Christoph von Graffenried's Account of the Founding of New Bern.
Edited with an Historical Introduction and an English Translation by Vincent H. Todd, Ph.D. University of Illinois in Cooperation with Julius Goebel, Ph.D., Professor of Germanic Languages University of Illinois:
Electronic Edition.
Graffenried, Christoph von, Baron, 1661-1743
Ed. by Todd, Vincent H. (Vincent Hollis), 1879-
Ed. by Goebel, Julius, 1857-1931
Funding from the Institute for Museum and Library Services supported the electronic publication of this title.
Text transcribed by
Apex Data Services, Inc.
Images scanned by
Melissa Meeks
Text encoded by
Apex Data Services, Inc., Melissa Meeks, J. Clifford Dyer, and Natalia Smith
First edition, 2003
ca. 1,300K
Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
2003.
© This work is the property of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text.
Source Description:
(title page) Christoph von Graffenried's Account of the Founding of New Bern. Edited with an Historical Introduction and an English Translation by Vincent H. Todd, Ph.D. University of Illinois in Cooperation with Julius Goebel, Ph.D., Professor of Germanic Languages University of Illinois
(spine) Publications of the North Carolina Historical Commission. Von Graffenried's Account of the Founding of New Bern
(uniform title) Account of the Founding of New Bern
(series) Publications of the North Carolina Historical Commission
Christoph von Graffenried
Vincent H. Todd
Julius Goebel
434 p., map
Raleigh
Edwards & Broughton Printing Co., State Printers
1920
Call number C970.2 G73 c. 8 (North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill)
German and French versions, with an English translation of each.
Errata sheet inserted.
The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH
digitization project, Documenting the American South.
The text has been entered using double-keying and verified against the original.
The text has been encoded using the
recommendations for Level 4 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines.
The eszett which is used in German Fraktur typeface has been printed as an ss in the text of this electronic edition.
Original grammar, punctuation, and spelling have been preserved. Encountered typographical errors have been preserved, and appear in red type.
All footnotes are inserted at the point of reference within paragraphs.
Any hyphens occurring in line breaks have been
removed, and the trailing part of a word has been joined to
the preceding line.
All quotation marks, em dashes and ampersand have been transcribed as
entity references.
All double right and left quotation marks are encoded as " and "
respectively.
All single right and left quotation marks are encoded as ' and ' respectively.
All em dashes are encoded as --
Indentation in lines has not been preserved.
Running titles have not been preserved.
Spell-check and verification made against printed text using Author/Editor (SoftQuad) and Microsoft Word spell check programs.
Library of Congress Subject Headings
Languages Used:
- English
- Latin
- French
- German
LC Subject Headings:
- Virginia -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800.
- North Carolina -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800.
- North Carolina -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775.
- North Carolina -- Politics and government -- To 1775.
- Graffenried, Christoph von, Baron, 1661-1743.
- New Bern (N.C.) -- History.
- Swiss Americans -- North Carolina.
- Palatine Americans -- North Carolina.
- Whites -- North Carolina -- Relations with Indians.
Revision History:
- 2003-06-23,
Celine Noel and Wanda Gunther
revised TEIHeader and created catalog record for the electronic edition.
-
2003-06-06,
Natalia Smith, J. Clifford Dyer, and Melissa Meeks,
finished TEI-conformant encoding and final proofing.
-
2001-09-28,
Melissa Meeks
finished TEI/SGML encoding
- 2001-03-21,
Apex Data Services, Inc.
finished transcribing the text.
[Cover Page Image]
[Spine Image]
[Title Page Image]
[Title Page Image Verso]
Plan of the City of New Bern, North Carolina, by Baron Christoph von Graffenried
Page i
ERRATA
Page 225. Beginning with reference numeral 4 there is an error in each of the reference numerals through number 55.
To correct the references: On page 225, paragraph 1, against the word "appearances" place the numeral 4. On pages 225-265 read 4 as 5, 5 as 6, and so on through number 55. This will make the reference numerals read from 1 to 57 in order, and correspond with the numerals in the German original, the French original, and the translation of the French.
PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL COMMISSION
CHRISTOPH VON GRAFFENRIED'S
ACCOUNT OF THE FOUNDING
OF NEW BERN
EDITED WITH AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
AND AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION
BY
VINCENT H. TODD, PH.D.
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
IN COOPERATION WITH
JULIUS GOEBEL, PH.D., PROFESSOR OF GERMANIC LANGUAGES
UNIVERSITY OF ILLIONOIS
RALEIGH
EDWARDS & BROUGHTON PRINTING CO.
STATE PRINTERS
1920
Page verso
- J. BRYAN GRIMES, CHAIRMAN
- W. J. PEELE
- M. C. S. NOBLE
- D. H. HILL
- THOMAS M. PITTMAN
- R. D. W. CONNOR, SECRETARY, RALEIGH
THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL COMMISSION
Page 3
- PREFACE . . . . . 5
- HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION . . . . . 7
- BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . 112
- GERMAN VERSION . . . . . 115
- ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE GERMAN VERSION . . . . . 219
- FRENCH VERSION . . . . . 321
- ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE FRENCH VERSION . . . . . 357
- VOCABULARY . . . . . 393
- INDEX . . . . . 419
CONTENTS
Page 5
PREFACE
A carefully prepared and conservative computation made within the last ten years gives the surprising result that, of our white population there are at least twenty-seven per cent of German birth or extraction, while those of English origin number but thirty per cent. With such a proportion of Germans, is it not strange that almost nothing is said in our histories about this great element of our population; about the causes that induced them to leave their homes; about the circumstances of their first settlements; about their influence upon the growth of our common culture?
The reason of this lies, partly in the undeveloped provincial character of American historiography, partly in the fact that American History was first written by men from New England. They wrote of the things with which they were most familiar, their own Puritan commonwealths and the institutions developed from them. Biased by provincial prejudices they overlooked other events of equally great importance, so that their histories read like a one-sided glorification of their ancestors. A very powerful contributory cause for this discrimination is the fact that the Germans made their settlements comparatively late, and for the most part avoided New England. By the time the first permanent settlements were made at Germantown, near Philadelphia (1683) New England had passed through some of its most epoch-making experiences. The colonies about Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut and Rhode Island had been settled and their characteristic institutions, which have come down to our own time, were becoming fixed in laws and customs of the people. American historiography as first conceived by the New England historians has since followed the same or similar lines, and until recently when the German-Americans themselves took up the work, very little, in general, was known about the early life of this portion of our population.
It is to be hoped that this regrettable division in matters of historical truth will be done away with, and since no one nationality can rightfully claim all the honor of having made America what it is, Germans as well as Puritans and Cavaliers will come to be recognized for what they are or have done, and not be excluded from consideration for what they have not done.1
1 There is some assurance that this hoped for change of attitude will come, when a historian like Channing in his History of the United States (vol. II, pages 116, 395, 404 ff) gives a rather extended and appreciative notice of the Germans in Pennsylvania. In a foot note on page 405 he mentions the manuscripts on which this paper has been based.
To illustrate: It was not a German woman's pig to which we traced the bicameral system of
Page 6
Government in Massachusetts; but it is to the German settlers at Schoharie that we, in a large measure, owe the fortunate outcome of the French and Indian war, for it was they who kept the Six Nations from joining the French, when such an event would have spelled disaster to the New York and New England colonies; they did not give us theocracies from which a doubtful ideal of the state eventually evolved; but they helped to give us freedom of conscience, the very corner-stone of modern politics, and it is to the German printer in New York that we owe an untrammeled public press. Who shall say which is the worthier?
It is not sufficient then to know that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a large number of Germans came to America, and made or tried to make certain settlements. We want to go further and learn about their life and work and be able to appreciate them as we do the other pioneers. It is for this reason that a study of Baron Christoph von Graffenried's settlements may be considered worth while.
This colony in North Carolina would have consisted of only a few Swiss adventurers but for the events of the year 1709. These enlarged the scope, increased the prestige of the undertaking, gave the leadership to one of the few ever to possess a title of nobility in Locke's new American order, made this pioneer of several Swiss undertakings the nearest approach to Locke's ideal that ever existed in America, and taking it out of its isolation, made it a part of the great German migration of 1709; a consideration of which may properly precede the study of Graffenried's own adventures.
Since a man should be judged by his intentions and by the times in which he lived, as well as by the actual results of his efforts, it has seemed well to quote from or make references to the writings of contemporaries wherever possible.1
1 There is some assurance that this hoped for change of attitude will come, when a historian like Channing in his History of the United States (vol. II, pages 116, 395, 404 ff) gives a rather extended and appreciative notice of the Germans in Pennsylvania. In a foot note on page 405 he mentions the manuscripts on which this paper has been based.
For instance, his expectation of becoming rich from silver mines in Maryland or Virginia seemed to us absurd because we know there is no silver in those parts in paying quantities; but if we find, that in his day, everyone believed that there was silver to be found there, and if we remember that the Secretary of the London Royal Society in 1669 urged Governor John Winthrop to look for mines in Connecticut and if necessary to "employ dogs of the best scent"2
2 Proceedings Mass. Hist. Society, 1878, pages 229-240.
for this purpose, Graffenried's persistency in searching for silver takes on a different aspect.
Page 7
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
Page 9
PART I
THE PALATINATE MOVEMENT
CHAPTER I
THE GENERALLY ACCEPTED CAUSES OF THE PALATINE MIGRATION
The great stream of emigration from Germany to England and from thence to America, beginning rather feebly in the latter part of the seventeenth century, then suddenly swelling to such enormous proportions that more Germans had come to New York, Pennsylvania, and North Carolina in one year than had come to New England in the first ten years of the settlements about Massachusetts Bay, has as its fundamental cause the great intellectual movement of the Reformation, and the equally intense Counter Reformation which began in the latter part of the sixteenth century and extended far into the seventeenth century.
Since the Protestant Reformation in England had come rather later than in Germany, and had not been so radical at the start, English reformers long looked upon Germany as the fatherland of the Reformation, and during the persecutions which accompanied the reaction under Mary (1553-1558) those who escaped over seas found refuge in Holland, Germany and Switzerland. Under Elizabeth protestantism was again gradually restored, but there was no place for any who disagreed with the church as established by the state and dissenters were severely punished, but still the sentiment of protest grew until after the revolution of 1642, when Cromwell, having finally become a dictator, was able to introduce a second reformation, which led to a wider separation from Rome. He hoped to secure the ground gained, by a union of the protestant states against the Catholic Spanish world. He conceived England to be the champion protector of protestantism, and by such a union, he hoped to make it a world power. During the reigns of Charles II and James II there was another reaction which, however, was not so violent as that in the reign of Mary. When William of Orange became King of England protestantism was again fully restored and there was even some relief given dissenters. It was Queen Anne, however, who took up Cromwell's work, and to the best of her
Page 10
ability carried out his program of national and protestant expansion. Public opinion, moreover, was, to a large degree, with her in this matter.
