and watched, and waited
As
they marched o'er vale and mountain
Cold
are the loved hands that bore it!
No
hand of vandal shall touch it!
LOUISE WIGFALL WRIGHT
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Page 23
Who
slapped the dastard Tory oh!"
Page 24
Page 27
CHAPTER III.
THE MAKERS OF HISTORY
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Page 37
"April 12th, 1861.
"Your despatch
reached me after I had directed
one to be sent, which anticipated your wish so fully
that you might have imagined it to be an answer if
the dates had been reversed. I shall attend to your
request about the pistols. The Secretary of War, to
whom I handed your letter, has not replied; but there
can be no difficulty too great to be overborne by
your anxiety in the matter.
JEFFERSON DAVIS."
Page 38
Page 39
"Morris Island,
"April 12th."
Page 40
Page 41HON. LOUIS T. WIGFALL.
Page 42
Page 43
Page 44
"Will you do me
the favor to prepare for the
files of my office a clear and concise statement
of the main facts of yesterday's proceedings, so
Page 45
G. T. BEAUREGARD."
"CHARLESTON, South Carolina,
"April 13,1861.
"I have the honor
to report that between one and
two o'clock this afternoon, the flag having fallen
at Fort Sumter, and its fire having ceased, I left
Morris's Island, with the consent and approval of
General Simons to demand the surrender of the
work, and offer assistance to the garrison.
Page 46
"LOUIS T. WIGFALL.
"Asst. Adjutant General,
"Confederate States Army."
Page 49
CHAPTER IV
THE FEMININE SPIRIT OF THE CONFEDERACY
Page 50
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Page 54
Page 55
Page 56
Page 57
"April and May and June, 1861.
Page 58
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Page 61
Page 62
"Dear Madam:
"I have this
moment received your letter dated
yesterday and have just telegraphed Mr. Bucklin.
Since I had the pleasure of writing you last it has
become vastly more difficult to get to Virginia,
and this very day the Federal Government has
taken possession of the steamers composing the
line via the Patuxent River - the most desirable
route - leaving at present, but the one open by
Page 63
W. T. WALTERS."
Page 64
Page 65
Page 66
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Page 71
CHAPTER V
SOUTHERN BELLES AND SOUTHERN SOLDIERS
July 8th, 1861.
"I believe we are
about to be attacked by the
enemy, who has been increasing his forces rapidly
in the last few days. He no doubt has at present
on this side of the Potomac at least 30,000 men -
and probably as many in or about Washington;
and I am informed on good authority, that he is
crossing over reinforcements in large numbers
every night; so that very shortly we probably will
be attacked by about 40,000 men! What do you
suppose is my effective force to resist this attack?
About 15,000 effective men! How can it be
expected that I should be able to maintain my
ground, unless reinforced, and that immediately?
Page 72
"G. T. BEAUREGARD."
"Member of C. S. Congress, Richmond, Va.
Page 73
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Page 79
'Victrix
et Vidua,' the conflict done;
Shall
raise her mailéd hand to wipe the tear,
Page 80
That
starts as she recalls each martyred Son,
No
dearer memory shall hold its sway
Than
thine, beloved, 'lamented Latané.' "
Page 81
Page 82
Page 83
"My heart is
heavier to-day than it has been
since this murderous war began. I daresay I have
told you, over and over, as I always talk of what
is uppermost, that my cronies in Columbia, my
Page 84
Page 87
CHAPTER VI
WAR TIME CORRESPONDENCE
Page 88
"RICHMOND, Va.,
"Oct. 11, 1862.
"My dear Sir:
Page 89
"Your kind favor
of 17th ulto. was duly received.
I have been waiting to have your son's decision
before writing. . . .
Page 90
Page 91
Page 92
Page 93
Page 94
"Near Martinsburg,
Sept. 21st, 1862
"Genl.:
"R. E. LEE,
"Genl.
"C. S. VENABLE,
"Maj. and A. D. C."
"Near Culpeper, Nov. 17, '62.
"I wish you would
let me know so soon as you are
informed that the new Regiments are on their
Page 95
"Your friend,
"J. B. HOOD.
"Richmond, Va."
Page 96
Page 97
Nov. 23rd, 1862.
Page 98
"Dec. 4th, 1862.
"After a perilous
journey, I arrived a little after
twelve last night, having been delayed by three
Page 99
Page 100
"J. E. JOHNSTON.
