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        <title><emph>Governor's Message. Nov. 23, 1863:</emph>
Electronic Edition.</title>
        <author>North Carolina. Governor (1862-1865: Vance)</author>
        <funder>Funding from the Institute of Museum and Library
 Services supported the electronic publication of this title.</funder>
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        <publisher>Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH</publisher>
        <pubPlace>University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, </pubPlace>
        <date>2000.</date>
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          <p>© This work is the property of the University of North Carolina 
at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and 
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            <title type="text"> Governor's message. </title>
            <author> Governor (Z. B. Vance)</author>
          </titleStmt>
          <extent>      8 p.</extent>
          <publicationStmt>
            <pubPlace>Raleigh :</pubPlace>
            <publisher> W. W. Holden, Printer to the state, </publisher>
            <date> 1863</date>
            <authority/>
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            <note anchored="yes">Call number  Vcp353.03 N87g  (North Carolina  Collection, 
University 
of North Carolina at Chapel Hill)</note>
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            <item>North Carolina -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865.</item>
            <item>United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865.</item>
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    <front>
      <titlePage>
        <docTitle>
          <titlePart type="main">Doc. No. 6.] . . . . . [SES. 1863</titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <docEdition>
          <hi rend="italics">Ordered to be Printed.</hi>
        </docEdition>
        <docImprint>
          <publisher>W. W. Holden, Printer to the State.</publisher>
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      <pb id="messsage1" n="1"/>
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    <body>
      <div1 rend="italics" type="message">
        <head>GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE</head>
        <opener>
          <salute><hi rend="italics">To the Honorable,</hi><lb/>
<hi rend="italics">The General Assembly of North-Carolina:</hi></salute>
        </opener>
        <p>The rapidity and importance of the passing events render your frequent assembling both 
necessary and appropriate.  Various matters demand legislative action, and will, I hope, 
receive your speedy consideration.</p>
        <p>By the call of the President for all men under the age of forty-five years—beyond which
 none were subject to militia duty—and the exemption act of your late session the militia 
of the State was virtually absorbed.  In lieu thereof you created a “Guard for Home 
Defence,” embracing all men not subject to conscription from eighteen to fifty years of 
age.  Only very few persons were exempted, and power was given to the Governor to excuse others 
at his discretion.  I found that by refusing to exercise this discretion, and by executing the 
law strictly, I would seriously interfere with many of the most vital industrial pursuits of 
the country; and yet it has appeared evident to me that your intention was only to give me 
the power to grant exemptions in<hi rend="italics"> particular cases</hi> of necessity 
or great hardship, and I not to excuse whole classes of the community.  I therefore 
respectfully recommend that the list of  exemptions be extended to such classes as may 
appear to be indispensable.</p>
        <p>Doubts have arisen as to whether it was your intention to permit the <hi rend="italics">Guard for
 Home Defence</hi> to be used for the purpose of arresting deserters from the army, and 
aiding in the execution of the conscript law; and one of our Judges has
<pb id="message2" n="2"/>
decided that the Executive has not the power to use them for this purpose.  I would therefore 
recommend that the act organizing the Guard be amended, so as to invest the Governor with the 
same power over this recent organization as was given him over the militia, and so that there
 may be no doubt as to the rightful powers of the Executive.</p>
        <p>In this connection, I also beg leave to remark that I am frequently embarrassed by cases of 
apparent conflict between the Executive and Judicial Departments of the State, from which nothing 
less than an authoritative decision of the Supreme Court can relieve me.  As that body sits but 
once a year—<hi rend="italics">time</hi> being now often of the greatest moment—it 
happens that many important questions, principally concerning the liability of parties to 
render military service, remain long undecided, the public service in consequence suffers, and 
the Executive is at a loss to know what is his duty and the law.  I recommend, therefore, that, 
in such special cases, the Governor and Council, or the Chief Justice, upon the request of the 
Governor, be authorized to convene the Supreme Court, in extra session, in order to obtain from 
our highest judicial tribunal, a speedy solution of doubtful questions, and to give uniformity to
 the decisions of the Judges.</p>
        <p>I also recommend, gentlemen, most <hi rend="italics">earnestly</hi>, the restoration of the 
Spring Term of the Superior Courts.  After careful observation for the past twelve months, 
I am fully convinced that the good of society positively demands this—that the abolition 
of this term has been productive of evil—and that greater evil still will result if it 
is not restored.  When increasing crime, and a growing disregard of law are rife, and at a 
time when the virtuous and the wise are everywhere fearful that law and order, are. I in 
danger of overthrow, that we should <hi rend="italics">remove</hi> the law further from 
the people, sounds strangely.  It should not be!</p>
        <p>But to restore the courts will involve the <sic corr="necessity">necessitity</sic> of 
increasing the salary of the Judges.  It is notoriously so inadequate now, that I presume
 no one can object to its increase.  This may be effected by taxing suitors, &amp;c., 
without increasing perceptibly the burthens of  the people.
