Almighty Father, Maker of Heaven and Earth; King eternal, immortal, invisible; the only wise God! We adore Thee, for Thou art God, and besides Thee there is none else; our Fathers' God, and our God! We thank Thee that Thou hast made us men, endowed with reason, conscience and speech—capable of knowing, loving and serving Thee! We thank Thee for Thy Son, the Lord Jesus Christ, our only Mediator and Redeemer! We thank Thee for Thy word of truth, our guide to eternal life. We thank Thee for civil government, ruling in Thy fear; and we especially thank Thee that Thou didst reserve this fair portion of the earth so long undiscovered, unpolluted with the wars and the crimes of the old world—that Thou mightest here establish a free government and a pure religion. We thank Thee that Thou hast allotted us our heritage here, and hast brought us upon it at such a time as this. We thank Thee for all the hallowed memories connected with the establishment of the independence of the Colonies, and their sovereignty as States, and with the formation and maintenance of our government, which we had devoutly hoped might last, unperverted and incorruptible, as long as the sun and moon endure.

Oh, our Father! we have striven as an integral part of this great Republic, faithfully to keep our solemn covenants in the Constitution of our country; and our conscience doth not accuse us of having failed to sustain our part in the civil compact. Lord of all the families of the earth! we appeal to THEE to protect us in the land Thou hast given us, the Institutions Thou hast established, the rights Thou hast bestowed! And now, in our troubles, besetting us like great waters round about, WE, Thy dependent children, humbly entreat Thy fatherly notice and care. Grant to Thy servants now assembled, as the direct representatives of the people of this State, all needful grace and wisdom for their peculiar and great responsibilities at this momentous crisis! Give them a clear perception of their duties, as the embodiment of the people; impart to them an enlightened, mature and sanctified judgment in forming every conclusion; a steady, Heaven-directed purpose and will in attaining every right end! Save them from the disturbing influences of error, of passion, prejudice and timidity—from divided and conflicting counsels; give them one mind and one way, and let that be the mind of Christ! If Thou seest them ready to go wrong, interpose Thy heavenly guidance and restraint; if slow and reluctant to execute what duty and safety require, quicken and urge them forward! Let patient enquiry and candor pervade every discussion; let calm, comprehensive and sober wisdom shape every measure, and direct every vote; let all things be done in Thy fear, and with a just regard to their whole duty toward God and toward man! Preserve them all in health, in purity, in peace; and cause that their session may promote the maintenance of equal rights, of civil freedom and good government; may promote the welfare of man, and the glory of Thy name! We ask all through Jesus Christ, our Lord: Amen!

The Convention consisted of one hundred Delegates, each of whom being present, approached the Clerk's desk, as his county was called, and enrolled his name.

From the county of

Autauga—George Rives.

Barbour—John Cochran, Alpheus Baker, J. S. M. Daniel.

Baldwin—Jos. Silver.

Bibb—James W. Crawford.

Blount—John S. Brasher, W. M. Edwards.

Butler—Samuel J. Bolling, John McPherson.

Calhoun—Daniel T. Ryan, John M. Crook, G. C. Whatley.

Chambers—J. F. Dowdell, Wm. H. Barnes.

Cherokee—Henry C. Sanford, Wm. L. Whitlock, John Potter, John P. Ralls.

Choctaw—S. E. Catterlin, A. J. Curtis.

Clark—O. S. Jewett.

Coffee—G. T. Yelverton.

Conechu—John Green.

Coosa—George Taylor, John B. Leonard, Albert Crumpler.

Covington—Dewitt C. Davis.

Dallas—John T. Morgan, Wm. S. Phillips.

Dale—D. B. Creech, James McKinnie.

DeKalb—Wm. O. Winston, John Franklin.

