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Christoph von Graffenried's Account of the Founding of New Bern.
Edited with an Historical Introduction and an English Translation by Vincent H. Todd, Ph.D. University of Illinois in Cooperation with Julius Goebel, Ph.D., Professor of Germanic Languages University of Illinois:

Electronic Edition.

Graffenried, Christoph von, Baron, 1661-1743
Ed. by Todd, Vincent H. (Vincent Hollis), 1879-
Ed. by Goebel, Julius, 1857-1931


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Source Description:
(title page) Christoph von Graffenried's Account of the Founding of New Bern. Edited with an Historical Introduction and an English Translation by Vincent H. Todd, Ph.D. University of Illinois in Cooperation with Julius Goebel, Ph.D., Professor of Germanic Languages University of Illinois
(spine) Publications of the North Carolina Historical Commission. Von Graffenried's Account of the Founding of New Bern
(uniform title) Account of the Founding of New Bern
(series) Publications of the North Carolina Historical Commission
Christoph von Graffenried
Vincent H. Todd
Julius Goebel
434 p., map
Raleigh
Edwards & Broughton Printing Co., State Printers
1920

Call number C970.2 G73 c. 8 (North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill)

German and French versions, with an English translation of each.

Errata sheet inserted.



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Plan of the City of New Bern, North Carolina, by Baron Christoph von Graffenried


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ERRATA

        Page 225. Beginning with reference numeral 4 there is an error in each of the reference numerals through number 55.

        To correct the references: On page 225, paragraph 1, against the word "appearances" place the numeral 4. On pages 225-265 read 4 as 5, 5 as 6, and so on through number 55. This will make the reference numerals read from 1 to 57 in order, and correspond with the numerals in the German original, the French original, and the translation of the French.


PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL COMMISSION
CHRISTOPH VON GRAFFENRIED'S
ACCOUNT OF THE FOUNDING
OF NEW BERN
EDITED WITH AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
AND AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION

BY

VINCENT H. TODD, PH.D.
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
IN COOPERATION WITH
JULIUS GOEBEL, PH.D., PROFESSOR OF GERMANIC LANGUAGES
UNIVERSITY OF ILLIONOIS

RALEIGH
EDWARDS & BROUGHTON PRINTING CO.
STATE PRINTERS
1920


Page verso


Page 3


Page 5

PREFACE

        A carefully prepared and conservative computation made within the last ten years gives the surprising result that, of our white population there are at least twenty-seven per cent of German birth or extraction, while those of English origin number but thirty per cent. With such a proportion of Germans, is it not strange that almost nothing is said in our histories about this great element of our population; about the causes that induced them to leave their homes; about the circumstances of their first settlements; about their influence upon the growth of our common culture?

        The reason of this lies, partly in the undeveloped provincial character of American historiography, partly in the fact that American History was first written by men from New England. They wrote of the things with which they were most familiar, their own Puritan commonwealths and the institutions developed from them. Biased by provincial prejudices they overlooked other events of equally great importance, so that their histories read like a one-sided glorification of their ancestors. A very powerful contributory cause for this discrimination is the fact that the Germans made their settlements comparatively late, and for the most part avoided New England. By the time the first permanent settlements were made at Germantown, near Philadelphia (1683) New England had passed through some of its most epoch-making experiences. The colonies about Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut and Rhode Island had been settled and their characteristic institutions, which have come down to our own time, were becoming fixed in laws and customs of the people. American historiography as first conceived by the New England historians has since followed the same or similar lines, and until recently when the German-Americans themselves took up the work, very little, in general, was known about the early life of this portion of our population.

        It is to be hoped that this regrettable division in matters of historical truth will be done away with, and since no one nationality can rightfully claim all the honor of having made America what it is, Germans as well as Puritans and Cavaliers will come to be recognized for what they are or have done, and not be excluded from consideration for what they have not done.1

        1 There is some assurance that this hoped for change of attitude will come, when a historian like Channing in his History of the United States (vol. II, pages 116, 395, 404 ff) gives a rather extended and appreciative notice of the Germans in Pennsylvania. In a foot note on page 405 he mentions the manuscripts on which this paper has been based.