Interest in the German protestant situation was kept alive by pamphlets which gave information about the conditions of the Reformation in Germany and particularly in the Palatinate to which they felt related because of the marriage of Elizabeth, daughter of James I of England, to the Electro Frederick, better known as the Winter King. This interest was further increased since the cause had been compelled to fight for its life in Germany as well as in England.
Not only the wars which came in Luther's time and immediately following his death were caused by the Reformation; but the Thirty Years' War and the wars in which the French King, Louis XIV, involved Europe during his long reign were also very largely incited by the same spirit of enmity that animated the earlier Counter Reformation.
In all these struggles no portion of Germany suffered so much as that part called the Lower Palatinate.1 1 Eccl. Rec. vol. III, page 1453 ff.
Lying as it does on the eastern boundary of France, it was easily accessible to the French soldiery; a fertile country, it offered excellent opportunity for maintaining an army; and being protestant it was an especial object of resentment to the French King. Turenne in 1674 thoroughly ravaged the province in accordance with his policy of making the enemy support his army. Then in the wars of 1688-89, while the rest of Germany which might have given aid was busy warding off the Turks, Louis XIV took the opportunity of weakening the enemy, venting his malice against the protestants, and doing a pleasure to Madame de Maintenon by devastating the province in a way unparalleled in modern history. He purposed to make the country as nearly a desert as possible, and to do so wantonly burned cities and towns as well as isolated dwellings, cut down orchards and uprooted vines. Many of the inhabitants were butchered, others died of exposure, others fled, and the few who remained were left in a most miserable condition. The treaty of Ryswick gave a temporary relief and many refugees returned to their homes. But in 1700 the wars of the Spanish Succession broke out, and the Palatinate was again overrun with troops. The destruction seems not to have been so severe as in the previous war, but the new Elector, now a Catholic, subjected the Protestants to a system of persecution which was very annoying and disquieting; for the persecutions which had long accompanied the Reformation throughout Europe were still fresh in men's memories and they dreaded the worst.
Page 11
By the Peace of Westphalia (1648) the Lutheran and Reformed religions had been established in the Palatinate and the Catholic religion was allowed only on sufferance of the Elector. But now under John William (1690-1716) religious toleration was announced, and the Roman Catholic religion thereby put upon a theoretical equality with the other two. As a matter of fact, he went further and took revenues, churches, and schools belonging to the Protestants, whether or not they had been Catholic property, and turned them to Catholic uses, or else arranged for Catholics and Protestants to have joint possession of the church edifices. He refused to allow Protestant clergymen to sit in the Ecclesiastical Council; and when the people protested, he said that the "ministers were seditious rebels." Soldiers, moreover, were quartered on the peasants to harass them. The persecution, also, often took the form of bodily injury and death was frequently the result. No wonder, then, the poorer subjects became alarmed.
In Switzerland the Anabaptists having no legal status had always been exposed to the doubtful mercies of the bigoted Reformed Church.2
2 E. Mueller, Bernische Taeufer.
The martyrdom of many of the leaders was a recent memory and at this very time (1708-9) the prisons were full of those whose greatest crime was obedience to the scriptural injunction "swear not at all," and a disagreement with the Reformed Church as to the time in the candidate's life when baptism is to be administered.
In other provinces of Germany, as well as in the Palatinate, there was great suffering among the poorer classes because of the oppressions of the petty princes who fashioned their courts after the model of Versailles, plunged into extravagance and excess of all kinds, the burden of which fell upon the laboring classes who suffered severely from the exorbitant taxes and tolls demanded to defray these expenses.
This widespread poverty, and the religious persecutions had for years been producing a general unrest, and those who saw no hope of better conditions at home began to look to America as a place where they could go and be safe. A rather small colony had gone to Pennsylvania with Pastorius as early as 1683, and a few families or single persons had gone every year since. Another small company, 50 persons in all, under the Lutheran pastor, Kocherthal, came to England in 1780 and were sent to New York.3
3 E. Mueller, Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 263.
In 1709 a further cause was given in an exceedingly hard winter.4
4 Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 283.
The cold was so intense that birds and animals succumbed to its severity and the loss of life among the very poor was considerable. Such an experience would doubtless make Kocherthal's description
Page 12
of Carolina more attractive than ever. That same spring and summer great numbers of Germans came through Holland to England and were given all possible care by public and private philanthropy. This is generally spoken of as the Palatine Migration, but the name is misleading because there were many other German-speaking people in the movement. The majority of these immigrants did, however, come from the Palatinate; and as the English people were interested in that province, they gave the name without distinction to all who came.
Page 13
CHAPTER II
THE DECISIVE CAUSE OF THE PALATINE MIGRATION
The causes mentioned, together with the so-called German Wanderlust and the attraction which America had for Europeans, have been considered sufficient to explain this migration. But are they sufficient? Is there not a more important problem still unsolved? When one considers that all these contributing causes, political oppression, religious persecution, devastation of property, and poverty had existed for years in Germany and Switzerland; that the passion for travel had always been characteristic of this people; that the advantages of America had been well set forth by the preaching of William Penn and other Quakers before this colony was founded; that over 50 books,1
1 Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 175.
broadsides, and pamphlets had been circulated over Germany, all in the interest of inducing emigration to Pennsylvania, resulting in only one small settlement at Germantown in Pennsylvania in 1683; his conclusion must be that there must have been something more than the severe winter added to the above causes which increased the numbers of the emigrants from a small flock of 50 under Kocherthal's leadership in 1708, to a mass of over 10,000 persons without a leader in 1709. How does it happen that they all expected to be taken to America, despite the fact that the Walloons who preceded them had had no such hopes?
The truth is Queen Anne was attempting to continue Cromwell's plan of expansion, and in this program there was need of increasing her subjects at home and in the colonies, by inviting, and even subsidizing, people to settle in British America. At the same time also the Proprietors of the Provinces were quite as anxious as the Queen to have their territories settled; and no one was more industrious than Penn in advertising his province. Yet the subject is difficult to treat, because direct evidence is not plentiful, since no one wished to take the responsibility of tempting the subjects to leave their rightful lord. But there was one document which had great, perhaps the greatest, influence in persuading people to go to America; and that was a small volume printed first in 1706, by the Reverend Mr. Kocherthal.
The Reverend Mr. Kocherthal, just mentioned, had not been to America at the time he published his book, but had been in England to make inquiries about the colonies. Having become convinced of the advantages of South Carolina, he wrote a handbook for Germans,
Page 14
describing the province, with directions how to go there. This book was so eagerly read that in 1709 it had reached its fourth edition. Graffenried and several of his settlers mention Kocherthal's book, indeed this is the only book the settlers do
mention; and from the nature of their allusions to it one must conclude they were strongly influenced by it. In fact, the book continued to have such an effect, even after Kocherthal had gone to New York (1708) that Anton Wilhelm Boehme,2 2 Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 47 ff.
pastor of the German Court Chapel of St. James, felt called upon to issue a series of tracts in book form, under the title "Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan," directed specifically against Kocherthal's description of South Carolina.
An investigation, detailed mention of which will be made later, brings out the additional fact that another great cause of the emigration was the so-called Golden Book, so named because the Queen's picture adorned one of the front pages, and the title page was printed in gilt letters. This was evidently a very special and expensive edition, and was probably published with the Queen's permission some time after she had ascended the throne in 1702, the evident intention being to impress German readers. From the language in the report of the investigating committee it is clear that the book was written chiefly in praise of Carolina.
Absolute proof cannot be given; but judging from the coincidence of the date at which the books appeared, Kocherthal's in 1706, the Golden Book between 1702 and 1709, from the similarity of the subject matter, both treating of Carolina in particular, and from the effect, one may conclude that Kocherthal's book and the Golden Book are identical. The following passages occur in the fourth edition undoubtedly reprinted from the first, and are among the directions to prospective colonists:
8. Nachdem aber die Fracht selbsten zu bezahlen sehr theuer/ und solche abzuverdienen sehr beschwehrlich--als hat der Author auff alle Weise sich angelegen seyn lassen/ ob dissfals andere Mittel ausszufinden seyn möchten; worauff endlich der Vorschlag gefchehen/ dass die Königin mit einer Supplication müszte ersucht werden/ ob selbige die Schiffe zur Überfahrt hergeben wolte/ da dann vielleicht geschehen könte/ dass man auch mit Königl. Schiffen von Holland abgeholet würde/ und also auch diese Ueberfahrts-Kosten erspahren könte: doch müsten auff solchen Fall eine gute Unzahl Leute miteinander kommen/ weilen widrigenfals der Mühe nicht werth seyn würde/ die Königin zu bemühen viel weniger so viel Kosten anzuwenden/ als bei diesen zu den Schiffen und Convoy erfordert wird.
9. Weilen auch bey diesen Zeiten an dem Königl. Hoff so wol wegen des schwehren Kriegs/ als auch wegen der immerfort währenden vielen Collecten-
Page 15
Gelder die Aussgaben unbeschreiblich gross als hat man hierinnen mehrere Vorschläge gethan/ wie die Sache anzugreiffen/ damit die Königin der ander-wärtigen schwehren Unkosten ungeachtet/ die Schiffe zur Ueberfahrt hergeben möchte; es seyn aber diese Vorschläge zu weitläufftig hier zu beschreiben; doch hoffet man/ dass vermittelst derselben die Bemühung nicht umsonst seyn werde wiewol niemand hierinnen etwas gewisses versprechen kan/ sondern erwarten muss wasz die Göttliche Schickung hierinnen vefügen werde.3
3"But since it is very expensive to pay the freight one's self, and very difficult to work it out, the author has been very much concerned to find out whether in this case other means might not be found. Whereupon finally the proposal was made that the Queen be presented with a supplication to see whether she herself would not grant the ships, since it then might be that the people would be brought from Holland in the royal ships and thus this expense of passage could be saved; but yet in such a case a goodly number of people would have to come together, because if not, it would not be worth while to trouble the Queen, much less to go to so much expense as would be demanded for the ships and convoy. "Because in these times the outlays at the Royal Court are indescribably great on account of the heavy war as well as because of the continual money collections, several proposals of how to attack the matter were made, in order that the Queen, regardless of other great expenses, might grant the ships for the passage. But these proposals are too extensive to describe here, and yet it is hoped that through them the effort will not be in vain, although in this matter no one can promise anything certain, but must wait and see what dispensation Divine Providence will make in this regard,"--Kocherthal, page 28.
