Funding from the Library of
Congress/Ameritech National Digital
Library
Competition
supported the electronic publication of this
title.
Text scanned (OCR) by
Kathleen Feeney
Images scanned by Jill Kuhn
Text encoded by
Jill Kuhn and Natalia Smith
First edition, 1997.
ca. 800K
Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
1998.
© This work is the
property of the University of
North Carolina
at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research,
teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability
is included in the text.
The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH
digitization project, Documenting the American
South, or, The Southern Experience in
19th-century America.
Any hyphens occurring in
line breaks have been removed,
and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line.
All quotation marks and
ampersand have been transcribed as
entity references.
All double right and left
quotation marks are encoded as "
and "
respectively.
All single right and left
quotation marks are encoded as '
and ' respectively.
Indentation in lines has
not been preserved.
Running titles have not
been preserved.
Spell-check and
verification made against printed text using
Author/Editor (SoftQuad) and Microsoft Word spell check programs.
Library of Congress Subject Headings,
21st edition, 1998
By
Illustrated from contemporary portraits
Copyright, 1905, by Published, September, 1905
THIS RECORD IS WRITTEN
A
Southern Girl in '61
The War-Time Memories of a Confederate
Senator's DaughterMrs. D. Giraud Wright
New York
Doubleday, Page& Company
1905
Doubleday, Page & Company
All rights reserved, including that
of translation into foreign languages,
including the Scandinavian
IN LOVING MEMORY
OF
TWO CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS
My Father and My Brother
Page vii
Approach of General Sherman Causes a Rush from Macon - A Louisiana Swamp - Crossing the Mississippi in Dugouts . . . . . 193
THE COMET OF 1858 - JOURNEY BY STAGE COACH FROM MARSHALL TO AUSTIN - A PRAIRIE FIRE - FORDING THE BRAZOS RIVER.
IN gathering the sad and happy memories of the years of which I write, I am actuated by two motives - one, that I am conscious that the days are passing, and that if done at all, the chronicle had best be written ere the eye that has seen these things grows dim and the memory faulty; and the other, that I would fain live in the thoughts of the children who shall come after me, and have their hearts, as they read this record, beat in unison with mine. Thus shall we be linked together in these memories.
I remember, in the summer of 1858, sitting on the broad piazza in front of our home in Marshall, Texas, watching the great comet that hung in the heavens. I can see now the crêpe myrtle bushes with their rose-colored blossoms, flanking the steps; feel again the warm, languorous air of the summer night, heavy with the odor of white jasmine, and honeysuckle; and hear again the voices, long stilled, as we talked together
of the comet and its portent. As a child, I felt the influence of the time: great events were forming; the "irrepressible conflict," which culminated in the awful struggle of the sixties, was just becoming, to the mind of thinkers, a fearful probability; and when we looked at the blazing comet in that fair summer sky, a feeling of awe and mystery enveloped us. Night after night we watched it, and singular to say, it is the only distinct impression left on my mind of the summer of '58.
In the autumn my father was elected the State Senate and we made preparations for our journey to Austin. There were no railroads across the State in those days, and the hundreds of miles had to be traversed by private conveyance, or by stage coach.
We decided to make the expedition in our old- fashioned family carriage, drawn by a pair of stout horses and driven by our negro coachman, Henry. My brother came with us on horseback. We made the journey in easy stages - our luggage, of course, being sent on by coach. We would drive about thirty miles a day - never more; stopping in the middle of the day for an hour or so, when the horses would be thoroughly rested and fed, and we would have our luncheon.
At night, we always stopped at a convenient farmhouse, the location of which had been previously learned, and whose owners were
accustomed, in a country where there were no inns, to receive occasional travelers.
What a delightful journey it was! The beautiful, level, prairie roads, hard, white and smooth, over which we rolled, with little effort on the horses' part - stretching behind and before us that wide expanse of prairie, now, in November, covered with tall, waving, yellow grass; but in June glorious with the exquisite blue flowers of the buffalo clover - stopping, from time to time, to water the horses from the pure, limpid springs; the heavens blue as a sapphire and the sun shining!
I do not remember any rainy days in the ten during which we were on the road. The midday meal, taken by the banks of some clear, beautiful stream, was a feast indeed - a daily picnic of the most enchanting kind.
I recall only two adventures by the way. One was our setting the prairie on fire by thoughtlessly throwing a lighted match in the dry grass, which might have resulted very seriously had we not been near a stream, and had not the wind been blowing towards it, and in the opposite direction from that in which we were going. As it happened, it was an interesting and novel sight, viewed at a safe distance. And it resulted in much merriment, as we recalled our first frightened efforts to put out the prairie fire by futile little journeyings to and from the stream with cups of water.
Our other adventure was fording the Brazos River, a broad, swift-running, shallow stream, so limpid that the stones on the bottom were clearly visible.
When we reached the ford, we knew nothing of the treacherous character of the sandy bottom, and when about fifty feet from the shore the horses stopped to drink. Imagine our horror when we felt the carriage beginning to sink and the horses to plunge in a vain endeavor to extricate themselves. Luckily for us, the quicksands were not very deep, and having sunk as far as the hubs of the wheels, there we stuck, hard and fast. My brother, who was on horseback, was able to approach cautiously, and took each of us out of the carriage window, when, seated behind him and holding on to him with a grip made intense by necessity and terror, we rode rapidly across the river and were landed safely on the other side. The carriage, now being lightened of its weight, was raised, and the horses were enabled to get on a firmer footing and soon were out of their dangerous position. I must say that I think we all behaved very well, as I have no recollection of any excitement or cries of terror, which might have been expected of us in such a new and trying experience.
I recall very vividly the evening when we came in sight of the city of Austin: the brilliant autumn sunset, the invigorating air, the lovely view of
the surrounding country, the sound of the horses' feet ringing on the hard, smooth road, as we rolled along, down the slope that brought us to our journey's end - half way across the State of Texas, in ten days.
THE WRITER'S HOME IN MARSHALL - ANECDOTES OF FAITHFUL NEGROES - REMOVAL TO WASHINGTON - MEETINGS WITH SENATORS CLAY AND SLIDELL AND THEIR WIVES AND OTHER NOTABLES.
IT IS curious how the minor things in a life stand out against the background of the past like silhouettes. The great events are harder to remember than the trifles.
The village of Marshall was not different from a thousand other little country towns throughout the South. The houses set back from the sandy street, with their front yards filled with roses and honeysuckles; the back yards with the servants' quarters and the wood piles; the well dug deep to reach the cool water; and in it the tempting bucket in which the luscious watermelon was sent down to its mysterious depths, and from which it emerged covered with a silver frost. The happy little darkies played in the background through the summer day, and gathered around the kitchen fire when the nights grew chill, and the white folks at "the house" sat by the roaring hickory logs at the chimney side.
I never see a big wood fire but I remember my father and the way he constructed his: The huge back log, first; the light-wood knots in front, and on top the wealth of smaller hickory; and then the blaze, and the warmth, and the delight of replenishing!
There is one little figure, that stands out in positive and pathetic prominence, as I think of those old days; little Emmeline, the small negro girl who was my constant companion. She loved me with a devotion that I have never seen excelled, and in her brief life (for she died when eight years old) she made an impression which has never left me, and which I am glad to record here. When she died, after a short illness, I grieved sincerely; and to this day cannot think of her without a pang.
Strange to say, of our many plays together only two incidents can I recall. It was the fourth of July. The arrival of the day had been announced at dawn by the explosion of gunpowder placed in an anvil, this being the primitive method in vogue among the village patriots for ushering in the anniversary and producing the desired amount of noise. There was, of course, the usual popping of firecrackers, and the usual parade of the militia.
When little Emmeline heard the shouts and the music, she left the enchantment of the approaching
pageant, even at the risk of losing the sight, to summon me.
"Oh! run, run," she screamed at the top of her voice, "run, and look; General Washington done come."
We had a dear old doctor in the village, and he had one invariable method of diagnosis, which used to cause us all infinite amusement. Whatever the disease, and wherever situated, he always, before administering his remedies, would first proceed to feel our spines. We thought it very funny, but he was only a little in advance of his school. Nowadays, I believe, the osteopaths pursue the same practice and proclaim much the same doctrine, as to the general seat of disease. Now Emmeline, like the rest of her race, was imitative; she liked to play doctor. We saw her one day, having cornered a little piccaninny, named Hannah, proceed to poke and punch different portions of her anatomy in true medical style, accentuating her thrusts with the suggestive query as to the location of the supposed pain, her voice taking on an indescribable whine, supposed to be professional.
"Hannah, Hannah, docker Baylor say your backbone hurt you, Hannah?"
If she had lived in later days who knows in what new school of medicine she might not have been a burning and a shining light!
Then there was the Court House in the middle
of the square, where the voice of the crier was heard on Court days calling, "Oh yes, oh, yes, come into Court," and the long rack where the horses were hitched in patient rows, switching off the flies with their long tails. Fortunately for them "docking" was an unknown art.
Then there was the tavern, with the wide front piazza, where appeared the benches and the split- bottomed chairs, with their leisurely occupants; and the inevitable accompaniment of elevated legs on the railing, which some cavilling Britisher has styled the attitude of the American Congressman.
I can hear now the dinner bell, summoning the guests at the hour of noon. The boys had a song to fit the monotonous sound, suggestive of the quality and quantity of the repast.
"Pigtail
done, Pigtail done,
If
you don't come quick
You
won't git none!"
Then there were the churches of different denominations. The quaint Methodist buildings, where the men sat on one side and the women on the other; where, on Sunday evenings, however, the rules were not so strict but that the girls made themselves pretty and coquettish enough, in their sweet summer dresses land won many a sly glance of approbation from across the rigid dividing line.
Then there were the hard-shell Baptists and the Campbellite Baptists; and from their pulpits the theologians of the different schools pronounced a sufficient variety of dogmas to daunt the souls and bewilder the minds of ordinary mortals.
Many of the negroes were members of one or other of these denominations. "Dick" professed conversion and was taken into the fold by immersion. When "Marcia" heard of it her comment was congratulatory for two reasons, "One t'ing, Dick got a good washin'."
It was against the rules for the negroes to be out at night without a "pass," and it was the custom to come to young "Massa" or "Missus" to write them for them. Many a one have I written. "Henry has permission to pass and repass until ten o'clock" was the usual form.