"C. S. Senate."
Page 101
"I have just
received a letter from Genl. Johnston
which causes gloomy forebodings as to our future in
the West. Pemberton, he says, has fallen back before
a superior force and he, Johnston, is ordered to
reinforce him with troops from Bragg's command.
Consider the position of their different armies. As
Pemberton falls back he will be each day one march
further from Bragg. Grant is between them, with, I
suppose, a superior force to either. If he falls upon
either before their junction, may he not destroy him
and then turn upon the other? When Bragg crosses
the Tennessee river Grant may turn upon him at any
moment. How long will it take to cross the
Tennessee without Birago trestles or pontoon boats?
Before his raid into Kentucky, Bragg was some two
or three weeks in effecting a crossing. Holmes,
Johnston writes me, has been ordered to reinforce
Pemberton, but he does not say with what force. In
that movement, it seems to me, lies our only hope of
safety. Let me beg you will urge upon Holmes the
utmost energy and promptness in his movements. I
trust that his whole force has been ordered across.
Vicksburg should be the objective point in this
campaign. That being safe, as I think it would be,
upon the junction of Pemberton and Holmes, the
destruction of Grant's Army should be our next
Page 102
Page 103
"P. S. Have you any information as to the state of
things at Fredericksburg? If not, what is your
conjecture? Does Burnside simply wish to get into
Fredericksburg, claim a great victory à la McClellan
and winter there?"
Page 104
"J. A. SEDDON."
"On my return
from Murfreesboro' a day or two
ago I had the pleasure to find your letter, and the
President. The latter is on a military tour, and has
taken immediate command in this country. Unless
he is greatly mistaken Mr. Seddon has not carried
our point and reinforced Pemberton with Holmes's
troops. On the contrary he says that H. has not had
orders on the subject - requests or suggestions
instead - which he thinks himself unable to comply
with and therefore will not comply with. Pemberton
must be reinforced.
Page 105
Page 106
"J. E. JOHNSTON."
"Mrs. Johnston,
who arrived evening before last,
brought me your letter, which had come to
Chattanooga before she left it. Your military
criticism has been more strongly called for since
Page 107
Page 108
"J. E. JOHNSTON.
"C. S. Senate."
Page 111
CHAPTER VII
THE WINTER OF 62 - 63
Page 112
"Nov. 15th, 1862.
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"I have asked the
government by telegraph if any
additional troops, new or old, can be furnished for
Bragg's Army, but have had no reply. Will you
suggest to Mr. Seddon that we are in a very critical
condition in Tennessee? The enemy has fully
supplied his losses, I am officially informed, while
our army has received stragglers and exchanged
prisoners amounting to about a third of our killed
and wounded. Such being the case, if there is any
truth in arithmetic, another battle must drive us still
farther back. If driven across the Cumberland
Mountains we can not hold East Tennessee and once
in possession of that country Rosecranz may choose
his point on our South Eastern or Eastern frontier
from Richmond to Mobile. It is of the utmost
importance therefore to reinforce Bragg. The
conscription is operating very slowly. Can no mode
of expediting its enforcement be adopted? I cannot
draw upon Pemberton, for his force is far too small
now. I proposed the bringing to him 18,000 or
20,000 troops from Arkansas, none of whom ever
came. The enemy is again at Vicksburg, too, in
heavier force, and doubtless with a different
plan - probably to attempt to attack from below
instead of from the Yazoo.
Page 122
Page 123
"J. E. JOHNSTON."
"Feb. 14th, 1863.
"I have several
times taken the liberty of asking
you by telegraph to try to get R. A. Howard made
Brig. Genl., Schleicher made a Capt. of Engineers
and the McLean, of Bull Run, in whom you and
Mr. Clay were so much interested, put into the
Page 124
Page 125
"J. E. JOHNSTON."
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Page 135
CHAPTER VIII
THE FORTUNE OF WAR
Page 136
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Page 138
"I have written
L. twice in the last two weeks and
the reason I did not write you after the fight (Brandy
Station) was that you were so close (Orange C. H.) I
did not think you would feel uneasy at not hearing
from me. The best proof you can have of my safety,
except hearing so positively, is by hearing nothing.
Moving with the Cavalry here to-day and there
to-morrow, it is impossible to keep up a regular
correspondence.