No very definite hopes are held out in these passages, but it would not require the Queen's picture and the gilded title page to give the impression to the poor people into whose hands the book would come, that they might expect help from her, both in crossing the Channel and after their arrival in England, in going to the Colonies. The effect could be no better with a direct and unequivocal statement, and there would be no danger of serious complications with the German princes, while, likewise, such a procedure would be quite in harmony with her diplomatic methods.
The Queen's policy of relieving the distressed Protestants met with considerable approval by the English people at first, for not only could they congratulate themselves on doing a charitable act to members of their own faith, but they could enjoy the prospect of turning the recipients of their charity to the material advantage of England. Simon Beaumont (July 18, 1709) expresses this mixture of motives in a letter too long to quote in full. "But these arguments aside. Receiving and succoring these poor Palatines seems to me but the payment of a just debt for the kind entertainment that gave many of our learned divines and others who were forced to take shelter beyond seas in the time of Queen Mary's persecution, and met with a hospitable reception at Frankfort in Germany, in the Palatinate, the Netherlands, Switzerland and other places; and shall we now suffer any of the posterity of our quondam benefacts to perish for want of bread that Providence has thrown into our arms for relief?" To the objection that England has enough poor of her own, he admits
Page 16
she has beggars enough and suggests that they go to work and there will be enough food for all; he then advances the generally accepted economic principle that "multiplying the number of inhabitants conduces to the strength, grandeur, and wealth of the kingdom, since its people are the Riches, Honor, and Strength of a nation and that wealth increases in an equal proportion to the additional number of the inhabitants." He also cites the fact that "the Palatines who went to Magdeburg in 1689 are worth 100,000 crowns a year to the King of Prussia. . . . That Holland by giving refuge to distressed Protestants was enabled to beat off the Spanish" and concludes that "10,000 Palatines is about 8,000£ without detriment to the nation." Beaumont would have had them retained in England, then, in place of letting them go to the colonies.4
4 Eccl. Rec., vol III, page 1774 ff.
The encouragement, however, was not limited to mere expressions of good will on the part of private and public individuals, but, as will be shown, official help, to which Queen Anne, the Duke of Sunderland, and probably the Duke of Marlborough were parties, was given in secret.
A bill to naturalize foreign Protestants, which had long been discussed, was now passed (March 3, 1709),5 5 Luttrel, vol. VI, page 413. 6 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page1750. 7 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1753, 1786. 8 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1742, 1785. 9 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1786. 10 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1836. 11 Pennsylvanien im 17ten Jahrhundret, page 71.
if not for the sake of the immigrants, at least very opportunely for them. The result of the encouragement given was very flattering, for within a few months between 10,000 and 15,000 Germans were in England and had to be cared for. The people and the government rose to the emergency; tents and barns were assigned to these people for shelter;6
private charity was invoked for their relief; and the Queen authorized a daily expenditure at first of £16, but later increased the amount to £100.7
Meanwhile their spiritual welfare was attended to. Ministers were appointed for that particular service,8
Bibles were distributed freely among them,9
and as soon as possible plans for settlement were made. About 3,000 were settled in Ireland on what was intended to be advantageous terms, but of these, 232 families returned to London.10
Many enlisted,11
and provision was made to send great numbers to America at the expense of the government.
The phenomenal success of this scheme proved to be its undoing, for so many Germans took advantage of the opportunity that London was embarrassed with the expense and labor of supporting them. Soon complaints were made, not only by the poor of England who might be expected to look askance at this expenditure on these foreigners,
Page 17
when it could be so well employed by the needy folks at home, but also by persons in higher stations who did not all look upon such expenditures with favor. This opposition grew and in consequence a petition was presented to the House of Commons. This resulted in the appointment of a committee (January 15, 1710) to inquire, among other things "upon what invitation or encouragement the Palatines came over, and what moneys were expended in bringing them here and by whom." A bill was also ordered prepared to repeal the act for naturalizing foreign Protestants. But the important thing to notice is that the investigation assumes that these Protestants were invited or encouraged to come by some one, for otherwise such language would hardly have been used in the bill authorizing the investigation.
April 14, 1711, the committee made its report, of which the following extracts directly concern our discussion: "And upon the examination of several of them (Palatines) what were the motives which induced them to leave their native country, it appears to the committee that there were books and papers dispersed in the Palatinate with the Queen's picture before the book (and the title pages in letters of gold which from thence was called the Golden Book) to encourage them to come to England in order to be sent to Carolina or other of her Majesty's Plantations to be settled there. The book is chiefly a commendation of that country.
"What further encouraged them to leave their native country was the ravages the French had made and the damages the hard frost had done to their vines, and accordingly, one Joshua Kocherthal, a Lutheran Minister with some other Palatines to the number of 61 persons applied to Mr. Davenant at Frankfort for passes, but he refused them passes, moneys and recommendations for fear of disgusting the Elector Palatinate and desired to know her Majesty's pleasure therein, how to behave himself, in which Mr. Boyle signifies her Majesty's commands that, though the desire of the poor people to settle in the plantations is very acceptable and would be for the public good, yet she can by no means consent to Mr. Davenant giving in any public way encouragement, either by money or passes to the Elector Palatine's subjects to leave their country without his consent. . . . The next year an act for naturalizing Protestants being passed a great number of Palatines and some from other parts of Germany came into Holland, and from thence into England at several times, being upon their first arrival in Holland subsisted by the charity of Rotterdam, but afterwards at the Queen's expense and transports and other ships at her Majesty's charges provided to bring them thither, as also all sorts of necessaries during this voyage
Page 18
by Mr. Dayralle, her Majesty's Secretary at the Hague, who had received instructions from Mr. Secretary Boyle (in her Majesty's name) to that purpose, pursuant to my Lord Duke of Marlborough's desire. . . .
"Palatines still continued to come till the middle of October, 1709, although the orders to Mr. Dayralle to hinder their coming were often repeated; and the States General had been applied to by the English to send instructions to their minister in Germany, to discourage the coming of any more of the Elector Palatine's subjects in this manner since the Elector was highly offended by their desertion. Upon this Mr. Dayralle informed Mr. Secretary Boyle that these people (20 in August, 1709) were encouraged to emigrate by somebody in England, and that since the Prohibition, a Gentleman with a servant who came over in the Packet boat had gone amongst the Palatines at the Brill and distributed money and printed Tickets to encourage them to come over, and that many of these tickets were sent to their friends in Germany to persuade them to do the like.
"Mr. Dayralle could never discover who this gentleman was though he endeavored it all he could, and the committee could come to no certain knowledge therein, but find by two letters that Mr. Henry Torne a Quaker at Rotterdam, who in all this matter acted under Mr. Dayralle, forced a great many to embark for England after they had provided themselves a passage to go back to their own country, which the Palatines owned upon their arrival, was the only reason that induced them to come."12
12 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1724 ff.
A report of the various attempted settlements follows, and then is given the results of an investigation into the expenses incurred. The total is 135,775£ 18s 0½d. Of this there had been paid in two different transactions a total of 6,289£ 1s 9d in bringing Palatines to England. The report closes with the following resolutions:
Resolved, that the House doth agree with the Committee that the petitioners have fully proved the allegations of their petition and had just reason to complain.
Resolved, that the inviting and bringing over into this kingdom of the poor Palatines of all religions at the public expense was an extravagant and miserable charge to the kingdom, and a scandalous misapplication of the public money to the increase and oppression of the poor of this kingdom and of dangerous consequences to the constitution in church and state.
Resolved, that whosoever advised the bringing over of the poor Palatines into this kingdom was an enemy to the Queen and to this Kingdom.
This investigation after all did not lead to any definite conclusion, the reason for which may perhaps be inferred from a few sentences taken from a pamphlet which was styled A Letter to a Gentleman in
Page 19
the Country13 13 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1754.
in which it is written that "the committee having sate die in diam for a considerable time and searched into papers from the Commissioners of Trade, etc., among which there is said to be a letter from the E. of S. (Earl of Sunderland) that lets them into the whole mystery of the affair, they made their report to the House and their resolutions in manner and form following which was agreed to by those noble patriots." (The records omit the report which had been given before.) The author then quotes the resolutions which have been given in the preceding paragraphs.
The inference is, of course, that the Earl of Sunderland's letter involved persons whom it would have been impolitic to expose, and that, as a result, the committees chose to save their own reputations by launching brave sounding resolutions at no one in particular, even though they left the matter in a state of official uncertainty. And this was, perhaps, the wisest, if not the most courageous course.
The following extract from a letter which was written from London, July 13, 1708, and which appears as the third appendix to Kocherthal's 1709 edition of his Berichte shows that there was official help given in transporting Germans from the Continent to England. . . .
"Wir haben aller Orthen/ durch Gottes Gnade/ überauss gutthätige und hülffreiche Leuthe angetroffen. Auff dem Rheinstrohm haben uns unterschiedliche Leuthe etwas an Geld und Brod/ zum theil auch Fleisch/ Butter/ Käse/ und einigemal etwas an Kleidungen verehrt/ in Roterdam schenkte uns ein Mann allein 40. Holländische Gülden/ etliche andere gute Leuthe gaben uns auch unterschiedliches an Geld. Der Stadt-Rath in Rotterdam verehrte uns 25fl. und liess uns auf ihren Kosten/ in einem der Stadt zugehörigen Schiff nach Hellevotschluiss bringen. Im Haag haben wir von dem Engelländischen Envoys erhalten/ dass uns freyer Pass biss Engelland gegeben wurde/ und also seynd wir auss Hellevotschluiss in Holland/ biss nach Harwich in Engelland/ ohne einigen Hellers Kosten gebracht worden."14
14 "Through God's grace we have found everywhere exceedingly benevolent and helpful people. Upon the Rhine different people presented us with something in the way of money and bread, in part also with meat, butter, and cheese, and a few times with some clothing. In Rotterdam one man alone gave us 40 Holland Guldens; some other good people also gave us varying amounts of money. The city council in Rotterdam gave us 25 florins and had us brought to Hellevotschluiss at their own cost in a ship belonging to the city. At the Hague we obtained from the English envoy that a free pass was given us to England and so we were brought from Hellevotschluiss in Holland clear to Harwich in England without a penny's cost."--Kocherthal, page 77.