There have been volumes written about the negro, generally by persons who knew nothing, by practical experience, of the subject of which they wrote. They theorized, from a false basis, on a condition of things which existed only in their imaginations; and they built up a fabric, which, in these later days, has tumbled down about their ears, and bids fair, in its fall, to work havoc, in more directions than one. It may be that out of the dirt and débris, a new structure will be erected in time; but that time is certainly not yet. Now I do not propose to theorize on the subject. I merely wish to relate two or three
facts, to the truth of which I can bear witness - facts that exhibit the character of the negro, as shown during the War, under the then existing conditions of slavery.
When my parents left home in the autumn of 1860 to go to Washington, they anticipated returning in a few months. We had a faithful woman, named Sarah, whose family had belonged to ours for two generations. Before our departure the silver was packed away and the key given to Sarah. For nearly four years we were absent. During that time the house was occupied, on several occasions, as headquarters, by Generals of our own army in command at Marshall, permission of course being given. Sarah, for the credit of the establishment, as she told us afterwards, produced the silver and had it constantly in use. When we returned, not a single piece was missing; though, in the meantime the War had ended, and she was free to come and go as she chose, and could easily, in the lawlessness of the time, have decamped with her prize, with no one to gainsay her. When, on our return home after weeks of waiting in fear and anxiety for my father's safety, at last tidings were brought us that he was in our neighborhood - it was to Sarah that we confided the fact, and through her connivance, under cover of night, he entered his home. It was Sarah who watched with us and stood on guard through the long weary hours
while we sat together and talked over the plans for the future - and it was Sarah who saw in the early dawn that the coast was clear for her master - her master no longer - to make his escape from his foes!
Then again there was Henry, my brother's body servant during the War. In looking back it seems strange that officers in the army, at a time when they were barely existing on a third of a pound of bacon a day and a little corn meal, should have decreased their slender store by sharing it with servants. But those were the good old days and the good old ways, and I, for one, would never have changed them! Now one of my father's admirers in Texas had sent to him at Richmond a very beautiful Mexican saddle, heavily mounted in silver, and he, caring little for such vanities and always delighting to give to his children, promptly transferred the valuable present to my brother. Henry's pride in his young master's grandeur was unbounded, and he polished the handsome silver mountings with unwearied zeal, and I doubt if the suggestion ever occurred to his simple mind as to how sensible it would be to convert a portion of those jingling chains and buckles into some good digestible article to appease the ever-present hunger of both master and man. After General Johnston's surrender, and when my brother determined to make his way across the river to join Kirby Smith, he
had to part from Henry. That Henry should leave him voluntarily never occurred to either of them. He left him at a point in Alabama and told him to wait with the horse and famous saddle until he should receive orders to come. And there he remained for weeks, faithful and obedient. When at last my brother wrote for him he sold the horse and the saddle, according to his orders, and with the proceeds made his way home, where he appeared one day to give an account of his adventures and expenditures. Can these instances of faithful service be matched in any negro to-day, after nearly forty years of freedom?
The negro in slavery before and during the War, was lazy and idle - he will always be that - but he was simple, true and faithful. What he has become since his emancipation from servitude is a queer comment on the effect of the liberty bestowed upon him. But that is going very far afield and away from our subject.
The great events in the county were the barbecues and the commencements. The former were generally the means of gathering the politicians who made stump speeches, and instructed the people as to the proper way to construe the Constitution, and duly inculcated the doctrine of States' rights. Here, over a great pit, spanned by iron rods, were laid and roasted huge beeves and hogs, the dispensing of which savory viands, on immense tables spread under the shade of the
branching oaks, was good to see, and better to smell, and best of all to taste.
Then the Commencements were the events of the year. The "sweet girl graduates" in their filmy white robes and dainty ribbons, with compositions in hand, astonishing the dear old country papas and mamas, by "words of learned length and thundering sound", and blushing and simpering under the admiring gaze of the youthful swains. I knew of one of these, after an occasion of the sort, expressing his feelings of admiration in rather an original way, by sending his lady love a magnificent watermelon with its dear little curly tail tied with a blue ribbon! This youthful enthusiast bore the euphonious appellation of Alonzo Womack, and some cruel, unfeeling one, with a prophetic eye to the possible result of a mutual consumption of the luscious gift, made the following suggestive couplet:
"Alonzo
Womack
With
a pain in his
stomach."
From Marshall, my thoughts naturally drift back to Austin where we spent two winters before my father's election to the United States Senate.
I wonder if my descendants, should they ever read these memoirs, will be shocked at the levity of an ancestress who frankly acknowledges that the most vivid recollection left on her mind is a grey merino pélisse and black beaver hat and
plumes with which her small person was decked during the winter of 1859. At the house where we spent the winter I do remember several interesting people.
One of these was "Tom" Ochiltree, whose name has since attained wide celebrity. He was then clerk of the Texas Senate, young and full of spirit and mischief and cleverness, of a kindly temper and fond of children.
A little girl of six, staying in the house with him, became deeply enamoured, and used to weep bitterly when her elders, to tease her, would declare that his locks, which were of an intensified Titian tint, would set the house afire.
At this date occurred the event, which was to transport me from the quiet life I had led into that vast theatre whereon was acted the greatest tragedy of modern times, and in which those nearest and dearest to me played prominent parts. From their intimate connection with the chief actors in those tragic days I have been taken behind the scenes, and enabled from tale of lip and pen to write this chronicle.
I well remember the night we sat waiting together for news from the Capitol, when suddenly the sound of music was heard and the shouts of the crowd coming to announce the election of my father to the United States Senate. In a short time thereafter we went to Washington, by way of Galveston, where we took the steamer for
New Orleans, and thence up the Mississippi River to Memphis, from where the railroad carried us to our destination.
I remember my delight in that journey. New Orleans, with its foreign air and beautiful shops; the old St. Charles Hotel, where we stopped for a while, that our wardrobes might receive a finishing touch at the hands of the modistes and milliners, whose good taste was proverbial. Then the week on that river palace, the old John Simonds, one of the famous boats of the day. Such luxury of living, even in these times, could not be excelled. And the delicious leisure of it, the lack of hurry and bustle. A week to go from New Orleans to Memphis!
When we reached Washington, we joined the colony at Brown's Hotel, where the atmosphere was as distinctly Southern in character as it was Northern at Willard's, the rival house. Among the many interesting people at "Brown's" were Senator Clement C. Clay and his brilliant wife. Mrs. Clay was a woman of great vivacity, and rare charm of manner; her cleverness and wit made her a delightful companion, and her lively sallies at the great fancy ball, in the winter of '58, where she personated "Mrs. Partington," with a young friend in attendance as "Ike," will long be remembered
Here, I saw, for the first time what was then called "dollar jewelry," and this was when Mrs.
Clay came down to dinner one night, very elegantly gowned, her ornaments being a beautiful set of carbuncles, which sparkled and glowed in the lamplight. After having called attention to her new acquisitions and had them duly admired, she laughingly confessed that she had purchased the gems at the "dollar store" as a present for her maid. This happy, buoyant temper enabled her to bear up under the sorrows of the coming years, when her husband, sent as a Commissioner from the Confederacy to Canada, was, on his return, imprisoned on a charge of complicity with the assassination of Lincoln (fancy Clement Clay, the noblest, kindest, most gentle of men, in the character of an assassin!), and though released after months of suffering and hardship, never recovered his health or spirits. Photography was in its infancy at this time, and the little "cartes de visite," which then the fashion to present to one's friends, show what a wide step has been taken between those crude attempts and the finished works of art of this day.
Among the many prominent personalities who
crowd my memory for recognition are Senator
and Mrs. Slidell, of Louisiana, and their lovely
daughters, one of whom afterward married Baron
Erlanger, of Paris. Mr. Slidell will probably be
best remembered by his connection with the Trent
affair. Mrs. Slidell and her daughters were on the
vessel when her husband was removed and
were taken with him on board the United States
ship. In making the removal, the story goes, and was
generally believed, though I cannot vouch for its
accuracy, a Federal officer laid a restraining hand
on Miss Slidell's shoulder, whereupon she very
promptly raised her own and administered an
emphatic rebuke for his temerity by a sound slap on
the cheek. A rhymster of the day celebrated the fact
in a song, of which the following couplet was the
refrain:
"A
bumper for the gallant girl,
The winter of '60 saw
us again in Washington with
our quarters changed to "Wormley's." This was
more than forty years ago and was in the dawn of
Wormley's fame as a caterer - indeed, I believe
ours was the first family to lodge with him in the
house, which was afterward a synonym for
delightful living and even in those days the acme of
comfort. I can recall now, in these degenerate times
of discomfort and bad servants, the admirable
service rendered, and the delicious dinners
furnished us, and with a sigh of regret confess to
myself that if we have progressed in some matters
we certainly have retrogressed in others.
In our drawing room in "I" Street were often
gathered many of the distinguished men of the
day - and I, a child of fourteen, would sit
quietly by, listening to the talk and hearing
the great questions of the hour discussed. The war
clouds were growing black and threatening, and even
the children felt the impulse of the time. My great
delight was to go to the Capitol and hear my father
speak in the Senate, and he never had a more ardent
admirer of his fiery eloquence than the little
daughter in the gallery, who listened to the debates
with beating heart; but with the most supreme
confidence in his wisdom and power to vanquish all
adversaries.
JOHN
C. BRECKENRIDGE - JEFFERSON DAVIS - JUDAH P.
BENJAMIN - R. M. T. HUNTER - LOUIS T. WIGFALL, THE
WRITER'S FATHER - A FAMOUS DUEL - LETTERS TO AND
FROM MRS. WIGFALL IN 1861 - THE EVACUATION OF FORT
SUMTER.
IN thinking of the men
who made the South
famous in the Senate at that day, the Vice-President,
John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky, naturally
comes first to mind. With what inimitable dignity
and grace he presided as President of the Senate
- even his worst enemies according him praise
for the justice and impartiality of his rulings. He
was a delightful man to know well, and I shall
never forget the charm of his conversation. His
keen sense of humor, fund of anecdote, and the
fascinating cordiality of his manner, made a
lighter setting to the sterner qualities of his character
which came out fully when, throwing in his
fortunes with the young Confederacy, he served
in the field as Major General, and in the Cabinet
as Secretary of War. Brilliant he was and debonair,
the highest type of a Kentucky gentleman,
statesman and soldier. I remember him in London
in 1867, broken in fortune and retired to private life
from the exalted position he had held; just the same noble
gentleman and delightful companion he had ever been, with
spirit undaunted, and sense of humor undiminished. He told
us a droll story, illustrating this latter trait. When he was in
London at the time of which I have spoken, he was much
sought after as a celebrity and among many other
invitations received one from the Countess of Blank to
luncheon. This lady at the same time had advertised for a
footman, stating, as is usual in such cases, the required
height, etc., a footman being considered more or less
desirable according to his dimensions. Now General
Breckenridge was a man of very magnificent proportions.