To illustrate: It was not a German woman's pig to which we traced the bicameral system of
Page 6

Government in Massachusetts; but it is to the German settlers at Schoharie that we, in a large measure, owe the fortunate outcome of the French and Indian war, for it was they who kept the Six Nations from joining the French, when such an event would have spelled disaster to the New York and New England colonies; they did not give us theocracies from which a doubtful ideal of the state eventually evolved; but they helped to give us freedom of conscience, the very corner-stone of modern politics, and it is to the German printer in New York that we owe an untrammeled public press. Who shall say which is the worthier?

        It is not sufficient then to know that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a large number of Germans came to America, and made or tried to make certain settlements. We want to go further and learn about their life and work and be able to appreciate them as we do the other pioneers. It is for this reason that a study of Baron Christoph von Graffenried's settlements may be considered worth while.

        This colony in North Carolina would have consisted of only a few Swiss adventurers but for the events of the year 1709. These enlarged the scope, increased the prestige of the undertaking, gave the leadership to one of the few ever to possess a title of nobility in Locke's new American order, made this pioneer of several Swiss undertakings the nearest approach to Locke's ideal that ever existed in America, and taking it out of its isolation, made it a part of the great German migration of 1709; a consideration of which may properly precede the study of Graffenried's own adventures.

        Since a man should be judged by his intentions and by the times in which he lived, as well as by the actual results of his efforts, it has seemed well to quote from or make references to the writings of contemporaries wherever possible.1

        1 There is some assurance that this hoped for change of attitude will come, when a historian like Channing in his History of the United States (vol. II, pages 116, 395, 404 ff) gives a rather extended and appreciative notice of the Germans in Pennsylvania. In a foot note on page 405 he mentions the manuscripts on which this paper has been based.


For instance, his expectation of becoming rich from silver mines in Maryland or Virginia seemed to us absurd because we know there is no silver in those parts in paying quantities; but if we find, that in his day, everyone believed that there was silver to be found there, and if we remember that the Secretary of the London Royal Society in 1669 urged Governor John Winthrop to look for mines in Connecticut and if necessary to "employ dogs of the best scent"2

        2 Proceedings Mass. Hist. Society, 1878, pages 229-240.


for this purpose, Graffenried's persistency in searching for silver takes on a different aspect.


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HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION


Page 9

PART I
THE PALATINATE MOVEMENT

CHAPTER I

        THE GENERALLY ACCEPTED CAUSES OF THE PALATINE MIGRATION

        The great stream of emigration from Germany to England and from thence to America, beginning rather feebly in the latter part of the seventeenth century, then suddenly swelling to such enormous proportions that more Germans had come to New York, Pennsylvania, and North Carolina in one year than had come to New England in the first ten years of the settlements about Massachusetts Bay, has as its fundamental cause the great intellectual movement of the Reformation, and the equally intense Counter Reformation which began in the latter part of the sixteenth century and extended far into the seventeenth century.

        Since the Protestant Reformation in England had come rather later than in Germany, and had not been so radical at the start, English reformers long looked upon Germany as the fatherland of the Reformation, and during the persecutions which accompanied the reaction under Mary (1553-1558) those who escaped over seas found refuge in Holland, Germany and Switzerland. Under Elizabeth protestantism was again gradually restored, but there was no place for any who disagreed with the church as established by the state and dissenters were severely punished, but still the sentiment of protest grew until after the revolution of 1642, when Cromwell, having finally become a dictator, was able to introduce a second reformation, which led to a wider separation from Rome. He hoped to secure the ground gained, by a union of the protestant states against the Catholic Spanish world. He conceived England to be the champion protector of protestantism, and by such a union, he hoped to make it a world power. During the reigns of Charles II and James II there was another reaction which, however, was not so violent as that in the reign of Mary. When William of Orange became King of England protestantism was again fully restored and there was even some relief given dissenters. It was Queen Anne, however, who took up Cromwell's work, and to the best of her


Page 10

ability carried out his program of national and protestant expansion. Public opinion, moreover, was, to a large degree, with her in this matter.