<pb id="message3" n="3"/>
Your attention is also invited to so much of the legislation of Congress as provides 
for the disposal by sequestration, &amp;c., of real estate in North- Carolina.  Very 
serious doubts, are widely entertained as to the power of Congress to dispose of lands 
lying, within the limits of this State.  It need not be denied that the power to declare
 war confers upon the Confederate government the right of declaring lands held by alien 
enemies to be vacant.  It is thought, however, that upon such vacancy the right of the 
State, as original grantor, or representative of such grantor, necessarily intervenes—a 
breach of the condition annexed to such grant having occurred.  Very high authorities consider
 that it is not competent for Congress to control the direction in which land lying within 
North-Carolina shall go, in case a <hi rend="italics">vacancy</hi> occur, from any cause.  
The importance of this question cannot well be exaggerated.  Considerations as to the person
 in whom is vested the ultimate right to the soil are of vital importance in every society.  
It is plain that grave contests between the states and the Confederate States will turn upon 
this point; and that the whole theory of the relations of the two governments is to be greatly 
affected by its decision.  Whilst I do not suppose that any action on your part can settle 
directly this question, I submit whether some proceedings may not be set on foot, by which 
it shall reach an early solution.  It is important, upon all accounts, that it shall be 
settled; and it will tend to the suppression of litigation, and the quieting of valuable titles, that it be settled early.</p>
        <p>Mr. Wiley, the energetic and faithful Superintendent of Common Schools again comes forward,
 through the Literary Board, with all important recommendation for the establishment of a system 
of <hi rend="italics">graded</hi> schools:  one or more in each county, of which one-half the 
expenses are to be defrayed from the Literary Fund, the other by the county.  The plan is set 
forth in a bill submitted to and approved by the Literary Board, and sent in to the Committee 
on Education.  The idea  meets my hearty approbation; and in urging it upon your favorable notice, 
I hope you will consider me neither impracticable
<pb id="message4" n="4"/>
nor untimely.  It is in fact, a <hi rend="italics">favorable time</hi> to act in this matter. 