Mistaking the hour he reached the house before the
appointed time and by some accident was ushered into
Lady Blank's presence without being announced. The day
was in June; owing to the heat, the blinds were drawn,
letting in a subdued light; Lady Blank, glancing at the
advancing figure, to the astonishment of the visitor greeted
him thus:
"Have you a reference from your last place?" The
General took in the situation instantly, and with a twinkle in
his eye unobserved by his hostess, answered respectfully,
"Yes, my lady."
"What were your
duties?" was the next query.
"Well, my lady, in
the last three places I held,
I was Vice-President of the United States, Major General
in the Confederate Army, and Secretary of War of the
Confederate States of America!"
"Oh! General Breckenridge," stammered Lady Blank,
utterly overcome with confusion, and averting her face.
Laughing heartily, he advanced with his hands outstretched,
and assured her that his vanity was so tickled at the implied
compliment to his figure that he quite forgave her mistake.
Jefferson Davis was afterward to be the most famous of
that remarkable group of men. He was a man of scholarly
attainments, polished manners, and of quiet and grave
demeanor. His integrity of purpose, pure patriotism and
high courage were never questioned by those who knew
him best. My father's intimacy with him was of the closest,
and he loved and esteemed him as a friend and admired
him as a man, until, in the last, unhappy years of the
Confederacy, an estrangement grew up between them,
owing to differing views as to the conduct of affairs, of
which I shall speak more particularly hereafter.
As showing the softer side of Mr. Davis's character, I
recall my father's telling us one day, when he went to see
him in Washington on some grave matter of state, that he
found the future President of the Confederacy in his library,
lying flat on his back, with two or three of his little children
climbing over him.
As I write the names of others in that famous group, the
familiar faces rise before me. Benjamin, the silver tongued;
I can see him now in the attitude he always assumed when
speaking, leaning slightly forward, with one hand resting
on his desk, while his softly modulated voice and clear
enunciation, the purity of his English and the wonderful flow
of language delighted his auditors. However hot and furious
the debate, the soft tone of his voice was never raised in
anger, nor his placid manner the least ruffled or disturbed.
Not so the fiery Georgian, Tombs, who would thunder
out his anathemas in a manner commensurate with his zeal
and earnestness in the defence of his principles.
Senator R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, was a man of great
force. My father, in his characteristic way, said of him, "I
don't know what we Southern men would do without
Hunter; he is the only one among us who knows anything
about finance!"
As the fateful winter of
'61 wore on, the Southern Senators
began to drop off, one by one, with the secession of their
states, until, at last, my father was left almost alone in his
place. Texas not having seceded, he held his ground and
refused to give up his seat in the Senate, until his state had
passed the ordinance of secession.
During this time he stood
at bay, surrounded by
enemies, the champion of the South; vindicating
the right of the Sovereign States to secede, under
the Constitution, appealing to the Northern
Senators for a peaceful solution of the
"irrepressible conflict," and hurling back, in the
faces of their defamers, the calumnies against the
Southern States. It was then that he and Charles
Sumner, of Massachusetts, contended in a
memorable debate on the issues of the day. This
contest excited unusual interest, from the fact that
Preston Brooks, of South Carolina, whose attack on
Sumner is known to the world, had fought a duel
with my father in 1841, in which they were both
wounded. Preston Brooks was shot through the hip,
and my father through both thighs. The latter was
twenty-three years old and Preston Brooks twenty-
two at the time. My father's second was John
Laurens Manning, afterward Governor of South
Carolina, and the second of Preston Brooks was
Pierce M. Butler, afterward also Governor of the
State. My father had been in several affairs of honor
before this; but never fought another duel after his
marriage. He seldom mentioned the subject, but
when asked for his opinion would state with an
earnestness of conviction, as refreshing as it was
real, that he was a firm believer in the code duello
as a factor in the improvement of both the morals
and the manners of a community! He held that it
engendered courtesy of speech and demeanor - had
a most restraining tendency on the errant fancy, and as
a preservative of the domestic relations was without
an equal. His fame, as a marksman, was known
throughout the State. As a funny illustration of that,
General Hampton used to tell a story, that as he was
riding one day through his plantation, he met a negro
on the road who touched his forelock respectfully
and to whom he stopped and spoke. He was sure the
man was one of his own slaves, from the direction
from which he came, but from idle curiosity asked
the question, "Whom do you belong to, Sambo?"
Sambo straightened himself and with an air of great
importance replied, "Colonel Wigfall, sah, de best
shot in Souf Callina, sah!" This was such a barefaced
misappropriation of ownership, as Colonel Wigfall's
home was in another part of the state, that General
Hampton laughed heartily and saved the story as too
good to be lost. But this is a digression.
Chandler, of Michigan, was another Republican
Senator who was especially violent in his
denunciations of the South. On one occasion he
made a very virulent attack, saying in the course
of his speech many bitter things of the seceded
states; finishing up with the statement that if
certain contingencies came about, he would "leave
this country and join some other nation - even the
Comanches he would prefer to this Government
in such a case." My father rose in answer and
stated in a grave tone of remonstrance, "that he
trusted the Senator would think better of this
resolve, for the Comanches had already suffered
too much from contact with the whites!"
At this time, March, 1861, the Provisional
Government of the Confederate States was already
established in Montgomery, Ala. The Southern
people were still hoping for a peaceful solution of
their difficulties by the evacuation of Fort Sumter.
In anticipation of leaving Washington and in view of
the uncertainty of their movements, my parents had
sent my sister and myself, children of eight and
fourteen years of age, to remain temporarily with
my maternal grandmother at Longwood, a suburb
of Boston. My father writes at this time in a letter
to my brother at school:
"Political matters are in statu quo, ante bellum.
The war has not yet begun, but I believe it will
before the end of summer, though the general
impression here is that we will have peace.
"When I get to Montgomery I'll write you fully
all the news, and my impressions as to the political
conditions present and to come. Ben McCulloch
was here yesterday. He came on to buy Colt's
pistols for a Mounted Regiment in Texas, which
he is authorized by the Confederate States to raise.
He has gone to Richmond where I'll meet him
to- morrow. Morse went on to Hartford to buy
the pistols. (The indictment against Governor
Floyd has been dismissed by the Government.
There never was the slightest ground for indicting
him. Andy Johnson was reported in the
Republican papers here as using very offensive
language in reference to Governor Floyd. The
Governor addressed him a note to-day enquiring
as to the correctness of the report and Andy, of
course, disclaimed it. So the matter ended.)"
March 24th. My mother says: "Your father has
gone over to-day to Alexandria to meet McCulloch.
McCulloch arrived here last night and went right to
Mr. Gwin's. It was deemed imprudent by his friends
for him to remain in Washington on account of the
part he took about the Forts in Texas, and they
advised him to go to Alexandria, so your father has
gone there to see him. . . . No news has yet come of
the evacuation of Fort Sumter."
Again, "Richmond, March 29, 1861. We got here
Tuesday . . . and are staying at the Spotswood
House. Mr. McCulloch is here to buy arms for
Texas, and your father is assisting him in making
the arrangements necessary. . . . I see by today's
paper that the Senate has adjourned and what is
more is that Sumter has not yet been evacuated.
I don't believe Jeff Davis will allow them to
trifle with him much longer, and should not be
surprised at any time to hear that he was
preparing to take it. . . . I attended the Convention
yesterday. . . . The friends of secession seem
confident that Virginia will join the South, but
differ about the time. We went to an elegant dinner
yesterday given to us by Mr.& Mrs. Lyons. The
party was composed of twenty, and among them were Mr.
Tyler, Mr. McCulloch, etc. Mrs. Lyons is one of the
loveliest people I have seen in a long time. Mr. Lyons told
me that the people here would never allow the removal of
the guns that have been ordered to be sent to Fortress
Monroe. He said there were about fifty of them, and it was
fully determined that the order should not be executed. I
think they are some miles from this city and would have to
pass through here to get to Old Point. This is a fine looking
old place, and reminds me of Charleston."
CHARLESTON, April 2nd, 1861.
"We arrived here
yesterday morning and I find very
little change in the appearance of things since we were
here eighteen months ago. You meet a good many
soldiers, but that is about the only difference. The
people are strongly in hopes that Fort Sumter will be
evacuated very soon. Some think to-day, and that the
reason why it has been put off so long was on account
of the New England elections. Your father has gone
down to-day to visit the fortifications and has had the
Lady Davis put at his command."
CHARLESTON, April 10, 1861.
"You see we are
still here and it is quite impossible
to say for how long a time. Your father has been
with General Beauregard almost constantly
since we came, until yesterday, when General
Beauregard requested him to go on his staff, and since
then he has been actively engaged in carrying out his
orders. I suppose you know the condition of things from
the papers - that the administration after their professions
of peace have determined to re-inforce the Fort at all
risks, and we are in hourly expectation of the arrival of
the storeship and the fleet sent to protect it. General
Beauregard is only waiting for the arrival of the troops
from the country to make the attack on the Fort. He is quite
confident of the result, and God grant he may be right. We
are all anxious enough as you may suppose." At this date
my father sent the following telegram to President Davis at
Montgomery:
CHARLESTON, 10 April, 1861.
"No one now doubts
that Lincoln intends War. The
delay on his part is only to complete his preparations.
All here is ready on our side. Our delay therefore is
to his advantage, and our disadvantage. Let us take Fort
Sumter, before we have to fight the fleet and the Fort.
General Beauregard will not act without your order. Let
me suggest to you to send the order to him to begin the
attack as soon as he is ready. Virginia is excited by the
preparations, and a bold stroke on our side will complete
her purposes. Policy and Prudence are urgent upon us to
begin at once.
Let me urge the order to attack most seriously upon
you.
"L. T. WIGFALL."