        Interest in the German protestant situation was kept alive by pamphlets which gave information about the conditions of the Reformation in Germany and particularly in the Palatinate to which they felt related because of the marriage of Elizabeth, daughter of James I of England, to the Electro Frederick, better known as the Winter King. This interest was further increased since the cause had been compelled to fight for its life in Germany as well as in England.

        Not only the wars which came in Luther's time and immediately following his death were caused by the Reformation; but the Thirty Years' War and the wars in which the French King, Louis XIV, involved Europe during his long reign were also very largely incited by the same spirit of enmity that animated the earlier Counter Reformation.

        In all these struggles no portion of Germany suffered so much as that part called the Lower Palatinate.1

        1 Eccl. Rec. vol. III, page 1453 ff.


Lying as it does on the eastern boundary of France, it was easily accessible to the French soldiery; a fertile country, it offered excellent opportunity for maintaining an army; and being protestant it was an especial object of resentment to the French King. Turenne in 1674 thoroughly ravaged the province in accordance with his policy of making the enemy support his army. Then in the wars of 1688-89, while the rest of Germany which might have given aid was busy warding off the Turks, Louis XIV took the opportunity of weakening the enemy, venting his malice against the protestants, and doing a pleasure to Madame de Maintenon by devastating the province in a way unparalleled in modern history. He purposed to make the country as nearly a desert as possible, and to do so wantonly burned cities and towns as well as isolated dwellings, cut down orchards and uprooted vines. Many of the inhabitants were butchered, others died of exposure, others fled, and the few who remained were left in a most miserable condition. The treaty of Ryswick gave a temporary relief and many refugees returned to their homes. But in 1700 the wars of the Spanish Succession broke out, and the Palatinate was again overrun with troops. The destruction seems not to have been so severe as in the previous war, but the new Elector, now a Catholic, subjected the Protestants to a system of persecution which was very annoying and disquieting; for the persecutions which had long accompanied the Reformation throughout Europe were still fresh in men's memories and they dreaded the worst.


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        By the Peace of Westphalia (1648) the Lutheran and Reformed religions had been established in the Palatinate and the Catholic religion was allowed only on sufferance of the Elector. But now under John William (1690-1716) religious toleration was announced, and the Roman Catholic religion thereby put upon a theoretical equality with the other two. As a matter of fact, he went further and took revenues, churches, and schools belonging to the Protestants, whether or not they had been Catholic property, and turned them to Catholic uses, or else arranged for Catholics and Protestants to have joint possession of the church edifices. He refused to allow Protestant clergymen to sit in the Ecclesiastical Council; and when the people protested, he said that the "ministers were seditious rebels." Soldiers, moreover, were quartered on the peasants to harass them. The persecution, also, often took the form of bodily injury and death was frequently the result. No wonder, then, the poorer subjects became alarmed.

        In Switzerland the Anabaptists having no legal status had always been exposed to the doubtful mercies of the bigoted Reformed Church.2

        2 E. Mueller, Bernische Taeufer.


The martyrdom of many of the leaders was a recent memory and at this very time (1708-9) the prisons were full of those whose greatest crime was obedience to the scriptural injunction "swear not at all," and a disagreement with the Reformed Church as to the time in the candidate's life when baptism is to be administered.

        In other provinces of Germany, as well as in the Palatinate, there was great suffering among the poorer classes because of the oppressions of the petty princes who fashioned their courts after the model of Versailles, plunged into extravagance and excess of all kinds, the burden of which fell upon the laboring classes who suffered severely from the exorbitant taxes and tolls demanded to defray these expenses.