Page 139
"Since the 13th
of June, inclusive, there has not
been a day on which we have not marched. Our
battery and two guns of McGregor's were with the
cavalry, Fitz and W. H. F. Lee's brigades and
Hampton's on the expedition round the enemy.
We started on the march the 24th of June and
reached our lines at Gettysburg the 2nd of July
just before night. Genl. Hampton captured a train
of 200 wagons and burnt some of them within
seven miles of Georgetown, the Yankee army
lying at Frederick. We brought into our lines at
Gettysburg one hundred and sixty odd. We reached
Page 140
"HALSEY."
Page 141
Page 142
"Hood and myself
came to Staunton together and
he remained there under charge of Darby. He is
doing well and his arm will be saved. All he needs
now is good nursing, together with cheerful-
company and generous living. He proposes to pay
you a visit if he can get rooms at Hiden's, so do drop
him a line. Halsey was well up to the time of my
Page 143
"WADE HAMPTON.
Page 144
"JEFFERSON Co., Va., July 18, 1863.
Page 145
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Page 147
"I regret very
much that a state of affairs, so different
from what you expected, exists here. Instead of 'no active
operations' you suppose, we are in a fight nearly every
day and on the 4th especially Halsey's gun was particularly
engaged at Fleetwood and under very heavy fire, and I am
gratified to inform you that Maj. Beckham speaks of him
as 'a very fine officer' in which our expectations were
not disappointed,
Page 148
"J. E. B. STUART."
"I am on my way
to join Bragg, but have some
hope that I may not visit your friends at Camp
Page 149
"J. LONGSTREET."
Page 150
Page 151
Page 152
"RAPPAHANNOCK RIVER, Oct. 13, 1863.
"We are once more
on the campaign. We had a running
fight day before yesterday fighting all day. My little grey
was killed under me at the first position we went into. The
battery lost four killed and wounded, three of them from
my section. We crossed at Raccoon Ford that morning and
camped at Brandy Station that night. We are about to
move and I must close. Love to all.
Goodbye, dearest Mama. In haste,
Page 153
"I wrote to Mama
on the 13th a few lines which I
hope she received. We have been marching every day
since. We fired a few shots day before yesterday, but were
not replied to. One of the best soldiers of the battery,
however, was mortally wounded by a stray minié ball. We
had a fight yesterday taking several positions. At one of
them we had three guns fighting about twelve across Bull
Run at Blackburn's Fort. They were however about two
thousand yards and only one of our men was hurt - his leg
shot off. One of the guns also had its axle shot in two. It
was a pretty lively place I can assure you. We have lost six
men and six horses killed and disabled since crossing the
Rapidan besides several other horses slightly wounded. We
are now at the place we camped last night, horses
harnessed but not hitched, and it is much later than we have
been in camp for several days, usually marching
shortly after sunrise. . . . "
"Oct. 19, 1863.
Page 154
Page 155
"I received your
letter of the 2nd yesterday and
tried in vain to find the person who brought it.
It was left with Col. B. S. Ewell A. A. G. by a
contractor on his way to the Trans-Mississippi
Country. . . . I congratulate you with all my heart
upon Halsey's narrow escape. To have a horse
killed under one puts a tall feather in his cap.
(I hope, however, it was not the sorrel mare.)
Even at present prices [horses were worth at this
time about $3,000] I'd freely give a good horse
to the same fate.- I have been having a very quiet
time since July. Almost a peace establishment
so we have gone to house keeping. I say we, for
Mrs. Johnston joined me two weeks ago. I think
Fanny would be delighted to see the style with
which her namesake trots up to the door when she
sees her mistress in it. Her mistress enjoys it
greatly. I am at last making a report.
"J. E. JOHNSTON."
Page 159
CHAPTER IX
SUFFERING IN THE SOUTH
Page 160
Page 161
"I see in the
newspapers reports of resolutions of what
is called the Mississippi campaign. One of them calling for
the correspondence connected with it.
Page 162
"J. E. JOHNSTON."
Page 163
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Page 168
"It is necessary
to recruit this army promptly to
enable it to hold its ground against Grant's forces.
Remember that it was unable to move forward even
before it had been weakened by the defeat of
Missionary Ridge, and Longstreet's march into East
Tennessee, and the enemy strengthened by his
victory and 25,000 men brought from Mississippi
by Sherman.
Page 169
"J. E. JOHNSTON."