 It is exceedingly important to make every possible arrangement for the future support and comfort 
of our mutilated and disabled soldiers, and their children.  By qualifying them for teachers, which 
cannot be done in schools of no higher grade than our Common Schools, many can be provided for.  In
 the great plenteousness of money, the counties and individuals will now give liberally for such a noble object.</p>
        <p>Lastly, it is not immodest for us to claim that North-Carolina occupies a high position among 
her  sisters in regard to public education; and by exerting ourselves <hi rend="italics">now</hi>, 
that position may be so improved and raised as to enable our educated men and industrious publishers
 to exercise no little influence in the formation, in happier times, of Southern sentiment—a 
means of power at once enduring and glorious.  By the judicious management of the Fund, in consequence 
of the greatly increased value of its securities, the Board hopes to so add to it, that no decrease in 
the semi-annual distributions shall occur.</p>
        <p>Some action is also required on your part to protect the Fund against the course now pursued by 
the holders of drafts upon it in the various counties in refusing to present them for payment—the 
intention of course being to demand a different currency from that which the Treasurer now receives and 
pays out.  The duties and responsibilities of the Treasurer of the Fund should also be defined, and set 
forth with greater particularity.</p>
        <p>The very important subject of feeding the poor, whose supporters and protectors are in the  army,
 again demands our attention.  The results the past year's operations are most encouraging, and should serve 
to give our people confidence in the resources of their State.  Great anxiety. was felt last Fall, as you know,
 on the subject of food, and fears were entertained that suffering, if not actual starvation, would be witnessed 
in many quarters.  Under the authority conferred upon me by your body, I purchased and stored away about
<pb id="message5" n="5"/>
50,000 bushels of corn, 250,000 pounds of bacon, a quantity of rice, &amp;c., which I expected would 
go but little way in supplying the general wants.  When the season closed and the new crop came in, 
however, to my surprise and gratification, I found that Major Hogg, Commissary of Subsistence, had 
only issued to the County Commissioners about one-third of the bacon, less than one-half the corn, 
and but very little of the rice.  He reports still on hand some 70,000 pounds of bacon, having fed 
a number of negroes engaged in the public works, and sold to the army 100,000 pounds, with 20,000 
bushels of corn.  I have reason to believe that, from various causes, the crops this year have not
 been so abundant as usual, and that the public will be called on to do more than last season.  
But still I see no cause for alarm, and my last year's experience has encouraged me to believe 
that all can be fed from our own resources by proper prudence and economy.  I respectfully recommend 
a liberal appropriation among the several counties, according to population, for this purpose, at 
least double that of last year, and that I be allowed to buy and store away corn, flour and bacon
 as heretofore.</p>
        <p>The earnings of the steamer <hi rend="italics">Advance</hi>, which has been employed in running the
 blockade, may be applied to this purpose, as they cannot be made to meet our debt abroad.  They will 
be amply sufficient without taxing the people a dollar.  The method, of distributing these articles of
 food, the duties of the sub-agents and the proper recipients should be more definitely set forth; and 
provision should he made for those families of soldiers who, according to present arrangements forfeit 
their claim to assistance by removing from one county to another, which is frequently almost unavoidable.</p>
        <p>Reports are submitted herewith of the operations of the Ordnance, Subsistence, and Quartermaster's 
Departments, which I trust you will find satisfactory.  The enterprise of running the blockade and 
importing army supplies from abroad has proven a most <hi rend="italics">complete success</hi>.  You will 
see from the report that large quantities, of clothing, leather and
<pb id="message6" n="6"/>
shoes, lubricating oils, factory findings, sheet-iron and tin, arms and ammunition, medicines, dye-stuffs,
 blankets, cotton-bagging and rope, spirits, coffee, &amp;c., have been safely brought in, besides 
considerable freight for the Confederacy.  Two thousand and ten bales of cotton have been sent to Liverpool, 
the proceeds of which are deposited to the credit of the State, less the amount of expenses of the vessel.  
With what we have imported and the purchases in our home markets, I think I can safely say that the 
North-Carolina troops will be comfortably clothed to January, 1865, should God, in His Providence, 
so long see fit to afflict us with a continuance of the war, except as to shoes and blankets.  