        This widespread poverty, and the religious persecutions had for years been producing a general unrest, and those who saw no hope of better conditions at home began to look to America as a place where they could go and be safe. A rather small colony had gone to Pennsylvania with Pastorius as early as 1683, and a few families or single persons had gone every year since. Another small company, 50 persons in all, under the Lutheran pastor, Kocherthal, came to England in 1780 and were sent to New York.3

        3 E. Mueller, Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 263.


        In 1709 a further cause was given in an exceedingly hard winter.4

        4 Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 283.


The cold was so intense that birds and animals succumbed to its severity and the loss of life among the very poor was considerable. Such an experience would doubtless make Kocherthal's description
Page 12

of Carolina more attractive than ever. That same spring and summer great numbers of Germans came through Holland to England and were given all possible care by public and private philanthropy. This is generally spoken of as the Palatine Migration, but the name is misleading because there were many other German-speaking people in the movement. The majority of these immigrants did, however, come from the Palatinate; and as the English people were interested in that province, they gave the name without distinction to all who came.


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CHAPTER II

        THE DECISIVE CAUSE OF THE PALATINE MIGRATION

        The causes mentioned, together with the so-called German Wanderlust and the attraction which America had for Europeans, have been considered sufficient to explain this migration. But are they sufficient? Is there not a more important problem still unsolved? When one considers that all these contributing causes, political oppression, religious persecution, devastation of property, and poverty had existed for years in Germany and Switzerland; that the passion for travel had always been characteristic of this people; that the advantages of America had been well set forth by the preaching of William Penn and other Quakers before this colony was founded; that over 50 books,1

        1 Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 175.


broadsides, and pamphlets had been circulated over Germany, all in the interest of inducing emigration to Pennsylvania, resulting in only one small settlement at Germantown in Pennsylvania in 1683; his conclusion must be that there must have been something more than the severe winter added to the above causes which increased the numbers of the emigrants from a small flock of 50 under Kocherthal's leadership in 1708, to a mass of over 10,000 persons without a leader in 1709. How does it happen that they all expected to be taken to America, despite the fact that the Walloons who preceded them had had no such hopes?

        The truth is Queen Anne was attempting to continue Cromwell's plan of expansion, and in this program there was need of increasing her subjects at home and in the colonies, by inviting, and even subsidizing, people to settle in British America. At the same time also the Proprietors of the Provinces were quite as anxious as the Queen to have their territories settled; and no one was more industrious than Penn in advertising his province. Yet the subject is difficult to treat, because direct evidence is not plentiful, since no one wished to take the responsibility of tempting the subjects to leave their rightful lord. But there was one document which had great, perhaps the greatest, influence in persuading people to go to America; and that was a small volume printed first in 1706, by the Reverend Mr. Kocherthal.

        The Reverend Mr. Kocherthal, just mentioned, had not been to America at the time he published his book, but had been in England to make inquiries about the colonies. Having become convinced of the advantages of South Carolina, he wrote a handbook for Germans,


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describing the province, with directions how to go there. This book was so eagerly read that in 1709 it had reached its fourth edition. Graffenried and several of his settlers mention Kocherthal's book, indeed this is the only book the settlers do mention; and from the nature of their allusions to it one must conclude they were strongly influenced by it. In fact, the book continued to have such an effect, even after Kocherthal had gone to New York (1708) that Anton Wilhelm Boehme,2

        2 Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 47 ff.


pastor of the German Court Chapel of St. James, felt called upon to issue a series of tracts in book form, under the title "Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan," directed specifically against Kocherthal's description of South Carolina.

        An investigation, detailed mention of which will be made later, brings out the additional fact that another great cause of the emigration was the so-called Golden Book, so named because the Queen's picture adorned one of the front pages, and the title page was printed in gilt letters. This was evidently a very special and expensive edition, and was probably published with the Queen's permission some time after she had ascended the throne in 1702, the evident intention being to impress German readers. From the language in the report of the investigating committee it is clear that the book was written chiefly in praise of Carolina.