Another statement written after the great movement had subsided shows the same thing. This is quoted from Sauer in the Pennsylvanische Berichte of December 1, 1754--not so long after the event but that he could get the accurate information. "Als im Jahre 1704 die frantzösische Völter ins Reich eingezogen, und die Reichs-Fürsten die Anna Königin in England um Hülff anrieffen, und diese den Duc de Malborough
Page 20
mit einer grossen Armee englischer Völker ins Reich gesandt, durch deren Lapferkeit am 2. Juli die Frantzosen bey Schellenberg geschlagen worden, hatte er der Kayser und die Reichs-Fürsten die Königin Anna fragen lassen, was sie ihr zur Dankbarkeit vor diesen grossen Dienst thun können? Darauff hat die Königin Anna sagen lassen, dass sie von ihren Offizieren und Soldaten erfahren habe, dass sie so vicle Arme Leuthe im Reich angetroffen, die ihr Brodt und nötigen unterhalt nicht haben; es sollen die Reichs-Fürften, ihren armen Leuthen erlauben, nach America zu ziehen, wo Land genug ist, worauf sie sich ernehren konnten. Dieses haben sie nebst grosser Ehr-Bezeugung und Dankbarkeit eingewilliget, und weil das arme Volk keine möglichkeit gesehen dahin zu kommen, so hat die Königin auf ihren eignen Kosten viele Laufende nach Engelland bringen lassen, und die da wollten nach America ziehen, die wurden Frachtfrey herübergebracht und mit Proviant, Werkzeug und Geräthschaften versehen."15
15 When in the year 1704 the French people invaded the Empire and the princes of the realm appealed to Queen Anne in England for help, and she had sent the Duke of Marlborough with a great army of English people into the Empire, through the bravery of whom the French were defeated on July 2, at Schellenberg, he, the Kaiser and the princes of the realm, had a request presented to Queen Anne to know what they could do for her out of gratitude for this great service. Thereupon the Queen sent word that she had learned from her officers and soldiers that they had met so many poor people in the Empire who cannot get their bread and necessary support, that the princes of the realm ought to let their poor people go to America, where there is plenty of land upon which they could support themselves. To this they agreed, evidencing great respect and gratitude, and because the poor people saw no possibility of getting there, the Queen had many thousands brought to England at her own cost and whosoever wished to go to America was brought over, passage free, and provided with provisions, tools, and utensils.--Der Deutsche Pionier, XIV Jahrgang, page 295.
SURVEY OF THE FINAL DISPOSAL OF THE PALATINES--THE ENGLISH SETTLE GREAT NUMBERS OF THEM IN AMERICA, UNDER CONDITIONS WHICH REVEAL SUCH MERCENARY MOTIVES AS TO ROB THE ACT OF MOST OF ITS CLAIM TO CHARITY--CONTEMPT FOR THE GERMANS SHOWN TO BE CHARACTERISTIC BOTH IN ENGLAND AND IN AMERICA
Page 21CHAPTER III
Whoever may have been responsible for the coming of the Palatines, there is no doubt about their welcome during the first year of the movement. Besides the public expenditure of 135,775£,1 1 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1732.
private persons contributed freely both of their time and money for the relief of these poor strangers, and in fact it became the correct thing to have one's name on a subscription list, and the camps at Blackheath and Camberwell became popular promenades for the élite of London. When the Mohawk chiefs visited London, the Palatines were shown them among other sights. Their evident wretchedness touched the hearts of these red men and afforded them an opportunity later to show what true generosity is.
But this charity, excited partly by gratitude for kindnesses shown the English reformers by the Germans,2 2 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1777. 3 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, 1620. 4 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1753.
partly by religious sympathy3
and political ties, partly by the warm feelings of an impulsive woman and in the case of some, probably, by a desire4
to be on the popular side, soon began to be burdensome and annoying when the first pleasure and the novelty of it passed. The Palatines could not camp indefinitely in Camberwell and Blackheath, or live in the barns provided for them, and various were the schemes proposed for permanently settling them. Beaumont in his letter, which has a very sensible and a kindly tone, would keep them in England and allow them to settle on land that was lacking in tenants, and thus retain them in England to the advantage of all. His plan, however, was never successfully carried out.
About 3000 were settled in one body in Ireland and these for the most part stayed; others were scattered about over England wherever any parish was willing to receive them for 5£ per head. But after the 5£ was received, the refugees were left to shift for themselves among a people who considered them intruders; and most of them came back to London, more wretched if anything than before.5 5 Penn. Ger. Soc., vol. VII, page 314.
The best plan, after all, seemed to be to settle them in America.
Page 22
The English colonies in America at this time occupied a narrow strip along the Atlantic coast from Massachusetts to the Spanish settlements in Florida, while the interior from the St. Lawrence river to the Gulf of Mexico was claimed, and to some extent settled, by the French, who came closest to the English in New York and New England, and there offered a real menace. The French, moreover, being mostly traders, were on better terms with the Indians; they also intermarried with them and adopted many of their habits, while the English held themselves more aloof and as fast as they acquired land cleared it and so spoiled the hunting. But while the Indians beyond the Great Lakes and in the Mississippi favored the French, the Iroquois of the New York colony, an important exception in this, were friendly with the English. The French traders, however, were among the Iroquois; their allegiance could not, therefore, be counted on, and one of the most heartless proposals6 6 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1703. 7 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1738, 1818.
for disposing of the Palatines was "to settle them along the Hudson river in the province of New York where they may be useful to this Kingdom, particularly in the production of naval stores and as a frontier against the French and their Indians." There can be no possible offense taken to the statement that "Her Majesty was convinced that it would be more for the advantage of Her Kingdom if a method could be found to settle them here (in America) in such a manner that they might get a comfortable livelihood instead of sending them to the West Indies; that it would be a great encouragement to others to follow their example; that the addition to the number of her subjects would in all probability produce a proportional increase of their trade and manufactures."7
But the proposal made by the council to take these protestant refugees, who could have no choice in the matter, and use them as a buffer against the savages, certainly robs the act of much of its claim to generosity.
The Reverend Mr. Kocherthal went first with a small party. He was followed in 1710 by over 3000 under Governor Hunter. They were treated more like slaves than fellow Christians, for they were forced to sign a contract by which they were put under a sort of military discipline and set at the fruitless task of trying to make tar in commercial quantities from northern pines. Their whole time was to be devoted to this industry and they were to be fed and maintained at the Queen's expense. The well meaning but incompetent Governor Hunter had the supervision of the colony. Compelled to work under task masters, who themselves knew nothing of the business, defrauded of their provisions by the contractors, when petition and resistance failed, like the brick makers of Egypt, some of them remembered a promised land, and in the depth of winter (1711-12)
Page 23
fifty families journeyed to Schoharie and were given the land promised by the generous Mohawk chiefs years before in London.8 8 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 2169. A most interesting document, being the petition presented to the Crown in 1720. It reviews the conditions of the Palatines in New York from 1709 to 1720. 9 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1955. 10 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 2169. 11 Lawson's Journal, page 206.
and subjects of Great Britain, than to have our Frontiers secured by a Warlike People, and our Friends, as the Switzers are; especially when we have more Indians than we can civilize, and so many Christian Enemies lying on the back of us, that we do not know how long or short a time it may be, before they visit us." Even as late as 1733 according to William Byrd, the Indians were a real menace in Virginia; and one of the reasons he gives for encouraging a Swiss colony to settle in his "Land of Eden" was the protection they would afford against the Indians and the French. Moreover, he preferred for his purpose the honest Swiss to the settlers who were coming in from Pennsylvania.12 12 The Writings of Colonel William Byrd, pages 300, 302, 390 ff. Whether or not such use was made of the particular colony in which we are at present interested let the following extracts show. "The Governor acquainting the Council that Sundry Germans to the number of forty-two men women and children who were invited hither by the Baron de Graffenried are now arrived but that the said Baron not being here to take care of this Settlement the Governor therefore proposed to settle them above the falls of Rappahannock River to serve as a barrier to the inhabitants of that part of the Country against the Incursions of the Indians and desiring the opinion of the Council whether in consideration of their usefulness for that purpose the Charge of building them a Fort, and clearing a road to their settlement and carrying thither two pieces of Canon and some ammunition may not properly be defrayed by the publick. "It is the unanimous opinion of the Board that the settlement, tending so much to the security of that part of the Frontiers, it is reasonable that the expense proposed by the Governor in making thereof should be defrayed at the public charge of the Government, and that a quantity of powder and ball be delivered for their use out of her Majestie's magazine. And because the Sd Germans, arriving so late cannot possibly this year cultivate any ground for the(ir) Subsistance, much less be able to pay the public Services of the Government. It is the opinion of this Board that they be put under the denomination of Rangers to exempt them from that charge, and for the better enabling the Sd Germans to supply by hunting the want of other provisions. It is also ordered that all other persons be restrained from hunting on unpatented Lands near the Settlement."13 13 Virginia Magazine, vol. XIII, page 362.
July 21st, 1714.
To the L'ds Comm'rs of Trade. My Lords:
Relieved by these Indians, without whose assistance they must all have perished, the Palatines remained in spite of the threats of the Governor. He "had been the easier under it, upon the consideration that by that means the body of that people is kept together within the Province; that when it shall please her Majesty to resume the design of prosecuting the work, that body at Schoharie may be employed in the vast pine woods near Albany, which they must be obliged to do having no manner of pretense to ye possession of any lands but by performing their part of the contract relating to that manufacture, and that in that situation they may serve in some measure as a frontier to or at least to an increase of the strength of Albany and Schenectady; but if the war continues or should by any misfortune break out again it will neither be possible for them to subsist or safe for them to remain there, considering the use they have already made of arms where they were intrusted with them."9
The first of the statement is clear; the last refers to the resistance they tried to offer in the tar making experiment, and overlooks their loyal services at Louisburg,10
where they served without pay and then were deprived of their arms at the end of the war. In dismissing these Palatines it may be well to add that just as soon as the governors let them alone and gave them a chance, they prospered and became, in fact, the best possible frontier against the Indians, for they kept the friendship of the red men. And certainly Conrad Weiser's activity among the Iroquois during the French and Indian war, by which he kept them loyal to England, did as much to protect the frontier as though the German colony had engaged in hostilities against the Indians and suffered the usual hazards of border warfare. The following from Lawson's Journal shows that the English and Americans considered these foreigners very useful, especially in that they might bear the brunt of the savage raids in time of war.11
Speaking of the projected Swiss colony from Bern and Mr. Mitchell who was employed to settle the colonists, he says: "This gentleman has been employed by the Canton of Bern to find out a Tract of Land in the English America, where that Republick might settle some of their people; which Proposal, I believe, is now in a fair way towards a Conclusion between her Majesty of Great Britain and the Canton. Which must needs be of great advantage to both; and as for ourselves, I believe, no Man that is in his Wits, and understands the Situation and Affairs of America, but will allow, nothing can be done of more security and advantage to the Crown
Page 24
Since my last of the 9th of March, (whereof the enclosed is a Duplicate) I have had the hon'r to receive y'r Lo'ps of the 6th of April, with the Treatys of
Page 25
Peace and Comerce, which I have accordingly made public. It is with great satisfaction that I can acquaint y'r Lo'ps that this Country enjoys a perfect Peace and that even the Indians, since the last Treaty made with them, have not offered the least disturbance, notwithstanding the Tuscaros, induced thereto, (as they say) by the people of Carolina, have departed from their agreements with this Governm't, and gon(e) to settle once more upon that Province, I continue, all resolv'd, to settle out our Tributary Indians as a guard to ye Frontiers, and in order to supply that part, w'ch was to have been covered by the Tuscaros, I have placed here a number of Protestant Germans, built them a fort and furnished it with two pieces of cannon and some ammunition, which will awe the Stragling partys of Northern Indians, and be a good Barrier for all that part of the Country. These Germans were invited over, some years ago, by the Baron de Graffenreed, who has her Majesty's Letter to ye Governor of Virginia to furnish them with Land upon their arrival. They are generally such as have been employed in their own country as Miners, and say they are satisfied. There are divers kinds of minerals in those upper parts of the Country where they are settled, and even a good appearance of Silver Oar, . . .14
14 Spotswood, vol. II, page 70.
Virginia, Feb'ry 7, 1715.