President Davis sent in answer from Montgomery
the following letter:
"MONTGOMERY, Alabama,
"My dear friend,
"As ever your friend,
"A want of vigilance let Anderson pass from
Moultrie to Sumter. I hope your guard boats,
steamers and launches are under competent and
faithfully watchful of officers. "
J. D."
The following letter is from my mother, sent to
me to Longwood, Massachusetts:
CHARLESTON, April 11th, 1861.
" . . . Your
father was gone all night with Captain
Hartstein, seeing to placing light boats, with
fires of pine wood, in the harbor, for the
purpose of detecting the approach of the enemy's
boats. He has gone again to-day and will not
return until evening. . . . A demand for the
surrender of the Fort was made to-day, but the
answer has not yet come. In case of Anderson's
refusal (of which there is little doubt), the fire of
the batteries on him will open at 8 to-night. God
grant the Fort may be surrendered before the
arrival of the Fleet, for although I believe General
Beauregard is prepared on every side, yet I should
feel all danger were over if we had the Fort. It
will be a night of intense excitement and although
I can't help feeling shivery and nervous, yet I am
not as much alarmed as I might be, and something
tells me it won't be so bad after all I am going
down after a while to walk with Mrs. Chesnut on
the Battery and will add more when I hear the
answer Anderson returns."
"April 12.
"I was awakened about half past four, this morning,
by the booming of a cannon, and it has been going
on steadily ever since - the firing is constant and
rapid - with what results we don't yet know. Your
father has gone to Morris's Island to obtain a report
from the command there, and in order to avoid the
guns of Sumter he has taken Major Whiting's row
boat, so as to run in by the Inlets. I don't know how
long he will be gone."
"11 o'clock. The news we hear so far is good.
No one killed on Morris's Island so far - and a breach
reported in Fort Sumter. The iron battery is working well
and the balls from Sumter have no effect on it. All is
excitement of the most painful kind. Another story is that
the Harriet Lane which was off the bar last night has been
fired into and injured."
My father writes to my
mother:
"HEAD QUARTERS,
" . . . I take a
moment to write you a line to say that I am well
and that all is well. I cannot return till General Beauregard
comes. I am very busy examining the position of the
different batteries and arranging Infantry to support them in
case a landing should be attempted. They are, you know,
entirely out of the reach of the guns of Sumter. I have not
been to Cummin's Point, but hear a good report. The Iron
Battery stands fire admirably, and has dismounted two of
Sumter's barbette guns. Not a single accident up to this
time on our side. Thought that Sumter suffered this morning
from the effect of shells - as Anderson is keeping his men
at the casemates. He has thrown no shell, and probably has
none; or perhaps, no guns from which to throw them. He
has been throwing 32 solid shot at the iron battery
battery, and they break to pieces, and fly off
without making the slightest impression. Dr. St.
Julien Ravenel has just come in and says that up to
this time no one has been hurt. The wind is very high
and I cannot hear the firing, but they still keep it up.
I have been on the upper part of the Island, and am
about to mount my horse again. We have just held
a council to distribute the forces for the night, and
before mounting I write to make you easy and
assure you that all is well.
My mother writes:
"Saturday, April 13.
"The news is
glorious for us. No one hurt on our
side, and no damage of any consequence to our
batteries. Your father has been at Morris's Island all
yesterday, and all night. He however wrote me not
to expect him and I did not feel uneasy, as Captain
Hartstein told me it was utterly impossible for boats
to land with such a high sea. This morning Fort
Sumter is on fire
(produced from the shells it is
thought). They say the flag is at half mast and has
been so all the morning - a sure sign of distress.
The fleet will try to relieve him, of course, but it
will be in vain, and thus, I trust in God, this business
will end. Heaven has favored our side, and we are all
grateful to a Kind Providence. I doubt if your father
returns before night."
The following letter, written from Charleston to the New
York Times, gives a very fair account of the
surrender of
Fort Sumter and my father's connection with the affair. A
Southern newspaper says:
"The gallantry,
chivalry, and heroism of this distinguished
son of the South is even applauded by those from whom
we least expected a word of commendation. The following
is an extract of a letter written from Charleston to the New
York Times, to which we invite the especial attention of
our readers, both on account of its fairness, as well as of
its correct representation of the interview which came off
between Senator Wigfall and Major Anderson:
" 'Mr. Wigfall's exploit was as gallant and chivalrous
as any deed of modern times. - Stationed on Morris
Island, where he had been on foot or in the saddle
since the commencement of the attack, he no sooner
saw the second barracks in flames and the flag staff
shot away, than he resolved to make his way to the
Fort and persuade Major Anderson to desist from a
resistance manifestly so unavailing.
" 'Despite the remonstrances of those around him,
he embarked in a skiff, and with three Negro
oarsmen and a coxswain, pulled over to the Fort.
He was scarce a hundred yards from shore when
they hailed to him to return, "The Stars
and Stripes were again flying." - He literally
turned a deaf ear to this call, and pushed on,
brandishing his sword, to which he had tied his
white handkerchief as a flag of truce. From the
batteries of Fort Moultrie balls and shell were
aimed at the skiff. The white flag was invisible
at that distance, and the boat, only noticed when
nearing the Fort, if not carrying reinforcements,
had no business there. A thirty-two pound ball
struck the water within five yards of her, and was
followed by a shell which came near proving fatal.
The Africans strained every nerve to get under
the lee of the fort, and the officers at the batteries
observing that the boat never swerved from her
course, inferred that Wigfall must have been in it,
thereby acknowledging his more than Palmetto
recklessness and daring.
" 'On touching the wharf, the volunteer sprang
ashore, and finding the gate burst open by the
flames, made his way round to an open port hole
on the town side of the fort, through which with
the aid of a loose piece of timber which he placed
beneath it, he swung himself from a protruding
gun into the embrasure. He stumbled unchallenged
upon one of the garrison, who did not know where
Major Anderson was. The fire was still raging,
the heat intense, and the smoke insufferable.
Shells were still exploding above, and from
time to time within the fort, from the mortars on
Sullivan's Island. He worked his way up to a
group of officers and men standing near a casemate -
"Was Major Anderson there?" "No!" Before
the party had recovered their surprise at the
apparition, Major Anderson came up from the
quarter Wigfall had just left. He saw the sword
and white handkerchief -
" ' "Whom have I the honor of addressing?"
" ' "Col. Wigfall, of Gen. Beauregard's staff."
" ' "May I inquire your business with me?"
" ' "I have come to say that you must strike your
colors. Your position is untenable. - You have
defended it gallantly. It's madness to persevere
in useless resistance. You cannot be reinforced.
You have no provisions. - Your ammunition is
nearly exhausted, and your fort is on fire."
" ' "On what terms do you summon me to surrender?"
" ' "Unconditional. Gen. Beauregard is an officer
and a gentleman. He will, doubtless, grant you
all the honors of war, but speciali gratia."
" ' "Well, I have done all that was possible to
defend this fort."
" ' "You have. Haul down your flag."
" ' "But your people are still firing into me."
" ' "Hoist a white one. If you won't, I will, on my
own responsibility."
" 'A shell burst in the ground within ten paces
of them as they were speaking. Major Anderson
invited the Ex-Senator into a casemate; a white
flag was hoisted, the firing ceased, and what is
called the "battle of Fort Sumter" was over.
" 'All parties concur that Wigfall's performance was an
act of heroism and high humanity. There can be no doubt
that Major Anderson and the garrison were in that state of
morbid exaltation which is the forerunner of martyrdom.
They were ready to see their magazines explode and "die
in their tracks."
" 'You know all the details of the capitulation and have,
doubtless, done justice to the delicacy and generosity of
the rebel general in requiring no parole, besides according
all the honors of war to the gallant defenders of Sumter.
" 'Newspaper correspondents have generally exaggerated
the jubilation in this city at the evacuation of Fort
Sumter. There were no bonfires, no illuminations, and
far less exuberances of conviviality than I have often
witnessed during a race week. On the contrary, there
were manifestations of thankfulness - of the relief
afforded by the removal of a great anxiety.' "
The following communication was received by my father
from General Beauregard and his answer is appended:
"My dear Colonel:
far as they related to yourself, and to Sumter, for
use hereafter if required.
"Yours truly,
"Head Quarters, Confederate States Army,
"Major:
"Before reaching the Fort the flag was again
raised. On entering the work I informed Major
Anderson of my name and position on the staff of
the Commanding General, and demanded the
surrender of the Fort to the Confederate States.
"My attention having been called to the fact that
most of our batteries continued their fire, I
suggested to Major Anderson that the cambric
handkerchief, which I bore on my sword, had
probably not been seen, as I crossed the Bay, and
requested him to raise a white flag; which he did.
The firing then ceased from all our batteries -
when Major Anderson lowered his flag and
surrendered the Fort.
"The time and manner of the evacuation are to be
determined by General Beauregard.
"Before the surrender I expressed the confident
belief to Major Anderson that no terms would be
imposed, which would be incompatible with his
honor as a soldier, or his feelings as a gentleman -
and assured him of the high appreciation in which
his gallantry and desperate defence of a place, now
no longer tenable, were held by the Commanding
General.
"Major Anderson exhibited great coolness, and
seemed relieved from much of the unpleasantness
of his situation by the fact that the proposal had
been made by us that he should surrender the work,
which he admitted to be no longer defensible.
"I take great pleasure in acknowledging that my
success in reaching the Fort was due to the courage
and patriotism of Private William Gourdin Young,
of the Palmetto Guard; without whose aid I could
not have surmounted the obstacles.
"I have the honor to be with the highest respect.
"MAJOR D. R. JONES,
MRS. WlGFALL'S LETTERS FROM MONTGOMERY, ALABAMA,
AND FROM RICHMOND - A RHODE ISLAND CORRESPONDENT
- A HUMOROUS INCIDENT - THE OBSERVATIONS OF A
GIRL OF FOURTEEN - HER JOURNEY FROM BOSTON TO
BALTIMORE.
A FEW days after the fall of Sumter my father was
on the way to Montgomery where he arrived April
24th to attend the session of the Congress which
convened on the 29th, and to which he came as
Deputy from the State of Texas.
My mother writes:
"MONTGOMERY, April 26.
"The people here
are all in fine spirits, and the
streets are so lively and every one looks so happy,
that you can scarcely realize the cause of the
excitement. No one doubts our success. . . . I
suppose the chief fighting will be in Maryland
and Virginia. . . . This is a beautiful town and
much larger than I expected to see it. There are
a great many gardens, and as beautiful flowers
as I ever saw anywhere. Several bouquets of the
most superb flowers were presented to your
father the night he spoke here and, of course, I
had the benefit of them. The streets are very
wide, and five of them unite, and diverge on the
square opposite us. Something like Washington."