The first debate in the Convention arose upon the following Resolutions, offered by MR. WHATLEY:

WHEREAS, the only bond of union between the several States is the Constitution of the United States; and WHEREAS, that Constitution has been violated, both by the Government of the United States, and by a majority of the Northern States, in their separate legislative action, denying to the people of the Southern States their Constitutional rights;

And WHEREAS, a sectional party, known as the Black Republican Party, has, in the recent election, elected Abraham Lincoln to the office of President, and Hannibal Hamlin to the office of Vice-President of these United States, upon the avowed principle that the Constitution of the United States does not recognise properly in slaves and that the Government should prevent its extension into the common Territories of the United States, and that the power of the Government should be so exercised that slavery, in time, should be exterminated:

Therefore, be it Resolved, by the people of Alabama, in solemn Convention assembled, That these acts and designs constitute such a violation of the compact, between the several States, as absolves the people of Alabama from all obligation to continue to support a Government of the United States, to be administered upon such principles, and that the people of Alabama will not submit to be parties to the inauguration and administration of Abraham Lincoln as President, and Hannibal. Hamlin as Vice President of the United States of America.

On submitting the Resolutions, MR. WHATLEY said:

Mr. President—I offer these Resolutions for the purpose, in the outset, to ascertain the sense of this body upon the question of submission or resistance to Lincoln's Administration. It is known that there are different opinions entertained by members of this Convention; many have been elected as straight-out secessionists, others as coöperationists, and among the coöperationists there is a diversity of opinion. Some are for coöperating with the entire South, others for a coöperation with the Cotton States, and likely some are willing to cöoperate with a majority of the Cotton States. It is said, there are some in this body who are for absolute submission; I trust though, these suspicions are not true, and that we shall present an undivided front, in antagonism to the Black Republican administration. In the language of the Joint Resolutions, of the last session of our Legislature, let us assert that, “Alabama, acting for herself, has solemnly declared that, under no circumstances will she submit to the foul domination of a sectional Northern party.” I desire, therefore, to ascertain, definitely, the sense of this body upon the question of submission or resistance. If we shall determine for resistance, as no doubt we will, then the next step will be, what kind of resistance shall we offer?

MR. SMITH, of Tuscaloosa:

Mr. President—I do not object, so much to the resolutions themselves, as to the reasons assigned by the gentleman, [Mr. Whatley,] for their introduction. It is proclaimed that this is intended as a test; the test as to submission! The intimation is ungenerous. It is inconsistent with the desires of harmony and conciliation that have been openly expressed here by all parties. It is an injudicious beginning of our deliberations. It is true, that it has been ascertained by the elections which have just been had here, that we are a minority. I am of that minority; but I do not associate with submissionists! There is not one in our company. We scorn the prospective Black Republican rule as much as the gentleman from Calhoun, [Mr. Whatley,] or any of his friends.

There is, in the gentleman's speech, besides the undisguised expression of suspicion, the appearance of a desire to stir up enemies, instead of a desire to harmonize friends. If this is the harmony you preach and practice, you will have nothing in this Convention but the most unpleasant scenes of stubborn, sullen, and unyielding antagonism. All good men should deprecate that.

The leading sentiments of the resolutions I endorse. I am perfectly willing to express a determination to resist a Black Republican Administration; but I may not choose to vote for this long string of resolutions. Present a naked question of resistance to Black Republican rule, and you will doubtless receive a unanimous vote in favor of it. But do not so interlard it with generalities and political abstractions that we shall be forced to reject the good on account of its too close association with the evil. I object particularly to make an intimation that I would oppose by force the inauguration of Lincoln. I would not have anything to do with that in any way. I deprecate the idea of intimating to the people, even remotely, that the laws ought not to be respected.

If gentlemen are earnest in their wishes to procure here, and at this time, an emphatic expression of resistance, I have no doubt that the resolutions can be so amended as to meet the cordial support of all of us.

I am not willing to say, as does this resolution, that the separate action of any State has absolved Alabama from all obligation to continue to support the Government of the United States. A State may violate the Constitution and still the General Government may not be at fault.

Let the resolutions be amended—stripped of their verbiage, so as to present the single question of resistance, placed in its true position, and I will support them.