Page 173
CHAPTER X
LINES FROM THE LOSING SIDE
Page 174
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Page 186
Page 187
Page 188
"Sept. 14, 1864.
Page 189
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Page 193
CHAPTER XI
HOME LIFE OF A SOUTHERN GENERAL
Page 194
Page 195
Page 196
"We understand a
large party has made preparation
to storm us this evening. Mr. Toby is eager for the
amusement and kindly consents to overcome his
aversion to such 'villainous surprises,' (as Sherman
would say) and receive the company. Please make
my regards to the young ladies and ask them to
join us and fetch any agreeable beaux they can find.
All the gentlemen of your house are expected. I
hope Mrs. Johnston and yourself will come as lookers
on. We are such near neighbors that you should not
regard the inclemency of the weather. Some warm
gumbo will cheer the inner man and
gum shoes
and thick mantles protect you from the storm. Don't
disappoint us.
A. V. TOBY."
"NOV. 2nd, Wednesday.
Page 197
"The young
gentlemen are more particular
Page 198
"A. V. TOBY."
"My maid Amanda,
on a visit yesterday to your
servants, learned that preparations were being
made by the young ladies for a large party to be
given, as she was informed, by me. Imagine my
Page 199
Page 200
"TOBY? or not TOBY?
That is the question.
"Tell the young ladies to be sure and bring Capt.
Mackall to see me. I hear he is 'coming out.'
Page 201
Page 202
Page 203
"I start on this
morning to discover whether the enemy
are still on the river or near to Shields, obstructing the
upper road. I advise you to return to Miller's and will
despatch you there the condition of affairs.
Page 204
Page 205
"H. F. DOUGLAS,
"Lt. Co. Eng."
"Should you
conclude from information from Col.
Douglas that it is best for you to risk going out the upper
road and thence down the bank of the Mississippi river,
you will order the Sergeant and the man he has with him
to accompany you to the Bayou - where, if there is no
enemy, we will meet you. Should you decide not to come
that route and determine to proceed to St. Joseph's, you
can take him with you to Mrs. Liddell's, which is within a
mile of Trinity, and send him to Col. Purvis, commanding at
that point - sending this note, by which Col. Purvis is to
understand that it is Genl. Buckner's order that he send an
officer with an escort of ten men with you to St. Joseph's,
who know the country well. In which event you will please
order the Sergeant to return to Alexandria. I will only
add that I fully concur with Col. Douglas that it is an utter
impossibility for any vehicle to come the route we are now
Page 206
"A. A. Gen.
Page 207
Page 211
CHAPTER XII
A LETTER FROM THE FRONT
"Six Miles from Nashville,
"On Columbia Turnpike,
"Dec. 5th, 1864.
Page 212
Page 213
Page 214
Page 215
Page 216
Page 217
Page 221
CHAPTER XIII
LAST MONTHS OF THE WAR
Page 222
"Your message to
me by Mr. Davis reached me
a day or two ago. As I am about to start to S. C.,
I anticipate your letter by writing at once to you.
It gave me great pleasure to see your return
mentioned.
Page 223
Page 224
"WADE HAMPTON.
"Write to Columbia."
"Richmond, Va."
"I am here sick -
laid up on the way - was
taken quite unwell night before last, but am better
now and hope to be able to go on tomorrow. I
am about thirteen miles from Charlotte on the
road to Columbia. I drop you a line in fulfilment
of my promise to write to you merely to say that
I find spirit and vitality enough in the mass of
the people as far as I have met with them on
my way here. All that is wanting is the proper
wisdom and statesmanship to guide it. But our
ultimate success, in my deliberate judgment, will
never be attained, never can be, without a speedy
and thorough change of our policy towards the
masses at the North. We must show that we war
against the doctrines and principles and power
of the radicals there - the fanatics, the abolitionists
and consolidationists - which we should do,
Page 225
"ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS."
Page 226
"Army N. Va.,
"8th February, 1865.
"Richmond.
"I have received
your letter of the 3rd inst. with
reference to permitting the Texas Brigade to return
home to recruit.
Page 227
"Your obt. servt.,
"R. E. LEE,
"Genl."
Page 228
"Feb. 19th, 1865.
Page 229
Page 230
Page 231
Page 235
CHAPTER XIV
THE FALL OF THE CURTAIN
"4th February, 1865.
"Sir: The
undersigned beg leave earnestly but
respectfully to recommend the assignment of Genl.