"29th: I have been this morning to witness the
opening of Congress, and hear the President's
message. It was an admirable one, worthy of his
reputation. It gives such a fair and lucid
statement of matters, as they now stand, that I
am sure it will do good abroad, if not at home.
. . . This afternoon I went with Mrs. Chesnut to
call on Mrs. Davis. I am going tomorrow to
her reception. . . . You allude to reports
given in the Northern papers of the Fort Sumter
affair. It is only what might have been expected
of them, that they would garble and misrepresent
the truth; but I must confess that Major Anderson's
silence, and the disingenuous bulletin he sent
to Cameron have surprised me. He takes care
not to tell the whole truth,
and any one to read his
statement would suppose he had only come out on
those conditions, whereas, he surrendered
unconditionally - the
U. S. Flag was lowered without
salute while your father was in the fort. This
was seen, not only by your father, but by the
thousands who were on the watch, and it was
only owing to General Beauregard's generosity
(misplaced, it seems, now) that he was allowed
to raise it again, and to salute it on coming out
of the Fort, and take it with him. . . . And
this conduct too, after the kind and generous
treatment he met with from the Carolinians.
Judge Ochiltree is here and tells me Tom is a
private in a company that Capt. Bass has
raised in Marshall. . . . The drums are beating
here all the time, and it really makes me
heartsick when I think about it all.
"I don't think
though that the military enthusiasm
can be very high at the North as I see they are
offering $20 additional pay to volunteers a
month. That fact speaks volumes. I suppose it is
to be accounted for in the anxiety to get rid of
the mob population who might be troublesome
at home."
A Northern woman who
was a native of Rhode
Island, but who had lived all her married life in
the South, returned after her widowhood to
Providence to be among her people. The following
letter was written by her to my mother:
May 13th 1861.
" . . . We are
always delighted to hear from
you - and indeed your letters and Louis's are the
only comfort we have in this Yankee land
surrounded by people who have no sympathy with
us, and who only open their lips to revile the
South and utter blood-thirsty threats. This morning
an amiable lady wished she had Jeff Davis in
front of a big cannon. This feminine wish was
uttered in the cars when L. and F. were going
in to Boston. We have now sufficient proof of
how much stronger hate is than love of country.
Where was the patriotism of Massachusetts when
the country was at war with the English in 1812?
I lived then at the South, and was ashamed of my
countrymen who refused to assist in the war.
Massachusetts, which was the leading state of New
England, refused to let her militia leave the state
and when the U. S. troops were withdrawn, to
fight in other places, applied to the Federal
Government to know whether the expenses of
their own militia, who were summoned to defend
their own State, would be reimbursed by the
Government. When our capitol at Washington
was burned with the President's House and
Treasury buildings, and other public buildings,
why did they not go to meet the British? On the
contrary, they rejoiced at the English victories,
and put every obstacle they could in the way
of the government. Now they are subscribing
millions, and urging every man to go and fight
their own countrymen. It is not patriotism; it is
hatred to the South and woe is me, that I must
live here among such people. God grant you
success. It is a righteous war and all the bloodshed
will be upon the souls of those who brought it on.
". . . I think, however, that you at the South
are wrong to undervalue the courage and
resources of the Northern States. They are no
doubt less accustomed to the use of firearms -
there are very few who know how to ride, and
they are less fiery in their impulses. They are
less disposed to fight, but they are not cowardly
where their interests are concerned; and will
fight for their money. Where their property is at
stake they will not hesitate to risk their lives,
and at present there is no lack of money. The
women are all roused, and are urging their relatives
on; while some of the young ladies are exceedingly
anxious to imitate Florence Nightingale, and
distinguish themselves in the Army. The boys are
parading about with red shirts and guns; and their
wise mothers are admiring their military ardor.
"I would not advise you of the South to trust
too much in the idea that the Northerners will not
fight; for I believe they will, and their numbers
are overwhelming. You know an army of ants
can kill a wounded horse. It is a mistake, too,
for you to suppose that it is only the lower orders,
who are enlisted. I have heard of a good many
of the most respectable young men, who have
enlisted for three years. I suppose there are a
good many counter jumpers and Irish among them;
but still there are many very decent persons who
have gone to the wars. I hear that with Gov.
Sprague no less persons than W. G. and M. J.
have gone. Are you not alarmed? Think of M.
Pray keep out of his way! I wonder what his Quaker
progenitors would say, could they look out of their graves?
He has not an ancestor, on either side, for as far back as
they can be traced, who was not a broad brimmed
Quaker. Little F. has had some skirmishes with the girls on
Politics; but there has been no bloodshed; and the last I
heard of it is, they said 'anyhow' she was 'a smart little
thing and talks very well.' L. does not walk out alone: she
always goes into Boston with F. or me. By the way - I
hear it said they have got enough cotton at the North to
supply their factories for a year? Can it be true? If so, I
think there has been a great mistake somewhere The only
thing that will bring these people to their senses is to stop
the importation. I was surprised to see the other day that a
cargo of rice from Savannah was stopped, and the vessel
was allowed to sail with a load of cotton!"
My mother writes:
"May 23rd, 1861.
" . . . Congress
has adjourned to meet in Richmond on
the 20th July. The President has begged your father
to act on his staff. . . . "
RICHMOND, May 30th.
"After a terribly
fatiguing journey we arrived
here safely yesterday morning. We left
Montgomery on Sunday night, at 8 o'clock, and
travelled night and day, until yesterday morning.
"The President was everywhere most rapturously
received. . . . I was all packed to start for Texas, when your
father found that the President was so unwilling for him to
go back at that time, that he determined to accept the
position of Aide and at least act in that capacity until the
opening of Congress, which will be on the 20th July. So
here we are. These Virginians seem likely to overwhelm
your father with their attentions and kill him with
kindness - for yesterday he had to make no less than four
speeches.
"The whole country as we came through was
like a military camp. The cars crowded with
troops, and all as jubilant as if they were going to
a frolic, instead of to fight. The President is to take
the field; but I don't know the exact programme,
and if I did it would not be safe to write it - for
there is no telling who may read our letters
now-a-days. Your father of course will go with
him. It seems strange to me that I don't feel more
frightened."
The President and his party were established at the
Spotswood Hotel where they gathered round them a
distinguished group.
My mother writes:
"June 11th and 14th.
"We are still at
the Spotswood Hotel but I don't
know whether we shall continue very long.
The President and his family will move next week to the
place selected for them. I hear it is very handsome and the
City Council has bought and put it at the disposal of the
Government. They have also given Mrs. Davis the use of a
nice carriage and horses and seem disposed to do all they
can to show their joy at the exchange from Montgomery.
. . . So far all is quiet here and I can yet scarcely realize that
we are at war, actually.
"I drove out with Mrs. Davis yesterday to one of the
Camp grounds and it was really a beautiful, though rather
sad sight to me, to see them drill and go through with their
manoeuvres, Poor fellows! how many will never return to
their homes! . . . There are several camp grounds in the
neighborhood, and people throng them every afternoon and
unless you engage a carriage in the morning, it is very hard
to procure one."
To show how the humorous side of life runs parallel
with its serious side I will relate a little incident. Col.
and Mrs. Bradley Johnson, of Maryland, were in
Richmond at that time eagerly engaged in equipping
a regiment of Marylanders for the field. Mrs. Johnson
was having the clothing made for the men.
One day at the President's table, where she was
dining, she told the assembled company of a
contre-temps, which had occurred, a real tragedy -
in view of the difficulties surrounding her enterprise.
The undergarments of the men, by some unfortunate
accident, inexplicable, and most deplorable, had all
been cut out for the same leg! The lady was in real
grief over the mishap, and, in spite of the ludicrousness
of the situation, the company were so in sympathy with
her trouble, that even the most frivolously inclined
forbore to smile - except Mrs. Davis, who could not
repress her mirth; but laughed long and unrestrainedly,
much to the discomfiture of Mrs. Johnson, to whom it
was no joking matter.
At this time my parents began to feel great
anxiety at their separation from my sister and
myself; who were still at Longwood. near Boston.
They had been in correspondence for some time
with the relatives with whom we were staying;
but it was difficult to arrange matters, and in the
meanwhile all communication was rapidly being
closed between the North and South.
I give below some extracts from letters written
by myself, a child of fourteen - dated:
"LONGWOOD, near Boston,
" . . . Isn't the
news from Sumter delightful. When
I read the account in a paper, I felt like crying
for joy. No one sympathizes with me here,
except Grandmama, and I feel like a stranger
in a foreign land.
"Everybody here is groaning, and deploring the
taking of Sumter. Uncle B. says that Boston
was the scene of great excitement to-day, all the
military were getting ready and everyone is on the
lookout for war in earnest. . . .
"I went into Boston to-day and you never saw such
confusion; the State House steps and grounds
were crowded with men, some to see, and some to
volunteer.
"Grandmama had a letter from Mama, written in the
midst of the firing of the guns at Sumter. One of Uncle B.'s
last puns (you know how fond he is of making them) was
the following. 'What does the man who robs and catches
the Governor of South Carolina get? Poor Pickings.'
(Governor Pickens.) I have just returned from seeing a
company of Zouaves drill, their manoeuvres were
miserable (!) and if this is a specimen of Northern chivalry,
I don't think we have much to fear. Everybody here knows
who we are, and whenever I go out the people stare and
gaze at us. This evening I found little Fanny surrounded by
girls, who were questioning and teasing her. She seemed to
be perfectly able to maintain her position, and she said,
'she gave them as good as they sent;' they all
seemed quite
amused at he answers, and said they liked to hear her; she
talked so 'funny.' One of the girls soon after
came up to
where I stood and said she thought the girls 'hadn't
ought
to tease Fanny.' This is one of their common expressions,
and another is that they
'admire' to take a walk, or play on the piano. Grandmama
and I went into Boston the other day and to my joy I saw
a photo of President Davis in one of the windows. I
immediately purchased it. The Babcocks are coming to
take tea with us this evening, and I anticipate a good deal
of pleasure in seeing Emma. She is lovely as ever and I
am sure you would like her. We are fast friends and I made
her promise she would read Mr. Davis's message, and as
a reward I shall give her a very small piece of the flag
staff you sent me. She is a very sensible girl and in all our
discussions we never get the least excited or vexed. 'Abe
Lincoln!' is her hero, and 'Jeff Davis' is mine; but there is
one thing she never can explain, namely, 'Abe's' flight
through Baltimore! But we agree in almost everything
else. She thinks Napoleon the greatest man that ever
lived, and so do I, and that is a never failing source of
conversation.