Neither the Ordnance nor Quartermaster's Department placed too much reliance on foreign importations,
 but every effort has been made to stimulate home production.  Both the quality and quantity of 
arms and munitions manufactured have been improved in the past twelve months.  After the fall of 
Vicksburg cut us off from the wool of Texas, every exertion has been made to secure for the 
State the small lots in the hands of our farmers, and with such success as to keep our mills 
all running, and here I would beg your assistance in the protection and growth of sheep, 
by such enactments as will best tend to promote the object.  Certainly there is no branch 
of farming industry of greater importance now, nor one to which a more beneficial stimulus 
can be applied by judicious legislation.  Our midland and western hills are admirably adapted to 
sheep culture, and could we once get it started under such auspices as are now, presented, it would grow 
into an important element of wealth and national strength.  I am unable, at present, to furnish you with 
a statement of our indebtedness, purchases, &amp;c., in Europe, not having received as yet the necessary 
information from our agent.</p>
        <p>I herewith send you a communication from a committee of the Legislature, of Virginia, in relation to 
the currency.  This important subject, upon which so greatly depends the prosecution of the war for our 
independence, I commend to Your wisest deliberations.  Although the remedy
<pb id="message7" n="7"/>
for its great depreciation lies with the Confederate Congress, rather than with your body, yet there might
 be much done by the State in aid of the efforts of Congress.  I confess my inability to suggest any remedy
 for redundant paper issues, other than to take them up by loans and taxation and by the exhibition of the
 most rigid good faith in regard to their redemption.  With nations as with individuals, this often
 constitutes capital.  The poor should be especially cautious to preserve it.</p>
        <p>I have to thank you, gentlemen, for the cordial and confiding support which I have heretofore received
 at your hands, and to earnestly ask its continuance.  Surely no Executive can boast of more zealous and 
warmer co-operation of a co-ordinate branch of government than I have experienced from your body.  I shall 
need your sustaining arm still more in the future.  The most dangerous crisis of the war is upon us, that 
crisis which is incident to all revolutions, and which is most difficult for public officers to surmount. 
 The novelty, confusion and enthusiasm which filled our armies and exhilarated our people, having long since
 passed away, the <sic corr="winnowing">winnoning</sic>-fan of want and privation and suffering begins to 
separate the particles.  The noisy are silent—the faint of heart begin to despair, and the disloyal,
 though few, to grow bold in the presence of national ills.  The restless and the discontented strive of 
course to imbue all others with their own gloomy forebodings.  The great mass, thank God, continue hopeful 
and earnest.  Let us  all labor with one accord to sustain the nation's hope, I and to show that we are 
worthy of independence, by being willing to pay for it the price which every people has had to pay since 
Liberty was known among the sons of men—<hi rend="italics">suffering and sacrifice</hi>.  The hope, 
which animated many of our people, that our enemy was coming to the sober second thought, and that many of 
them were favorable to pacific overtures, has been dashed, to the ground, and the originators of that hope 
at the North are trampled under the feet of reckless and blood-thirsty majorities.—So far from 
treating with us on the basis of our independence,
<pb id="message8" n="8"/>
.or even of reconstruction, the arrogant people of the North are tauntingly proclaiming on the hustings 
that no peace can be made with us—no peace talked of till the last rebel has laid down his arms!  
An insulted and outraged people will yet make them regret this haughty language which wrongs humanity 
and outrages civilization.  The lion which has crouched in their path to Southern conquest for near 
three years, is still there, and though driven back a little, he has, grown more watchful, and will
 fight more fiercely as he approaches his lair.  We know at last precisely what we would get by
 submission, and therein has our enemy done us good service—abolition of slavery, 
confiscation of property and territorial vassalage!  These are the terms to win us back.  
Now, when our brothers bleed and mothers and little ones cry for bread, we can point them back 
to the brick-kilns of Egypt—thanks to- Mr. Seward!—plainly, and show them, the 
beautiful clusters of Eschol, which grow in the land of Independence, whither we go to possess them.  
And we can remind them, too, how the pillar of fire and the cloud, the vouchsafed guidon of Jehovah, 
went ever before the hungering multitude, leading away, with apparent cruelty, from the fullness of servitude. 
 With such a prospect before them, our people will, as heretofore, come firmly up to the full measure of their
 duty, if their trusted servants do not fail them; they will not crucify afresh their own so I us slain in their 
behalf, or put their gallant shades to open shame, by stopping short of full and complete national independence.</p>
        <closer>
          <signed>Z.  B. VANCE
</signed>
          <dateline>EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, November 23d, 1863.</dateline>
        </closer>
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