MR. POSEY said:

He opposed the resolutions, because the first recital in the preamble places resistance to Mr. Lincoln's Administration upon the aggressions of the Federal Government, as well as those of the Northern States. The last charge is true; the first is not true. There have been no aggressions on the part of the Federal Government; there has been an omission, it may be, in some instances, to execute the Fugitive Slave law, which we well know proceeded from the hatred of Northern Abolitionists to that law. The aggressions of which we have just cause to complain, have been made by the people in some of the Northern States, and by the Personal Liberty Bills of thirteen of these States. They have violated the Constitution of the United States, in these unconstitutional enactments.

Mr. Posey admitted the South could not submit to the princi ples presented in the Chicago Platform. Resistance to the issues made up in that Platform was forced upon the people of this State. They had no other alternative placed before them in the Chicago Creed, but exclusion from the Territories of the United States, with the ultimate extinction of slavery as the consequence of such exclusion and injustice, or resistance to any administration of the Government upon such principles.

These resolutions indicate, clearly, one mode of resistance only. This is not expressed, but the fair construction is, that separate State secession is the kind of resistance pledged by these resolutions; when it is well known that the coöperationists in this Convention have declared their opposition to the principles of the Black Republican party, and their determination to resist a Government administered upon their policy; but their plan of resistance is not by separate State action. We intend to resist. It is not our purpose to submit to the doctrines asserted at Chicago; but our resistance is based upon consultation, and in unity of action, with the other slave States.

If we vote for these resolutions, in their present shape, we shall have committed ourselves to separate State action, to which the cooperationists in this body stand opposed, for the reason, we greatly prefer another mode of resistance, considered by us to be safer for the country, and not less effectual in asserting and maintaining all our just rights.

MR. YANCEY said:

Mr. President—I favor the passage of these resolutions. That they are a test—ascertaining whether there are any submissionists or not in this body, is no objection to them in my mind. It is said they are offensive because it is a test. They ought not to be offensive, in my opinion, to any Delegate who is not in favor of submitting to Lincoln's Administration. That there are such here, I am unwilling to believe, and I desire that the world shall know there are none such, if such is the fact; while at the same time, if there are any, I desire to know it, and the Convention should know it.

It has been said that this resolution will create discord amongst us—and is not conciliatory. It can only justly be so considered by those opposed to all resistance to the Black Republican power. I, for one, have no desire to conciliate persons occupying such position. I wish here, and elsewhere, to antagonise them.

The resolutions are designed, in my apprehension, to lay a basis for our future action. If we are, as I hope we shall be, united in favor of these resolutions, there can be but little difficulty in our taking some action, which will be agreeable to us all. If, however, there shall be any here opposed to these resolutions, we cannot have united action.

It will be observed, that the resolutions are carefully worded and framed. They do not designate the mode of resistance.—They offend no man's opinion upon the question of secession or revolution. They do not discriminate in favor of separate, or of coöperative State action. They simply discriminate between those who are willing to continue the Union upon the principles of the Black Republican party, and those who are willing to resist them, and to dissolve the Union rather than see the Government administered upon those principles.

With all who can vote for these resolutions, I can confer, and hope to come to a common conclusion. With those who shall vote against them, I have neither feeling or principle in common.

MR. CLEMENS said:

Mr. President—I object to this resolution, not so much on account of its terms, as on account of the avowed motives which prompted its introduction. The gentleman from Calhoun tells us that he desired to ascertain whether there is any one here who is willing to submit to a Black Republican Administration, and he proposes this resolution as a test. Now, sir, the proposition to make a test on such a subject, necessarily implies suspicion, and suspicion is always more or less offensive. If, therefore, the gentleman is a correct exponent of the wishes and feelings of the majority—if that is the temper in which we of the minority are to be met, I give them warning that our session is likely to be a stormy one. We may be persuaded to go a long ways. We cannot be driven an inch in any direction, and the attempt to do it will not only result in failure, but must produce a state of things whose consequences I will not picture.