"Mrs. Lincoln is now in Boston, and I suppose
the Republicans are all flocking to see her, and
she is asking them 'How they flourish?' Boston
is in a whirl of excitement; troops drilling and
volunteering all the time - the stores and houses
all decked with flags. . . . Dear Papa, won't you
send us each a small flag of South Carolina, and
the Confederate States? I am very anxious to see
them. Yesterday evening Aunt F. got an invitation
to attend a meeting of ladies to make shirts,
and sew for the different regiments; she, of course,
is not going. A poor set of creatures they must
be if they can't furnish their own shirts! . . .
Uncle B. has just bought the Sun announcing the
secession of Virginia. I feel as if I can't contain
myself I am so glad. Poor Uncle B. looks as if he had
taken a blue pill - he takes everything so to heart; it
is deplorable to see him. Aunt F. is in hopes that all
the States will now follow and that will be the means
of securing peace."
My father in the meantime had been conferring by
letter with Mr. William T. Walters, of Baltimore, as
to the best means of getting us through the lines.
The following letter was written by me to my
brother at the Military School of the University of
Virginia just about two weeks before we finally
succeeded in making the arrangements for our
departure.
"July 15th, Longwood, near Boston.
". . . I received
your last letter several days ago,
and I had a letter from Mama about the same
time, telling Grandmama to send us on by the
first good opportunity, but the way Mr. Walters
said was the only way we could go would not have
been safe, and I am now anxiously awaiting news
from Mama as to whether we shall go to Fortress
Monroe, and let Papa send a flag of truce, and get
us or not. My trunks were all packed ready to
start at a minute's notice, when we received Mr.
Walter's letter, telling us that the only way of
reaching Richmond was by going through
Winchester, to which you know the troops are
making a general movement.
"You may imagine how I felt. When Mr. Walters
wrote the last time, all was different, and I fully
expected to go home. I had already pictured our
meeting. I almost felt your kiss and I heard Papa
calling us 'his darlings' and Mama's dear voice, and
in one moment all was gone, and I glanced out of my
window and instead of Richmond, I saw miserable
old Boston. I felt as if my heart would break.
"You ask me in your last if I am not 'isolated'
- that is exactly the word. With the exception
of Emma Babcock, and her family, there is not a
soul here that cares whether I go or stay, or that
I could call a friend; but if nobody likes me, there
is some satisfaction in knowing there is no love
lost. If I did not follow your injunction, and
never believe what I see in Republican journals I
should have an awful time of it; for they make out
the most desperate case. All the C. S. soldiers are
poor, half starved, naked, miserable wretches that
will run if you stick your finger at them; who are
all waiting for a chance to desert, etc., and become
loyal citizens to King Abraham, the First, and
prime minister, General Scott. The Southerners
are defeated in every engagement; all the killed
and wounded are on their side, and none are
injured on the other. Such is about the summary of
their statements -
mais je ne le crois pas,
and so they don't
disturb my mind much. I saw that Papa had gone disguised
as a cattle drover to Washington, to
pick up information
for the President! That is about a specimen of their stories.
Mama writes me in her last that you have joined the
Military School at the University of Virginia, and would
enter the army in three months, if you wished to, at the end
of that time. I suppose you are very glad. I don't wonder
and wish I could go too. I sit down to the piano every day
and play 'Dixie' and think of you all away in 'the land ob
cotton,' etc."
Mr. Walters's letter, to which allusion is made, is here
given and it was determined, after all, that this was the only
feasible plan to get us through the lines.
BALTO., 9th July, 1861.
MRS. FRANCES M. CROSS.
way of Balto.& Ohio R. Road, to a point near Harper's
Ferry, thence by stage to Winchester and Strasburg, and
thence by Railway via Manassas Junction to Richmond.
"To pass the Federal Pickets near Harper's Ferry, it
would be necessary to have the pass of the War
Department at Washington. This I have no doubt I can
procure, and, as I before intimated, it would give me great
pleasure to undertake the charge of your grandchildren. As
I communicated by telegraph, 'It is possible, but very
difficult to get to Virginia now.' As I am not aware how
important it is to get the children to Virginia, I am unable to
advise you in the matter, but have merely set down the
facts in relation thereto. If the children do leave, may I ask
the favor of you to write, or telegraph me.
"Very respectfully,
Finally the arrangements being all made we started off
on our adventures - being placed by my Uncle in charge of
a responsible gentleman, who was to take us to Baltimore,
and deliver us into the care of Mr. Walters.
We were cautioned to be very quiet, to express
nothing at what we heard or saw, and to be as
unobtrusive as possible in our demeanor. I shall
never forget my emotions the day we started. In
the crown of my hat I had concealed a package
of letters to be delivered in Richmond, and my
importance in my own estimation was not a little
enhanced by the possession of this delightful secret.
We made the journey to Baltimore without mishap
or adventures of any kind - and when we reached the
station, and alighted from the car, I noticed a
gentleman eagerly scanning the passengers, as they
passed him. As we approached he came forward,
asked a question in an undertone, which was
answered with equal caution, and we were hurried
into a carriage, and driven rapidly to Mr. Walters'
house on Mt. Vernon place, where we were received
by Mr. and Mrs. Walters with the greatest cordiality
and affection. On refreshing ourselves after our
journey, we were taken in to dinner, where my eyes
fairly danced with delight at beholding in a wine
glass at each cover, a dear little Confederate flag;
placed there in honor of the two little guests. After
a short period our kind host and hostess bid us
goodbye, and we were again on our travels; it not
being deemed safe for us to remain in Baltimore.
Mr. Walters' brother now took charge of us, and
we were rapidly driven six or seven miles in the
country, to a hotel called "Paradise," near
Catonsville and a veritable "Paradise" it proved to
the two tired little children who were received with
open arms by the kind ladies at the hotel. There we
spent the night, and in the morning were again on
our travels.
On taking the train near the Relay House we
found on board a number of the members of the
Maryland Legislature, on their way to Frederick,
at which place the Governor had convened the
Legislature; Annapolis, the capital of the State,
being under the control of Federal troops. When
we reached the Point of Rocks, we left the train,
and had dinner at the country tavern, where we
sat at table with a number of Federal soldiers, our
appearance under such circumstances, exciting
no little interest and curiosity. Mr. Walters had
with him an "open sesame," in the shape of a
pass from General Simon Cameron, Secretary of
War; and we were given every facility to proceed
on our journey. At a signal, which had of course
been pre-arranged, a boat put off from the Virginia
side, bearing a white flag of truce, and our
sensations may be imagined as we saw the little craft
approaching, which was to bear us over the swift,
beautiful river into the dear land of "Dixie."
Our luggage being put on board we soon followed,
and were rowed across the river without mishap.
On reaching the shore we found a large comfortable
carriage and a pair of horses waiting for us,
and we were soon driving through a deep woods,
where the sweet air and refreshing shade were very
grateful after the glare, dust and heat of our journey.
It seemed like a story in fairyland, where the
magic of the good fairy, at every turn, provides
the thing most needed. Being furnished with
fresh horses, we travelled almost all night, stopping to rest
but a few hours; and then taking the train at Gordonsville,
arrived in Richmond in the afternoon. We drove at once to
the Spotswood Hotel to join my mother. Not knowing the
hour we would arrive, she had gone out to the Camp of the
1st Texas Regiment, which my father was commanding,
to witness the presentation by the President of a
beautiful Texas State Flag, which she had made for the
Regiment. Nothing must do but we must follow, as
soon as possible. When we reached the camp the
ceremony was over, and my father was reviewing his
Regiment.
As the carriage stopped, word was carried forward
of our arrival - and we were immediately
surrounded by numbers of friends, eager to greet
the little travellers; and my father, hurriedly
dismounting from his horse, and leaving the regiment
in charge of another officer, rushed forward to
meet us! He returned with us to Richmond, and
there, as we reached the Spotswood, coming down
the stairs, we saw my mother; her beautiful face
lit up with joy, and her fair arms held out to welcome
us. She was clad, I remember, in a lilac-colored
gown, of some soft material, made in the fashion
of the day, with the long angel sleeves falling
away at the shoulder, while a filmy lace cape
covered her neck, leaving the throat bare. As I
remember her that day, I love best to think of her.
Then we were fêted and caressed to our
heart's content; took tea with the President and his
party that night, where our heads were completely
turned by the attentions shown us, and where
we gave, to an appreciative audience, a full
account of all our adventures "coming through
the lines" - and the one query from all our eager
auditors was, "What do they think of the battle of
Manassas?"
LETTER FROM GENERAL BEAUREGARD - THE "CARY
INVINCIBLES" - TURNER ASHBY - WILLIAM PEGRAM - JOHN
PELHAM - WILLIAM LATANÉ - THE SEVEN DAYS BATTLE
AROUND RICHMOND."
ON July 8th, about two
weeks before this time,
General Beauregard wrote the following letter to
my father in Richmond:
MANASSAS JUNCTION, Va.,
"My dear Col.,
I am determined to give the enemy battle no matter
at what odds against us - but is it right and proper
to sacrifice so many valuable lives (and perhaps
our cause) without the least prospect of success?
"I think not; but I
hope that it will delay the
forward movement of the enemy, and give our
friends time to come to the rescue!
"I have applied
two or three times for the most
essential things required here. To obtain anything
with despatch, I have to send a special messenger
to Richmond. Is that the way to direct and control
the operations of an army in the field? Cannot
that evil be remedied? I am sure it could, if properly
represented to the President.
"I am afraid General
Johnston is no better off than I
am - but his section of the country is, I believe, more
easily defended, being wooded and mountainous.
"My troops are in
fine spirits and anxious for a fight
They seem to have the unbounded confidence in me!
"Oh! that I had the
genius of a Napoleon to be more
worthy of our cause and of their confidence! If I can
only get the enemy to attack me - as I am trying to
have done - I will stake my reputation on the
handsomest victory that could be desired.