Joseph E. Johnston to the command of the troops
lately composing the Army of Tennessee. We are
induced to make this suggestion by information
derived from such sources as to leave us no
Page 236
Page 237
"Your obdt. Servants,
"R. H. Walker, Ala.
A. T. Caperton, Va.
Landon C. Haynes, Ten.
Waldo P. Johnson, Mo.
A. H. Garland, Ark.
Jos. C. Watson, Miss.
H. C. Burnett, Ken.
James L. Orr, So. Ca.
Geo. G. Vest, Mo.
W. E. Simms, Ken.
W. A. Graham, No. Ca.
W. S. Oldham, Texas.
Wm. T. Dortch, No. Ca.
A. G. Brown, Miss.
Louis T. Wigfall, Texas."
Page 238
"JAS. M. BAKER, Flo.
"W. H. Taylor,
"A. A. G."
"13 Feb., 1865.
"I had yesterday
the honor to receive your letter
of the 4th inst., recommending the assignment of
Genl. Jos. E. Johnston to the command of the
Army of Tennessee. The three corps of that Army
have been ordered to So. Ca., and are now under
the command of Gent. Beauregard, two of them
having already arrived in that Deptmt. I entertain
a high opinion of Gen. Johnston's capacity, but
think a continued change of commanders is very
injurious to any troops, and tends greatly to their
disorganization. At this time as far as I understand
the condition of affairs, an engagement with the
enemy may be expected any day, and a change
now would be particularly hazardous. Genl.
Beauregard is well known to the citizens of So.
Ca., as well as to the troops of the Army of
Tennessee, and I would recommend that it be certainly
Page 239
"R. E. LEE,
"Genl."
Honl. A. E. Maxwell,&c.,
&c.,"
"10th February, 1865.
"A letter has
been addressed to you, urging the
assignment of Genl. Joseph E. Johnston to the
command of the Army in front of Sherman. This
letter has been numerously signed by Senators,
of whom I was not one. I did not sign because
I did not wish to embarrass you. But my opinion
is, that such an assignment would have a most
beneficial effect. If I am to trust the manifestations
which I have witnessed from certain members
of Congress, there is nothing which could be
done, which would so much revive hope, as the
Page 240
"Your friend,
"R. M. T. HUNTER."
W. H. Taylor, A. A. G."
"I have just
received yours of February 27th.
I have been for two weeks looking for an
opportunity other than by mail, to send you a
letter. But all are reported to me too late.
Page 241
"J. E. JOHNSTON."
Page 242
With
fruits and fertile promise, and the Spring
Come
forth her work of gladness to contrive
With
all her joyous birds upon the wing,
I
turned from all she brought to those she could not bring."
Page 243
April 10th, 1865.
"commdg."
Page 244
Page 245
Page 246
Page 249THE CONFEDERATE FLAG
"Requiescat in Pace"
'Twas
baptized in our mother's tears!
And
drenched with blood of our kindred,
While
with hope for those four long years,
Across
vale and plain we watched it,
Where
the red tide of battle rolled
And
with tear-dimmed eyes we followed
The
wave of each silken fold.
Through
the dust and din of the fight,
We
caught the glint of the spear-head
And
the flash of its crimson light!
While
the blood of the men who bore it
Flowed
fast on the reddened plain,
Till
our cry went up in anguish
To
God, for our martyred slain!
By
our lonely household fire,
For
the mother gave her first born,
And
the daughter gave her sire!
And
the wife sent forth her husband,
And
the maiden her lover sweet;
And
our hearts kept time in the silence
To
the rhythmic tread of their feet.
Page 250
While
our banner rose and fell,
Though
victory often crowned it,
As
the Northern hosts can tell!
But
the whole world was against us:
We
fought our fight all alone.
To
the conquerors Want and Famine,
We
laid our standard down.
Stilled
are the brave hearts and true!
Watching
nor waiting can bring them,
Weeping
is all we can do!
Light
from our banner has faded,
We,
in its shadow forlorn
Have
only our mem'ries left us,
And
our battle flag drooping and torn!
'Tis
shrined in our heart of hearts,
With
dearest, holiest mem'ries
And
the burning tear drop starts
While
laurel we weave and cypress,
For
the fair, the brave, the good;
The
only stain on our banner
Is
the stain of our heroes' blood!
Page 253INDEX
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