To the L'ds Comm'rs of Trade and Plantation:
. . . As to the other Settlement, named Germanna, there are about forty Germans, Men, Women, and Children, who, having quitted their native Country upon the invitation of the Herr Graffenriedt, and being grievously dissapointed by his failure to perform his Engagements to them, and they arriving also here just at a time when the Tuscaruro Indians departed from the Treaty they had made with this Government to settle upon its Northern Frontiers, I did both in Compassion to those poor Strangers and in regard to the safety of the Country, place them together upon a piece of Land, several Miles without the Inhabitants, where I built them Habitations, and subsisted them until they were able, by their own Labour, to provide for themselves, and I presume I may, without a Crime or Misdemeanor, endeavor to put them in an honest way of paying their Just Debts. . .15
15 Spotswood, vol. II, page 196. This refers to his employment of them in building and operating his iron furnace.
This policy, pursued so consistently in New York, Virginia, and Carolina, while doubtless a compliment to German courage and honesty, points to a contempt for them which has continued, in a more or less marked degree, down to the present time. The writer of the history of the Germans in Maine found in the state archives that those documents relating to the German colony of Waldo alone were unprinted, although this colony had had a history as interesting and as tragic as Deerfield or Schenectady, and no one can imagine documents relating to these two settlements remaining long unprinted in the public archives. Happily this attitude is changing, due largely to the efforts of the German-Americans themselves, and new chapters are constantly being added to the story of their part in the making of our country.
Page 27
PART II
THE NEW BERN ADVENTURES
CHAPTER I
GRAFFENRIED'S EARLY LIFE
Christoph von Graffenried, the eldest of several children, was born at Bern, Switzerland, about the first of November, 1661. His father, Anton von Graffenried, was a member of the patrician family of that name, and while not rich in his younger days, he had claims on profitable political position, but, what is more important, he possessed the ability to succeed and to keep his wealth on a solid and conservative foundation. He was frugal in his expenditures, honest in his business relations, but unaffectionate in his family life. He could never understand or sympathize with Christoph, who had an adventuresome disposition even as a child, and father and son were always more or less estranged. Moreover, Christoph's mother died when the boy was only a few years old, but her place was soon after taken by a stepmother.
At seven years of age Christoph was one of five little boys sent to a Latin teacher who insisted that the pupils speak Latin, and punished infractions of the rule with fines. Judging from the Latin in the German version of his account, the school was not a success in his case, and Anton found the fines he was called upon to pay a grievous hardship. Other offenses brought punishments so severe that the boy ran away to one of his relatives for protection, through whose intercession, however, he was shortly afterwards allowed to return home to stay.
In 1676 Anton von Graffenried went into partnership with the foreman and purchased a salt works at Roche. The families were so friendly at the start that the plan was made, very agreeably to the young people, that Christoph should marry the foreman's daughter. But a quarrel arising over the claims of the two fathers in the salt works, the relation was broken off, never to be renewed.
Not long after this, Sir William Waller, a relative of one of the regicides, who had come to Bern for protection, saw the boy and was so impressed by his appearance and manners, that he encouraged
Page 28
him to go to England to try his fortune there, and the father was so far persuaded that he was making plans to send him to England when a better way seemed to present itself. One of Anton's brothers was a chamberlain and captain in the bodyguard of the Elector of Saxony, and it was hoped that Christoph would be able to get a place at that court through his influence. But the captain died at just this time and the hope was shattered. Christoph then went to school in Geneva. He was still restless, however, and wanted to travel on the 20,000£ which fell to him from his mother. Anton did not approve of the plan, but after a violent argument gave his consent for the lad to go under the conduct of a theological student who was to supervise the expenditures as well. The two went first to Heidelberg, where Christoph was soon in the politest society, thanks to his family name and his own engaging appearance. His intercourse in the Elector's social circle progressed better than his university studies; and when the story of a duel came to Bern, Anton concluded it was time for his son to change his location. In Leyden, where he next went to study, his law, history and mathematics progressed better, and he stayed two years.
Through Sir William Waller's influence Anton now allowed his son to go to England, where he was promised a position with Mr. Roux, secretary to the Duke of Carlyle, on his embassy to Constantinople. Since the father expected Sir William to advance what money Christoph would need, no money accompanied the letter of introduction; and when the young Switzer landed in London, ten ducats was all he had in his pockets. At this time he did not speak English, and it was only by chance that he found a German porter who could understand him. With such directions as this man could give him, he found Sir William Waller's house. Lady Waller met him and from her manner he could guess that nothing was to be expected from Sir William, who was at that time in the Fleet for debt.1 1 Luttrell, vol. I, pp. 84 and 91. This was between the 11th and 25th of May, 1681.
Through the porter Graffenried learned that the Duke had already gone to Constantinople, and all hopes of an appointment disappeared. This same porter also introduced him to a Swiss locksmith by the name of Engel, with whom he stayed until money arrived from Bern. Thereupon he took lodging with Pastor Horneg, chaplain to the Duke of Marlborough, and not long after was introduced into the society of the Duke by a German friend, a trumpet major in the army; and from this time he moved in the society of courtiers and was even presented to King Charles II himself.
In 1682, the Duke of Albemarle, chancellor of Cambridge University, was not able to be present at the conferring of degrees and sent
Page 29
two of his friends, Farwel and Graffenried, to represent him. And we may judge of the favor and popularity of the latter when we learn that to his astonishment the doctorate was offered him. He refused, however, saying that he was not worthy, since he had not studied for such a degree, but that he would accept a degree of Master of Arts, according to the proverb, In omnibus aliquid, in toto nihil.
Meanwhile Graffenried had fallen in love with a niece of the Duke of Buckingham, a lady of good birth but poor family. Money and station were, nevertheless, necessary to succeed in the courtship of a lady of rank; and so he planned to buy a vacant commission as cornet in the British army. This would cost a thousand pounds, but would pay well when secured and would enable him to pursue his courtship with some prospect of success. A letter to Bern asking for money and for permission to take this place was answered by a summons to start for home immediately, with the penalty of losing his prerogatives and right to act as his grandfather's substitute in the government at Worb, in case he refused. Not even money for the whole journey was allowed him, but his way was paid stage by stage through designated persons. All this was caused by a false report spread by one of his own countrymen, to the effect that he was acting the spendthrift, and Anton learned the truth too late to repair the injury entirely. It was no use to go back to England now, and with his father's permission, Christoph stayed a year in France. His social success was as great here as it had been in England. Reports of him reached Louis XIV and Graffenried had the pleasure of meeting both the Dauphin and the great king. After this he spent some time in Lyons and finally reached home some time about 1683. Reproaches for the wasted time and money were not lacking, and Anton decided it was time for the son to marry, and settle down in an office. Christoph showed no enthusiasm for marriage and left the choice largely to his relatives, with the result that he married Regine Tscharner in 1684. On this occasion Anton showed himself so niggardly that the groom had to lend him money with which to buy presents and hire the carriage himself.
It was hoped that the grandfather would now assist Christoph to an office, but the old gentleman died too soon and it was several years before Christoph obtained even a minor appointment. At length, however, he became bailiff of Iferton in Neuchatel in 1702. This had the reputation of being a lucrative position, but the festivities which custom compelled him to give on his induction into office, reduced the profits of the first year; and the next year, during the religious troubles, Iferton had to support a garrison. The bailiff had to keep open house for officers; other officials and friends
Page 30
came to pay him their respects, and these merry, but expensive occasions were a heavy drain upon his resources, for out of 200 doubloons spent, only 50 were repaid him by the state. Graffenried also had a feeling for the peasants, and did not wring as much from them as he might have done, and as was the usual practice of bailiffs. Meanwhile his family was increasing. He made bad speculations, gave securities, and contracted debts until prospects of a catastrophe began to loom up before him when his term of office should end in 1708. The strife over Neuchatel, the violation of the peace by the war of the Spanish succession, the troubles between the Protestant and the Catholic cantons, and the continual persecutions of the Anabaptists made his home distasteful to him; the ambitions of his youth returned with a renewed force, and now he determined to seek in America the fortune which was denied him at home.
The account of his life thus far, taken mostly from papers in the Graffenried family,2 2 Neujahrsblatt, page 4 ff.
by one of his descendants, shows that Christoph von Graffenried was no ordinary man. He had the ability of making friends, and inspired confidence in people. He had an acute mind and above all, possessed the love of adventure necessary to the success of such an undertaking as that on which he was embarking. The failure of his plans must be laid, not to him, but to circumstances over which he had no control, and which he could not, by any possibility, have foreseen.