"Yours very truly,
"Col. L. T. WIGFALL,
From Richmond, July
21st my mother writes:
"No news except
that Gen. Johnston has joined
Beauregard with a large force. A part of his
troops are left still at Winchester, but the greater
part are with him. The President went down
to-day, but I don't know exactly in what capacity,
whether he will command or not. . . . The troops
are pouring in, and a general battle at Manassas
is expected very soon. We brought up by one
train, upwards of 50 prisoners brought from
Winchester, and crowds gathered on the way,
at every roadside station, to see 'the Yankees.'
I was almost sorry for them."
"9 o'clock. You will have heard that we have
gained a second victory, and a 'glorious though
a dear bought one,' Mr. Davis telegraphs, at
Manassas. Only some of the deaths are known
as yet; Lieut. Colonel Johnson of the Hampton
Legion and poor Col. Bartow they say are killed;
Wade Hampton slightly wounded. All Beauregard's
staff are safe. Poor Mrs. Bartow is here, but does
not yet know the sad tidings. The enemy they say
were in full retreat. All is excitement here and the
people seem almost wild.
23rd. "We have been in the greatest excitement
over our glorious victory. I am curious to know
what the effect will be at the North - whether they
will be panic stricken or exasperated to frenzy
at such a defeat. Poor old Scott! If he had only
died after the Mexican War, how much better it
would have been for his military fame. They say
that the trunks of some of the men were actually
directed to Richmond! In the next fight I suppose
of course the President will take the field. He got
down too late this time - just as they had begun
to retreat. . . .
"The fact is the fight took place sooner than he
had expected, and he had made no preparations
for engaging in it. Don't however repeat anything
I may say to you on such subjects."
29th. "I send you the 'Examiner' of to-day, which
has full extracts from the Northern papers - about
the battle. Some of the handcuffs were shown at the
Hotel, yesterday, but I did not happen to see them.
'Tis however a fact - how many exactly I don't
know - but there are certainly a great many taken."
About August 10th, my father's command was
ordered to Manassas, and from there to Dumfries,
he having received in October his commission as
Brig. General - commanding the Texas Brigade.
We joined him at Dumfries, a quaint little village
on the Occoquan river, and were there several
months.
My father's headquarters were at the little
village tavern, where we spent some happy weeks,
going out every afternoon to see the dress parade
of the Regiments and wandering by the lovely
Occoquan river, where the big cannon guarded
the shores from the enemy's approach. Soon we
returned to Richmond.
Congress was in session, and my father resigned
his command, shortly after this, to take his seat in
the Confederate Senate. I remember little of that
journey to Richmond, except the sweetness of the
woods through which we drove to the railroad, and
our calling a halt under a persimmon tree, which
hung heavy with luscious fruit, made delicious by
the severe frosts which had fallen. We gathered an
abundant supply, and drove on in the crisp air, which
we would have enjoyed more, had it not heralded the
approach of winter, and the rains and snows, which
we knew would bring hardships to our brave soldiers
in camp.
The early enthusiasm of the first few months of
the war was now deepening into grim determination
at all hazards, and into a realization that war, with all
its accompanying horrors, was upon us. Provisions
increase in price, and the difficulty of obtaining
supplies of proper clothing, was already felt.
The Army soon went into Winter Quarters, and
the letters from camp rejoiced the hearts of anxious
mothers with the accounts of the snug contrivances
for comfort. The luxury of sleeping on a board
floor was descanted on, and the possession of a
stove promised warmth and comfort in the long
winter days and nights of rain and snow, Richmond
was enlivened, from time to time, by the
furloughs granted to officers and men, and opened
her hospitable doors to cheer and brighten the hours
of their brief holiday.
The President was inaugurated on February 22nd
and many of the officers had leave for a few days to
witness the ceremony, which made it a gay week in
Richmond.
Many of the private houses received boarders, as
the reduction in the purchasing power of their
incomes, through the depreciation of the currency,
was already severely felt by the people. Yet this was
not done for the sake of profit alone. The enormous
influx of strangers from other states had to be
accommodated. These were brought here by the
presence of the Government, and the proximity of
the Army of Northern Virginia, which drew to
Richmond hosts of anxious relatives, who waited
through the weary weeks and months for occasional
tidings, and possible glimpses of their loved ones.
Social pleasures, however, were not neglected
and music and song and the dance made merry the
hearts of the gallant soldier boys, who came from
the wet, and mud, and discomfort of the camp.
Among the many lovely women in Richmond at
this time were the two Misses Cary, of Baltimore,
and their cousin, Miss Constance Cary, of Virginia.
The former two had come across the lines after
experiencing many thrilling adventures on the
way. In a letter written at the time I find the
following: "The young ladies who seem to be the
greatest belles are the Miss Carys, of Baltimore
. . . They are very beautiful and are commonly
known by the name of the 'Cary Invincibles.' "
Constance Cary was also a very lovely girl, and
even in those days was noted for a facile pen, which
from time to time delighted her many friends with
charming little productions. Miss Cary, as is well
known, married Mr. Burton Harrison, President
Davis's private secretary, and has since attained
widespread note from the clever fictions of which
she is the author.
In the meantime, my sister and myself had been
entered at Miss Pegram's on Franklin, Street,
which was then the fashionable school in
Richmond. With all the distractions of the time
it was hard work to keep the girls at their books.
It was difficult to fasten one's attention on ancient
history and "belles lettres," when such very modern
history was being made in our midst, and such
"beaux soldats" were marching, with drums beating,
and banners flying, by our very doors. Richmond
has always been famed for its lovely women, but
I venture to assert that there has never been a larger
assembly of beauties than that collected at Miss
Pegram's School during the war.
Early in the spring, rumors were rife in Richmond
of the approach of McClellan's army and in May
the great battle of Seven Pines was fought,
when General Joseph E. Johnston was wounded,
and after which General Lee was placed in command
of the Army of Northern Virginia.
There were four brilliant young soldiers in that
great army who especially held the love and
admiration of the people - Turner Ashby,
commanding General Stonewall Jackson's Cavalry;
William Pegram, the "Boy Artillerist"; John
Pelham, commanding Stuart's Horse Artillery, the
"Gallant Pelham," as General Lee called him; and
William Latané. Each in turn was to immortalize
his name and glorify the good cause for which he
fought, and each in turn, amid the din of battle and
the shouts of victory, was to give his life for his
country.
William Latané lost his life, June 13, 1862,
"leading his squadron in a brilliant and successful
charge, the enemy routed and flying before him"
- so writes General J. E. B. Stuart in his order,
and adds "his regiment will want no better battle
cry, than 'Avenge Latané.' "
General Robert E.
Lee announces the victory with "the loss of but
one man, the lamented Captain Latané." The
following account of the burial and the peculiar
circumstances surrounding it, were given to me
by a member of the family and is repeated here
almost verbatim.
"John Latané, a Lieutenant in
his brother's company, took charge of the body
and with a cart and driver tried to return to Richmond.
Finding this impossible, as the enemy were
in the possession of the country all around - he
went to 'Westwood,' the home of Dr. Brokenbrough,
who was then a surgeon in the Army. The enemy
approached and he, to avoid capture, was obliged
to leave his brother's remains and escape on foot."
Then followed the scene "portrayed by Washington's
brush and Thompson's pen" - and also described in
a private letter, which, after the war, was published
in Blackwood's Magazine and is now given here.
"Mrs. Brokenbrough sent for an Episcopal
clergyman to perform the funeral ceremonies, but
the enemy would not permit him to pass. Then with
a few other ladies, a fair haired little girl, her apron
filled with white flowers, and a few faithful slaves
who stood reverently near, a pious Virginia matron
read the solemn and beautiful burial service over the
cold, still form of one of the noblest gentlemen and
most intrepid officers in the Confederate Army. She
watched the clods heaped upon the coffin lid; then
sinking on her knees, in sight and hearing of the foe,
she committed his soul's welfare and the stricken
hearts he had left behind him to the mercy of the
All-Father."
John R. Thompson writes in the closing stanza of
his poem:
"And
when Virginia, leaning on her spear,
Among my papers I find
next a letter written
by my mother after an illness, during that awful
time known as "The Seven Days Battle around
Richmond."
RICHMOND, June 25th, 1862.
" . . . I am
getting a great deal better, and went out
this afternoon to take a drive with your father. We
stopped at Genl. Johnston's to see how he was,
and Mrs. Johnston came out and sat in the carriage
with me. He is recovering rapidly, but will not be
in the fight, which has in fact, begun. There has
been very heavy firing all the afternoon, and there
will be a regular attack made at daybreak to-morrow,
if the present plan is followed out. I presume it will
be, as Genl. Jackson is to move into position to-night,
and of course, has to be supported. This was agreed
upon last night. What has caused the fight this
afternoon we do not know - but I trust it is all right.
Jackson and his forces are to make the attack on the
rear, and I trust it has all been so planned that
McClellan will find himself glad enough to take the
road away from, instead of on
to Richmond."
"Thursday
26th.
"I wrote you your
father had acted as Aide to
Genl. Longstreet. After we got home last evening,
your father determined to go to Genl. Longstreet's
Headquarters, to see if there had been any change
in the programme since the night before. He did
not get back till nearly twelve o'clock - and at that
time, the original plan was to be carried out - and
he accordingly was off at four o'clock this morning.
Strange to say, however, there seems to be an
impression in town, that there has been no fighting
to-day; not a gun has been heard, and everyone has
been on the lookout for tidings. Halsey came in just
before dinner and he has heard nothing of it - so I
am afraid (I was going to say) that something has
disconcerted the plan and I feel quite impatient for
your father's return. He said he would be back some
time to-night."
"Friday night, 27th.
"Yesterday
afternoon I took a drive with Halsey
and as soon as we got on Church Hill we heard
the cannon and it seems the fight had begun at
3 o'clock in the afternoon instead of at daylight
as it had been arranged. Your father got back
after twelve last night. The news was all good
as you have seen, I suppose. We had driven them
from Mechanicsville and taken several batteries,
etc. The battle was to be renewed this morning
at daybreak, and accordingly, off went Papa, and
I don't expect to see him again until midnight or
maybe to-morrow. Robert Nicholas, however,
told me about sundown that he had left him well
an hour or two before and that the Yankees had been
driven back six miles. All the accounts we have yet
received, altho' meagre, yet agree that we are in hot
pursuit and the enemy trying to get away. God grant
that our victory may be complete! I will write more
to-morrow when I can tell you what your father says.
Good night."
"Saturday, 28th.
"Your father did
not come last night, dear L.
I got a note from him early this morning. Thank
God, he was unhurt! and remained to look up our
wounded Texans. So far our victory has been
brilliant, but oh! at what sacrifice of life! Poor
Col. Marshall (1st Texas) is killed; so is Lieut.
Col. Warwick. His poor mother's heart will be
broken, I fear. (He was an only child.) The
Major of the Regiment, too, is dangerously
wounded. Genl. Hood is not hurt or was not
when your father wrote. God grant your father
may be safe now! He expected to be up all night
collecting and caring for our wounded. We have
heard no cannon to-day and don't know whether
the fighting has continued or not. Cousin Lewis
has just been here and says he hears 1,500 prisoners
have already arrived, and among them 2 generals.
There are all sorts of reports, one, that we have
taken eighty officers above the rank of major.
Your father thought the battle would be over
to-day. I am almost afraid to believe it. Halsey
has not been at all in the direction of the fight. He is
guarding the batteries on the extreme right, and the
contest has all been on the left. He has got his
commission for 2nd Lieutenant - or rather, I have
got it here for him."
"Sunday, 29th.
"Another note from
your dear father this morning.
It was written last night, the other side of the
Chickahominy at Headquarters. He says they
were still driving the enemy before them and that
operations would begin again at daybreak, and that
he hoped it would be over to-day. I shall not expect
him back until it is entirely concluded. He says the
slaughter has been terrible, but our success
glorious."
Subjoined is a short note from the pen of Mrs.
James Chesnut, the wife of Senator Chesnut, of
South Carolina. Mrs. Chesnut was one of the most
brilliant women of her time and as warmhearted as
clever, as is shown by this little note. If she had
written a volume the tragedy of which she told could
not have been more graphically described.
"My dear friend,
bosom friends, were Mrs. Preston, Mrs. McCord
and Mrs. Izard. Captain Cheves McCord, only
son of my friend, lies dead at a Mr. Meyers' only
a few doors below us. I did not know he was here.
Mr. Chesnut had a letter from him yesterday dated
Fredericksburg. He was wounded at the Second
Manassas, two balls in his leg, and one in his
head. Contrary to the advice of his doctors, he
had rejoined his company, and this is the end. He
died in convulsions from a pressure on the brain.
His mother is expected by every train - poor thing
- I could not sleep for thinking of her. She seemed
to have but one thought in this world - 'My Son.'
He is barely twenty-one - is married - his wife a
beautiful girl - unfortunate and miserable and
wretched is it all!
". . . I will try to see you as soon as possible, but
I will not, as I had hoped, take the box with you.
This unhappy boy, lying dead so near me, makes
the thought of theatres hateful to me just now. . . .
I feel you are too true hearted a mother not to
sympathize.
"Your friend, M. B. C."
JEFFERSON DAVIS WRITES TO L. T.
WIGFALL - NOTES FROM
GENERAL LONGSTREET AND GENERAL LEE - HOME GOSSIP
- PRINCE POLIGNAC - LETTERS FROM GENERAL HOOD -
FROM THE AUTHOR'S BROTHER IN CAMP NEAR
FREDERICKSBURG - FROM GENERAL JOHNSTON - FROM THE
AUTHOR'S FATHER - FROM J. A. SEDDON.
THE autumn opened with
dispiriting news from
the West. Beauregard had been superseded and
rumors were rife that a demand had been made
on the administration for the removal of General
Bragg. While we did not know certainly that
this was a fact, there was no question but that
dissatisfaction was felt in many quarters with
President Davis's policy and conduct of affairs,
my father's intimacy with him began to decrease,
and strained relations to take the place of their
former friendship. Notes asking for consultations
to discuss pressing matters which formerly
began "Dear Wigfall" - as the time ran on into
the autumn were commenced "My dear Sir."
One of these letters is
given.
"EXECUTIVE MANSION,
"GENL. L. T. WIGFALL,
"It has been
suggested to me that you thought
Holmes had failed in his duty at Malvern Hill, by
being too slow in getting into position, and in
that connection I wish to say to you that he was
ordered up from his position on the South side of
James River to aid in the attack upon McClellan's
Army and if possible to prevent it from reaching
the James River. It being then supposed that the
enemy would endeavor to reach a landing some
distance above Curl's Neck. He moved down the
River Road, taking Gen. Wise and his brigade with
him, to the position indicated, where I found him
on Monday morning, most advantageously posted.
He had made a thorough reconnoissance
and fully
explained to me his position and plan of operations.
He was then about a mile to the right of the place
where I found you with Gen. Longstreet's staff and
where I met Genl. Lee. Genl. Lee had ascertained
that the enemy was taking a different route by
what was known as the Quaker Road and he
ordered Genl. Holmes to advance and take position
on that road to intercept the enemy's retreat. He did
so promptly, and waited at the place indicated with
his infantry for the approach of the enemy. They
did not come, but halted and offered battle before
reaching Poindexter's farm. Genl. Holmes
thus fulfilled all his orders and proved as well his
gallantry, as his candor, by subsequently expressing
his regret that no one knew enough of the ground
to have indicated to him what afterward was found
to have been feasible, to wit, an attack upon the
enemy's left and rear. It may be that such remarks
have led you to suppose that he was directed to do
something which he failed to perform. If so, I am
sure that your fairness needs only to have the
facts distinctly pointed out to you. Genl. Lee
reconnoitred the ground as far as he was able and I
did the same thing in person - whilst Genl. Holmes
was in position and under a heavy fire from the
enemy's gunboats. Genl. Lee certainly attributed no
shortcoming to Genl. Holmes and it never occurred
to me that any blame was fairly to be attached to
him. I write this in justice to the individual but am
urged much more by the consciousness of his
peculiar fitness for the command to which he has
been assigned.
"Your friend JEFFER. DAVIS."
In a letter from Genl.
Longstreet allusion is made
to the break in the friendship between my father
and the President.
"CULPEPER C. H., Nov. 7th, 1862.
"My dear General,
"I heard yesterday that you and the President had had
an unpleasant interview. It is no business of mine, but I
would like to take the liberty to beg you not to allow
anything to bring about any difference between you. We
think that all our hopes rest upon you and the hopes of the
country rest upon the army. You will readily perceive what
weight you have to carry. Most truly and sincerely yours,
"J. B. LONGSTREET."
October found us
delightfully situated in a comfortable
house on Grace Street. General and Mrs. Joseph E.
Johnston, ourselves, and Major Banks, composed our
"Mess." The house stood back from the street with a
large garden in front, now, in the fall, fragrant with the
aromatic scent of that sweetest of all flowers, the white
chrysanthemum, which grew in great profusion in the
old-fashioned borders. General Johnston was still
suffering from his wound and too unwell to report for
duty for some weeks. One great trouble in Richmond
during the winter of '62 was the want of fuel, and
prices began t
Page 23
Who
slapped the dastard Tory oh!"
Page 24
Page 27
CHAPTER III.
THE MAKERS OF HISTORY
Page 28
Page 29
Page 30
Page 31
Page 32
Page 33
Page 34
Page 35
Page 36
Page 37
"April 12th, 1861.
"Your despatch
reached me after I had directed
one to be sent, which anticipated your wish so fully
that you might have imagined it to be an answer if
the dates had been reversed. I shall attend to your
request about the pistols. The Secretary of War, to
whom I handed your letter, has not replied; but there
can be no difficulty too great to be overborne by
your anxiety in the matter.
JEFFERSON DAVIS."
Page 38
Page 39
"Morris Island,
"April 12th."
Page 40
Page 41HON. LOUIS T. WIGFALL.
Page 42
Page 43
Page 44
"Will you do me
the favor to prepare for the
files of my office a clear and concise statement
of the main facts of yesterday's proceedings, so
Page 45
G. T. BEAUREGARD."
"CHARLESTON, South Carolina,
"April 13,1861.
"I have the honor
to report that between one and
two o'clock this afternoon, the flag having fallen
at Fort Sumter, and its fire having ceased, I left
Morris's Island, with the consent and approval of
General Simons to demand the surrender of the
work, and offer assistance to the garrison.
Page 46
"LOUIS T. WIGFALL.
"Asst. Adjutant General,
"Confederate States Army."
Page 49
CHAPTER IV
THE FEMININE SPIRIT OF THE CONFEDERACY
Page 50
Page 51
Page 52
Page 53
Page 54
Page 55
Page 56
Page 57
"April and May and June, 1861.
Page 58
Page 59
Page 60
Page 61
Page 62
"Dear Madam:
"I have this
moment received your letter dated
yesterday and have just telegraphed Mr. Bucklin.
Since I had the pleasure of writing you last it has
become vastly more difficult to get to Virginia,
and this very day the Federal Government has
taken possession of the steamers composing the
line via the Patuxent River - the most desirable
route - leaving at present, but the one open by
Page 63
W. T. WALTERS."
Page 64
Page 65
Page 66
Page 67
Page 71
CHAPTER V
SOUTHERN BELLES AND SOUTHERN SOLDIERS
July 8th, 1861.
"I believe we are
about to be attacked by the
enemy, who has been increasing his forces rapidly
in the last few days. He no doubt has at present
on this side of the Potomac at least 30,000 men -
and probably as many in or about Washington;
and I am informed on good authority, that he is
crossing over reinforcements in large numbers
every night; so that very shortly we probably will
be attacked by about 40,000 men! What do you
suppose is my effective force to resist this attack?
About 15,000 effective men! How can it be
expected that I should be able to maintain my
ground, unless reinforced, and that immediately?
Page 72
"G. T. BEAUREGARD."
"Member of C. S. Congress, Richmond, Va.
Page 73
Page 74
Page 75
Page 76
Page 77
Page 78
Page 79
'Victrix
et Vidua,' the conflict done;
Shall
raise her mailéd hand to wipe the tear,
Page 80
That
starts as she recalls each martyred Son,
No
dearer memory shall hold its sway
Than
thine, beloved, 'lamented Latané.' "
Page 81
Page 82
Page 83
"My heart is
heavier to-day than it has been
since this murderous war began. I daresay I have
told you, over and over, as I always talk of what
is uppermost, that my cronies in Columbia, my
Page 84
Page 87
CHAPTER VI
WAR TIME CORRESPONDENCE
Page 88
"RICHMOND, Va.,
"Oct. 11, 1862.
"My dear Sir:
Page 89
"Your kind favor
of 17th ulto. was duly received.
I have been waiting to have your son's decision
before writing. . . .
Page 90