Page 31
CHAPTER II
LITERATURE WHICH GRAFFENRIED STUDIED BEFORE DECIDING TO GO TO AMERICA:--BLOME, HENNEPIN, KOCHERTHAL
Graffenried, we know, had long been considering the bettering of his fortune in America. He had made extensive inquiries about mines, agriculture, and the best means of settling there, and the authors he read certainly included Blome, Hennepin, and Kocherthal. Blome gives a brief description of all the English colonies, and speaks favorably of them. Hennepin, among other things, has this to say of Carolina: "So that the Providence of the Almighty God seems to have reserved this country for the English, a Patent whereof was granted Fifty years ago to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, who have made great discoveries therein, seven hundred Miles Westerly from the Mountains, which separate between it Carolina and Virginia, and Six hundred Miles from North to South, from the Gulf of Mexico to the great Inland Lakes, which are situated behind the Mountains of Carolina and Virginia. Besides, they have an account of all the Coast, from the Cape of Florida to the River Panuco, the Northerly Bounds of the Spaniards on the Gulf of Mexico, together with most of the chief Harbours, Rivers, and Islands thereunto appertaining; and are about to establish a very considerable Colony on some part of the Great River, as soon as they have agreed upon the Boundaries, or Limits, which Lords Proprietors of Carolina, who claim by a Patent procured long after that of Carolina. But there being space enough for both, and the Proprietors generally inclin'd to an amicable conclusion, the Success of this undertaking is impatiently expected, For considering the Benignity of the Climate, the Healthfulness of the Country, the Fruitfulness of the Soil, Ingenuity and Tractableness of the Inhabitants, Variety of Productions, if prudently manag'd, it cannot, humanely speaking, fail of proving one of the most considerable Colonies on the North-Continent of America, profitable to the Publick and to the Undertakers."1
1 A continuation of the New Discovery of a vast Country in America. Reprinted by Thwaites, page 678.
Other accounts of Carolina,2 2 Carrol's Collections, vol. II.
rather detailed description of the country, plants, animals, and products, and has little but praise for the new country. On the subject of greatest concern, the danger from the Indians, it reads as follows: Mit denen Indianern leben auch die Englische allda in vollkommener Freundschaft und guter Vernehmen in dem sie beiderseits einander gar nützlich und zuträglich seyn: und tragen die Lords/ so Eigenthums Herrn dieses Landes sind/ gute Sorgfalt/ dass ihnen nichts unbilliges zugefüget werde. Sie haben zu solchem Ende ein sonderliches Gerichte angeordnet und bestellet/ welches aus denen Bescheidensten und dem Eigen-Nuss am wenigsten ergebenen Einwohnern bestehet: worinnen denn all die Streitigkeiten beigeleget werden sollen/ so sich etwa zwischen denen Englischen und irgend einem von den Indianern zutragen möchten welches sie bloss auss einer Christlichen und vernünftig billichen Bewegung gethan/ keineweges aber darum/ als ob man fich etwa einiger Gefahr von ihnen zu besorgen hätte. Es find nemlich die Indianer bissanhero stetig untereinander so im Kriege vertwickelt gewesen . . . dass selbige diesem Volk nicht zugelassen haben, sich sonderlich zu vermehren aber zuzunehmen . . . Dieses verursachet demnach/ dass sie an Mannschafft so schwach/ auch über diss so zerteilet bleiben/ dass die Englischen von ihnen nicht die allergeringste Forcht haben/ oder sich einiger Gefahr beforgen dörffen/ . . . 3 3"The English also live with the Indians there in complete friendship and good understanding, since they are mutually useful and agreeable. And the Lords who are the owners of this land take good care that no ill treatment is given them. They have, to this end, arranged and established for them an especial court which consists of the most modest inhabitants and those least given to selfishness, in which, then, all disputes which may come up between the English and any of the Indians are settled. This they have done merely out of a Christian and reasonably proper impulse, but not at all as though one had to fear any danger from them. "That is to say, the Indians up until now have been engaged so continually in war with each other that the same has not allowed this race to increase or grow very much. This brings it about, accordingly, that they are so weak in numbers of warriors, and, besides this, remain so divided that the English have not the slightest fear of them or need allow themselves to have anxiety about any danger whatever."--Kocherthal, page 57.
ANOTHER COLONIZATION PROJECT--GRAFFENRIED MEETS THE AGENT--FRANZ LOUIS MICHEL--FULLY PERSUADED TO GO TO AMERICA--GRAFFENRIED LEAVES FOR ENGLAND AND MEETS JOHN LAWSON While Graffenried was still in Switzerland the Canton of Bern had begun to negotiate through a former citizen of Bern, Franz Louis Michel, for land in North Carolina1 1 Lawson's Journal, page 205 ff. 2 French Version. 3 French Version. 4 Neujahrsblatt, page 21. Bernische Taeufer, page 258. In 1708 Michel was back in Bern5 5 French Version, German Version. 6 French Version, German Version. 7 Neujahrsblatt, page 17. 8 French Version, German Version. During his stay in England Graffenried became acquainted with Michel's friend John Lawson, who was having the account of his travels in Carolina printed. None of the descriptions with which Graffenried was acquainted, except Hennepin's, compare in interest and freshness with Lawson's Journal. He had been eight years in Carolina, and had taken a thousand-mile journey from Charleston to a point near the present site of New Bern, making, however, a wide circuit in which he ascended the Santee River to its sources,
and then turned northward, crossing the upper waters of the Congaree, Wateree, and Yadkin Rivers, then bearing more to the east until he reached the Moratok, now the Roanoke River, some 120 miles above its mouth. From this point he went southward, almost to Chatoka, now New Bern. This trip gave him a good idea of the country and its inhabitants, at least Graffenried must have thought so, and furthermore, he confirmed Michel's reports about the presence of silver ore.1 1 The influence of Lawson and his description of Carolina is attested further by the fact that his book was printed so soon in German and published in an edition that was evidently an expensive one, as shown by the gilt lettering. The title of the German edition was as follows: Allerneuste Beschreibung der Provintz Carolina in West-Indien sammt einem Reise-Journal von mehr als Tausend Meilen unter allerhand Indianischen Nationen, auch einer Accuraten Land-Carte und andern Kupfer-Stichen. Aus dem Englischen übersetzt durch M. Vischer. HAMBURG. Gedruckt und verlegt/durch seel. Thomas von Wierings Erben bey der Börse/in güldenen A, B, C, Anno 1712 sind auch zu Frankfurt und Leipsig/bey Zacharias Herlteln zu bekommen. Most Recent Description of the Province Carolina in the West Indies, along with a Travel-Journal of more than a Thousand Miles among all sorts of Indian Nations, with an Accurate Map and other Copper Plates also. Translated out of the English by Mr. Vischer. HAMBURG. Printed and published by the heirs of the late Thomas von Wiering at the Exchange in golden A, B, C, Anno 1712, are also to be had in Frankfort and Leipsig at Zacharias Herldn's. The passages and abstracts from Lawson's book which follow will give an idea of his style and the kind of arguments that doubtless influenced Graffenried to go to Carolina rather than to Virginia, as he intended at first to do. As copies of the book are very rare and not easily accessible, and Lawson was from this time on so intimately associated with Graffenried, I have made the quotations and extracts rather full. JOHN LAWSON AND HIS JOURNAL Lawson began his journey of exploration December 28, 1700. There were six Englishmen, three Indian men and an Indian woman, the wife of one of the guides in the party. They canoed from Charlestown to the Santee River, up which they rowed several days, and as occasion required enjoyed the hospitality of the French settlers along the river. The following extracts will show how he livened up his description. "Monday. The next Morning very early we ferry'd over a Creek that runs near the House; and, after an Hour's Travel in the Woods, we came to the River-side, where we stay'd for the Indian, who was our Guide, and was gone around by Water in a small Canoe, to meet us at the Place we rested at. He came after a small time and ferry'd us in that little Vessel over Santee River 4 miles, and 84 Miles in the Woods, which the overflowing of the Freshes, which then came down, had made a perfect Sea of, there running an incredible Current in the River, which had cast our small Craft and us away, had we not had this Sewee Indian with us; who are excellent Artists in managing these small Canoes. "Santee River, at this time, (from the usual Depth of Water) was risen perpendicular 36 Foot, always making a Breach from her Banks, about this Season of the Year. The general Opinion of the cause thereof, is suppos'd to proceed from the overflowing of fresh Water-Lakes that lie near the Head of this River, and other upon the same Continent; But my Opinion is, that these vast Inundations proceed from the great and repeated Quantities of Snow that falls upon the Mountains, which lie at so great a Distance from the Sea, therefore they have no Help of being dissolv'd by those saline, piercing Particles, as other adjacent Parts near the Ocean receive: and therefore lies and increases to a vast Bulk, until some mild Southerly Breezes coming on a sudden, continue to unlock these frozen Bodies, congeal'd by the North-West Wind: dissipating them in Liquids: and coming down with Impetuosity, fills those branches that feed these Rivers, and causes this strange Deluge, which oft-times lays under Water for Miles distant from the Banks: tho' the French and Indians affirmed to me they never knew such extraordinary Floods there before. "We all by God's Blessing and the Endeavours of our Indian-Pilot, pass'd safe over the River, but was lost in the Woods which
seem'd like some great Lake, except here and there a Knowl of high Land, which appear'd above water. "We intended for Mons. Galliar's, jun; but was lost, none of us knowing the Way at that Time, altho' the Indian was born in the Country, it having receiv'd so strange a Metamorphosis. We were in several Opinions concerning the right way, the Indian and myself, suppos'd the House to bear one Way, the rest thought to the contrary; we differing, it was agreed amongst us that one half should go with the Indian to find the House and the other part to stay upon one of these dry Spots, until some of them returned to us, and inform'd us where it lay. "Myself and two more were left behind, by Reason the Canoe would not carry us all; we had but one Gun amongst us, one Load of Ammunition, and no Provision. Had our Men in the Canoe miscarry'd, we must (in all Probability) there have perish'd. "In about six Hour's Time, from our Mens Departure, the Indian came back to us in the Same Canoe he went in, being half drunk, which assur'd us they had found some Place of Refreshment. He took us three into the canoe, telling us all was well: Paddling our Vessel several Miles thro' the Woods, being often half full of water; but at length we got safe to the Place we sought for, which prov'd to lie the same Way the Indian and I guess'd it did."1 1 Lawson's Journal, page 4 ff. Another short extract speaking of the Indians: "Amongst Women it seems impossible to find a scold; if they are provok'd, or affronted, by their Husbands, or some other, they resent the Indignity offer'd them in silent Tears, or by refusing their Meat. Would some of our European Daughters of Thunder set these Indians for a Pattern, there might be more quiet Families found amongst them, occasion'd by that unruly Member, the Tongue.2 2 Lawson's Journal, page 37. "A Second Settlement of this Country was made about fifty years ago, in that part we now call Albemarl County and chiefly in Chuwon Precinct, by several substantial Planters from Virginia and other Plantations; Who finding mild winters, and a fertile Soil beyond expectation, producing that which was planted to a prodigious Increase, their Cattle, Horses, Sheep and Swine breeding very fast, and passing the Winter without any assistance from the Planter: so that everything seem'd to come by Nature, the Husbandman living almost devoid of Care, and free from those Fatigues which are absolutely requisite in Winter-Countries, for providing Fodder and other Necessaries; these Encouragements induced them to stand their Ground altho' but a handful of People, seated at great Distances one from
another, and amidst a vast number of Indians of different Nations, who were then in Carolina. Nevertheless, I say, the Fame of this new discovered Summer-Country spread through the neighbouring Colonies, and in a few Years, drew a considerable number of Families thereto, who all found Land enough to settle themselves in (had they been many Thousands more) and that which was very good and commodiously seated, both for Profit and Pleasure. And indeed, most of the Plantations in Carolina naturally enjoy a noble Prospect of large and spacious Rivers, pleasant Savannas and fine Meadows with their green Liveries, interwoven with beautiful Flowers, of most glorious Colours, which the several Seasons afford; headged in with pleasant Groves of the ever-famous Tulip-tree, the stately Laurel, and Bays, equalizing the Oak in Bigness and Growth; Myrtles, Jessamines, Woodbines, Honeysuckles, and several other fragrant Vines and Ever-Greens, whose aspiring Branches shadow and interweave themselves with the Loftiest Timbers, yielding a pleasant Prospect, Shade and Smell, proper Habitations for the Sweet-singing Birds, that melodiously entertain such as travel thro' the Woods of Carolina. "The Planters possessing all these Blessings, and the Produce of great Quantities of Wheat and Indian Corn in which this Country is very fruitful as likewise in Beef, Pork, Tallow, Hides, Deer-Skins and Furs; for these Commodities the New-England-Men and Bermudians visited Carolina in their Barks and Sloops, and carry'd out what they made, bringing them in exchange Rum, Sugar, Salt, Molasses and some Wearing Apparel, tho' the last at very extravagant Prices. "As the land is very fruitful, so are the Planters kind and hospitable to all that come to visit them; there being very few Housekeepers, but what live very nobly, and give away more provisions to Coasters and Guests who come to see them, than they expend amongst their own Families.3 3 Lawson's Journal, page 62 ff. "When we consider the Latitude and convenient Situation of Carolina, had we no farther Confirmation thereof, our Reason would inform us, that such a Place lay fairly to be a delicious Country, being placed in that Girdle of the World which affords Wine, Oil, Fruit, Grain, Silk with other rich Commodities, besides a sweet Air, moderate Climate, and fertile Soil; these are the Blessings (under Heaven's Protection) that spin out the Thread of life to its utmost Extent, and Crown our Days with the Sweets of Health and Plenty, which, when join'd with Content, renders the Possessors the happiest Race of Men upon Earth.
"The Inhabitants of Carolina, thro' the Richness of the Soil, live an easy and pleasant life. The Land being of several sorts of Compost, some stiff, others light, some marl, others rich black Mould; here barren of Pine, but affording Pitch, Tar and Masts; there vastly rich, especially on the Freshes of the Rivers, one part bearing great Timbers, others being Savannas or natural Meads, where no trees grow for several Miles, adorn'd by Nature with a pleasant Verdure, and beautiful Flowers, frequent in no other Places, yielding abundance of Herbage for Cattle, Sheep and Horse. The Country in general affords pleasant Seats, the Land (except in some few Places) being dry and high Banks, parcell'd out into most convenient Necks, (by the Creeks) easy to be fenced in for securing their Stocks to more strict Boundaries, whereby, with a small trouble of fencing, almost every man may enjoy, to himself, an entire Plantation, or rather Park. These with the other Conveniences which the Summer-Country naturally furnishes, has induc'd a great many families to leave the more Northerly Plantations, and sit down under one of the mildest Governments in the world; in a Country that, with moderate Industry, will afford all the Necessaries of Life. We have yearly abundance of Strangers come among us, who chiefly strive to the Southerly to settle because there is a vast Tract of rich Land betwixt the Place we are seated on, and Cape-Fair, and upon that River, and more Southerly, which is inhabited by none but a few Indians, who are at this time well affected to the English, and very desirous of their coming to live among them. The more Southerly, the milder Winters, with the advantage of purchasing the Lords Land at the most easy and moderate Rate of any Lands in America, nay (allowing all advantages thereto annex'd) I may say, the Universe does not afford such another; Besides, Men have a great advantage of choosing good and commodious Tracts of Land at the first Seating of a Country or River, whereas the later Settlers are forced to purchase smaller Dividends of the old Standers, and sometimes at very considerable Rates; as now in Virginia and Maryland, where a thousand Acres of good Land cannot be bought under twenty Schillings an Acre, besides two Schillings yearly Acknowledgement for every hundred Acres; which Sum, be it more or less, will serve to put the Merchant or Planter here into a good Posture of Buildings, Slaves, and other Necessaries, where the Purchase of his Land comes to him on such easy Terms. And as our Grain and pulse thrives with us to admiration, no less do our Stocks of Cattle, Horses, Sheep, and Swine multiply.4 4 Lawson's Journal, page 79 ff. "The Christian Natives of Carolina are a straight, clean-limb'd People; the Children being seldom or never troubled with Ricketts,
or those other Distempers, that the Europeans are visited withal. 'Tis next to a miracle to see one of them deformed in Body. The Vicinity of the Sun makes Impression on the Men, who labour out of doors, or use the Water. As for those Women, that do not expose themselves to the Weather, they are often very fair, and generally as well featur'd, as you shall see anywhere, and have very brisk charming Eyes, which sets them off to Advantage. They marry very young; Some at Thirteen or Fourteen; and She that stays 'till Twenty is reckoned a stale Maid; which is a very indifferent Character in that warm Country. The Women are very fruitful; most Houses being full of Little Ones. It has been observ'd that Women long marry'd and without Children, in other Places, have remov'd to Carolina and become joyful Mothers. They have very easy Travail in their Childbearing, in which they are so happy, as seldom to miscarry. Both Sexes are generally spare of Body, and not Cholerick, nor easily cast down at Disappointments and Losses, seldom immoderately grieving at Misfortunes, unless for the Loss of their nearest Relations and Friends, which seems to make a more than ordinary Impression upon them. Many of the Women are very handy in Canoes, and will manage them with great Dexterity and Skill, which they become accustomed to in this Watery Country. They are ready to help their Husbands in any servile Work, as Planting, when the Season of the Weather requires Expedition; Pride seldom banishing good Houswifery. The Girls are not bred up to the Wheel and Sewing only; but the Dairy and affairs of the House they are very well acquainted withal; so that you shall see them, whilst very young, manage their Business with a great deal of Conduct and Alacrity. The Children of both Sexes are very docile, and learn anything with a great deal of Ease and Method; and those that have the Advantages of Education, write good Hands, and prove good accountants, which is most coveted, and indeed most necessary in these Parts. The young Men are commonly of a bashful, sober Behaviour; few proving Prodigals, to consume what the Industry of their Parents has left them, but commonly improve it.5 "I shall add this: That with prudent Management, I can affirm, by experience, not by Hear-say, that any Person, with a small Beginning, may live very comfortably, and not only provide for the Necessaries of Life but likewise for those that are to succeed him.6 "Moreover it is remarkable, that no place on the Continent of America has seated an English Colony so free from Bloodshed as Carolina; but all the others, have been more damag'd and disturb'd
by the Indians than they have, which is worthy Notice, when one considers how oddly it was first planted with Inhabitants.7 7 Lawson's Journal, page 86. "Great Plenty is generally the Ruin of Industry. Thus our Merchants are not many, nor have those few there be, apply'd themselves to the European Trade. The Planter sits contented at home, whilst his Oxen thrive and grow fat, and his Stocks daily increase; the fatted Porkets and Poultry are easily raised to his Table, and his Orchard affords him Liquor so that he eats, and drinks away the Cares of the World and desires no greater Happiness, than that which he daily enjoys. Whereas, not only the European, but also the Indian-Trade might be carried on to great profit, because we lie as fairly for the Body of Indians, as any Settlement in English-America; and for the small trade that has been carried on in the Way, the Dealers therein have throve as fast as any Men, and the soonest raised themselves of any People I have known in Carolina.8 8 Lawson's Journal, page 86 ff. "One great Advantage of North-Carolina is that we are not a Frontier, and near the Enemy; which proves very chargeable and troublesome, in time of War, to those Colonies that are so seated. Another great Advantage comes from its being near Virginia, where we come often to a good Market, at the Return of the Guinea-Ships for Negro's, and the Remnant of their Stores, which is very commodious for the Indian trade.9 9 Lawson's Journal, page 88 ff. "Therefore as my Intent was, I proceed to what remains of the Present State of Carolina, having already accounted for the Animals, and Vegetables, as far as this Volume, would allow of; whereby the Remainder, though not exactly known, may yet be guess'd at, if we consider what Latitude Carolina lies in, which reaches from 29 to 36 degrees, 30 minutes, Northern Latitude, as I have before observ'd. Which Latitude is as fertile and pleasant, as any in the World, as well as for the Produce of Minerals, Fruit, Grain, and Wine, as other rich Commodities. And indeed, all the Experiments that have been made in Carolina, of the Fertility and natural Advantages of the Country, have exceeded all Expectation, as affording some Commodities, which other Places, in the same Latitude, do not. As for Minerals, as they are subterraneous Products, so, in all new Countries, they are the Species that are last discover'd; and especially in Carolina, where the Indians never look for any thing lower than the Superficies of the Earth, being a Race of Men the least addicted to delving of any People that inhabit so fine a Country as Carolina is. As good if not better Mines than those of the Spaniards in America, lie full West from us; and I am certain, we have Mountainous Land, and as great Probability of
having rich Minerals in Carolina, as any of those Parts that are already found to be so rich therein. But, waving this subject, till some other Opportunity, I shall now give you some Observations in general, concerning Carolina; which are, first, that it lies as convenient for trade as any of the Plantations in America."10 10 Lawson's Journal, page 163. The Healthfulness of the Country is lauded next. He says that gout is rare and consumption they are wholly strangers to.11 11 Lawson's Journal, page 164. A summary. "The trade with Virginia is good, for ships visiting there provision themselves from the products of Carolina and give bills of exchange for England which are as good as Sterling money, and while Tobacco may be very cheap at times provisions are always in demand. Besides the Carolinians can get to market when the northern colonies are frozen up. The Sand banks protect the coast from enemies, yet allow trading vessels to approach. "If a Man be a Botanist, here is a plentiful Field of Plants to divert him in; if he be a Gardner, and delight in that pleasant and happy Life, he will meet with a Climate and Soil, that will further and promote his Designs, in as great a Measure, as any Man can wish for; and as for the Constitution of this Government, it is so mild and easy, in respect to the Properties and Liberties of a Subject, that without rehearsing the Particulars, I say once for all, it is the mildest and best established Government in the World, and the Place where any Man may peaceably enjoy his Justice and Equity which is the Golden Rule that every Government ought to be built upon, the regulated by. Besides, it is worthy our Notice, that this Province has been settled, and continued the most free from the Insults and Barbarities of the Indians, of any Colony that was ever yet seated in America; which must be esteemed as a particular Providence of God handed down from Heaven, to these People; especially when we consider, how irregularly they settled North Carolina, and yet how undisturb'd they have ever remain'd, free from any Foreign Danger or Loss, even to this very Day. And what may well be looked upon for as great a Miracle, this is a Place, where no Malefactors are found, deserving Death, or even a Prison for Debtors; there being no more than two Persons, that, so far as I have been able to learn, ever suffer'd as Criminals, although it has been a Settlement near sixty years; One of whom was a Turk that committed Murder; the other, an old woman, for Witchcraft. These, 'tis true were on the Stage and acted many Years, before I knew the Place; but as for the last, I wish it had been undone to this Day; although they give a great many Arguments to justifie the Deed, which I should rather they should have a hand
in, than myself; feeling I could never approve of taking Life away upon such Accusations, the Justice whereof I could never yet understand.12 12 Lawson's Journal, page 166. "But to return to the Subject in Hand; we there make extraordinary good Bricks throughout the Settlement. All sorts of Handicrafts, as Carpenters, Joiners, Masons, Plaisterers, Shooemakers, Tanners, Taylors, Weavers, and most others may, with small Beginnings, and God's Blessing, thrive very well in this Place, and provide Estates for their Children, Land being sold at a much cheaper Rate there, than in any other Place in America, and may, as I suppose, be purchased of the Lords-Proprietors here in England, or of the Governor there for the time being, by any that shall have a mind to transport themselves to that Country. The Farmers that go thither (for which sort of men it is a very thriving place) should take some particular Seeds of Grass, as Trefoil, Clover-grass all sort, Sanfoin, and Common Grass . . . Hoes of all sorts, Axes, Saws, Wedges, Augurs, Nails, Hammers, Tools for Brick and Stonework."13 13 Lawson's Journal, page 167 ff. He compares the price of land which is 1-50 in Carolina of what it is in Virginia with a lower quit rent. "And as there is a free Exercise of all Persuasions amongst Christians, the Lords Proprietors, to encourage Ministers of the Church of England, have given free Land towards the Maintenance of a Church, and especially, for the Parish of S. Thomas in Pampticough, over against the Town, is already laid out for a Glebe of two hundred and twenty-three Acres of rich well-situated Land, that a Parsonage House may be built upon."14 14 Lawson's Journal, page 167 ff. In part, a summary. It is noticeable, in view of what followed that none of the accounts referred to show any apprehension of immediate danger from the Indians, though Spotswood's correspondance and Byrd's writings prove that they recognized that such a menace existed, and one cannot but believe that these accounts glossed over the danger in the attempt to attract settlers. This is sufficient to show why Graffenried decided to turn towards North Carolina when occasion afforded him the chance. As yet he had no other colonists engaged than his few miners and their families. It was not long, though, before he had prospect of a considerable increase in the size and dignity of his undertaking.
GRAFFENRIED AND MICHEL UNITE THEIR MINING PROJECT TO THE BERN-RITTER COLONIZATION COMPANY, OF WHICH MICHEL IS AGENT--GRAFFENREID MADE LANDGRAVE--NEGOTIATIONS FOR LAND AND SETTLERS--650 PALATINES SECURED--THEY START IN JANUARY, 1710--DIFFICULTIES IN GETTING THE BERN CONVICTS THROUGH HOLLAND--GRAFFENRIED AND MICHEL SECURE MINING CONCESSIONS--DISCUSSION OF THE CONTRACT WITH THE GEORG RITTER COMPANY--ASSISTANCE PROMISED BY THE PROPRIETORS--SWISS COLONY STARTS IN THE SUMMER OF 1710 The early part of the year 1709 found Graffenried in London, waiting to see what could be done about his intended mines. To a man of active temperament, burdened with debts, and anxious to get something started that would enable him to clear them, the delays of this year must have been most exasperating. His plans so far were only tentative and he was waiting for any better offer that might be made him by any of his friends in England. His partner, Franz Louis Michel, as has been stated in Chapter III, was meanwhile conducting negotiations for the Ritter Company. This company was also to bring over religious convicts for the Canton of Bern; and so had a semi-official character.1 1 E. Mueller, Bernische Taeufer, page 258. "Agreed further that 100,000 Acres be reserved to the proposers for 12 years during which term no other person shall purchase any of the same, which said 100,000 Acres are to be set out by the Surveyor General and may be purchased by any of the Proposers at the rate above mentioned during the term of seven years but after that time is expired they are to pay according to the custome of that part of the Province. "And lastly that one of their number be made a Landgrave he paying for 5000 acres the usuall purchase money for each 1000 acres the customary quitrent for every 100 acres to the Lords Proprietors for the same."2 2 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 707.
Meanwhile the influx of Germans into England, treated of in Chapters I and II, was beginning. On the 28th of April, the day that Michel's proposals were read, Luttrell mentions that, "the elector Palatine, upon many protestant families leaving his domains, and gone for England to be transported to Pennsylvania, has publish'd an order, making it death and confiscation of goods for any of his subjects to quit their native country."3 3 Luttrell, vol. VI, page 435. 4 Eccl. Rec., vol. 3, page 1790. 5 Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 179. 6 Luttrell, vol. VI, page 465. While this was under consideration, the proprietors, apparently fully confident of the success of their plan, wished the persons immediately concerned to know about it and on July 28, they "ordered, that the advertisement printed in the gazette for the palatinates' transportation, be printed in High Dutch, for the use of the poor palatines and the rest of the Germans."7 7 Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 179. Graffenried could hardly have been a member of the Swiss colonization company at the time the proposals were made [April 28] or his name would have been given. He was then in London, and well known from his previous life in the court circles of Charles II. The proprietors were, as ever, anxious to sell an extra 5000 acres of land; and if they could persuade any of the company to buy with such an inducement as a title thrown in, they would gladly do so. It is not strange, then, that shortly after this Graffenried did become a member of the company, for Michel who was interested with him in the mining project, was also interested in the Bern-Ritter colonization scheme; and a community of interests in one direction would naturally
bring the two men together in any other scheme where one was involved. Thus, before anything definite about the Proprietors' proposals for settling the Germans on their land had been made by the committee, Graffenried paid 50£ for 5000 acres [August 4, 1709] and was made a Landgrave.8 8 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 717. The committee, having considered the proposals made on July 11th were still unable to make any decision; and on the 11th of August the Proprietors gave a few more details of their plan. At that time they had decided to give the poor Palatines who should have a mind to settle in Carolina, whether man, woman, or child, 100 acres of land each, free from quitrent for ten years, after which they were to pay one penny per acre yearly; or if they should settle in towns, they were to have lands to build upon for three lives, or 99 years, with opportunity for renewal.9 9 Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 157. These proposals from the Proprietors had not borne any fruit as yet, when arrangements were made between Graffenried, Michel, and the Proprietors to take the place of Michel's arrangement of April 28. On the 3rd of September, 100,000 acres were granted to Graffenried and his heirs, and it was agreed to sell Michel 3500 acres.10 10 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 1718. On the 22 of September, 1709, a warrant was signed at Craven House for only 2,500 acres to Michel,11 11 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 718 ff. 12 German Version, Contract. Later in the year the propositions of the Proprietors to take charge of the Palatines found a better reception, for on the 10th of October it
was allowed to Graffenried and Michel to take 600 of them, making about 92 families. Eleven days later 50 more persons were added.13 13 Col. Rec., vol. I, 986.
all favorable, but less entertainingly written, by Horne, Smith, by one T. A., probably Thomas Ashe, and by Archdale had appeared before this; and Graffenried may have been acquainted with some or all of these. Kocherthal's Bericht was undoubtedly the most influential book among German-speaking people, having reached the fourth edition in 1709. It contains a
Page 32
Page 33CHAPTER III
and Virginia.2
They requested to be allowed to hold whatever tract they should buy independently of either the Proprietors of Carolina or the Governor of Virginia.3
Since such a request could not, of course, be granted, nothing definite was done concerning purchase. An independent colonization project was started, however, the chief member of which was a man named Ritter.4
again and from him Graffenried informed himself more fully about conditions in America, and Michel's favorable reports fully persuaded him to go to the New World. His plan had no connection as yet with the colonization schemes of the Canton of Bern or the Ritter Company, as will be shown later. All he had in mind was to go over to America, and following Michel's directions and maps, to find the deposits of silver ore, which he, together with Michel, expected to work for their own profit, using for this purpose miners from Germany, who should be engaged before he left, but who were not to emigrate until he sent for them.6
Accordingly, when his term of office ended in 1708,7
Graffenried left Switzerland secretly, not even telling his friends of his plans, and went first to Holland and then to England. While in Holland, or on his way there, he engaged twelve miners to come to him when he should send for them.8
Page 34
Page 35CHAPTER IV
Page 36
Page 37
Page 38
Page 39
Page 40
Page 41
Page 42
Page 43CHAPTER V
On the 28th of April, 1709 "Mr. Mitchells Proposals in the name of some of the Swiss Cantons of Bern were read (at Craven House) and it was then agreed that 10,000 Acres of Land on or betwixt News or Cape Fear or their branches in North Carolina should be set out for the Proposers or their heirs they paying to the Lords Proprietors £10 purchase money for each thousand acres to the Lords Proprietors and their Heirs forever.
Page 44
Some time after this they arrived in England. From this passage, as well as from the encouragement the people themselves received, it is clear that the general notion was that these Germans were to be sent to America. But now a greater number of people on their hands than they expected, there was difficulty in executing the plan. Schemes were proposed; some suggested Reya de la Plata, Jamaica, the sugar islands, the Canary Islands, New England, Pennsylvania, Virginia, the Jerseys, Maryland, and England itself.4
The Proprietors also wanted to share in any advantage that might be reaped from the foreigners; and on July 11 "detailed proposals were made for the encouragement of the palatinate's transportation into the province of Carolina."5
What these proposals were is given in part by Luttrell, July 16, 1709. "The Lords Proprietors of Carolina have made proposals to a committee of council to take all the Palatines here from 15 to 45 years old, and send them to their plantations; but her majestie to be at the charge of transporting them, which will be above 10£, a head."6
Page 45
Of the 5000 acres, 1250 had belonged to Lawson, but what arrangements Lawson had with the Proprietors is nowhere given. But the important thing is that from this time on Graffenried, who had not been mentioned in the preceding proposals, is the most prominent member in the company.
From the contract with Georg Ritter and Company we know, however, that the 10,000 mentioned on page 43, paragraph 2, were for the society and Graffenried himself owned but 5,000 acres in his own private right.
and this is the amount he is credited with in the contract. In the French version Graffenried claims to have paid for 15,000 acres on the Neuse and Trent Rivers and 2,500 on the Weetock. The delays Michel's negotiations had suffered, and the statement in the contract that Ritter had advanced considerable sums,12
along with Graffenried's statement above, make it seem probable that Ritter advanced the money to Graffenried for all but Graffenried's own 5,000 acres, and that Graffenried actually paid it over to the Duke of Beaufort at Craven House. However, this may be, he appears to have been responsible for the full 17,500 after the settlement was made.
Page 46
Graffenried had the choosing of these and he picked out young, healthy, and industrious persons of various trades. The only lack, then, was a minister, and Graffenried was empowered by the Bishop of London to exercise the two important functions for a young colony, marriage and baptism.14