        Absolute proof cannot be given; but judging from the coincidence of the date at which the books appeared, Kocherthal's in 1706, the Golden Book between 1702 and 1709, from the similarity of the subject matter, both treating of Carolina in particular, and from the effect, one may conclude that Kocherthal's book and the Golden Book are identical. The following passages occur in the fourth edition undoubtedly reprinted from the first, and are among the directions to prospective colonists:

        8. Nachdem aber die Fracht selbsten zu bezahlen sehr theuer/ und solche abzuverdienen sehr beschwehrlich--als hat der Author auff alle Weise sich angelegen seyn lassen/ ob dissfals andere Mittel ausszufinden seyn möchten; worauff endlich der Vorschlag gefchehen/ dass die Königin mit einer Supplication müszte ersucht werden/ ob selbige die Schiffe zur Überfahrt hergeben wolte/ da dann vielleicht geschehen könte/ dass man auch mit Königl. Schiffen von Holland abgeholet würde/ und also auch diese Ueberfahrts-Kosten erspahren könte: doch müsten auff solchen Fall eine gute Unzahl Leute miteinander kommen/ weilen widrigenfals der Mühe nicht werth seyn würde/ die Königin zu bemühen viel weniger so viel Kosten anzuwenden/ als bei diesen zu den Schiffen und Convoy erfordert wird.

        9. Weilen auch bey diesen Zeiten an dem Königl. Hoff so wol wegen des schwehren Kriegs/ als auch wegen der immerfort währenden vielen Collecten-


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Gelder die Aussgaben unbeschreiblich gross als hat man hierinnen mehrere Vorschläge gethan/ wie die Sache anzugreiffen/ damit die Königin der ander-wärtigen schwehren Unkosten ungeachtet/ die Schiffe zur Ueberfahrt hergeben möchte; es seyn aber diese Vorschläge zu weitläufftig hier zu beschreiben; doch hoffet man/ dass vermittelst derselben die Bemühung nicht umsonst seyn werde wiewol niemand hierinnen etwas gewisses versprechen kan/ sondern erwarten muss wasz die Göttliche Schickung hierinnen vefügen werde.3

        3"But since it is very expensive to pay the freight one's self, and very difficult to work it out, the author has been very much concerned to find out whether in this case other means might not be found. Whereupon finally the proposal was made that the Queen be presented with a supplication to see whether she herself would not grant the ships, since it then might be that the people would be brought from Holland in the royal ships and thus this expense of passage could be saved; but yet in such a case a goodly number of people would have to come together, because if not, it would not be worth while to trouble the Queen, much less to go to so much expense as would be demanded for the ships and convoy.

        "Because in these times the outlays at the Royal Court are indescribably great on account of the heavy war as well as because of the continual money collections, several proposals of how to attack the matter were made, in order that the Queen, regardless of other great expenses, might grant the ships for the passage. But these proposals are too extensive to describe here, and yet it is hoped that through them the effort will not be in vain, although in this matter no one can promise anything certain, but must wait and see what dispensation Divine Providence will make in this regard,"--Kocherthal, page 28.


        No very definite hopes are held out in these passages, but it would not require the Queen's picture and the gilded title page to give the impression to the poor people into whose hands the book would come, that they might expect help from her, both in crossing the Channel and after their arrival in England, in going to the Colonies. The effect could be no better with a direct and unequivocal statement, and there would be no danger of serious complications with the German princes, while, likewise, such a procedure would be quite in harmony with her diplomatic methods.

        The Queen's policy of relieving the distressed Protestants met with considerable approval by the English people at first, for not only could they congratulate themselves on doing a charitable act to members of their own faith, but they could enjoy the prospect of turning the recipients of their charity to the material advantage of England. Simon Beaumont (July 18, 1709) expresses this mixture of motives in a letter too long to quote in full. "But these arguments aside. Receiving and succoring these poor Palatines seems to me but the payment of a just debt for the kind entertainment that gave many of our learned divines and others who were forced to take shelter beyond seas in the time of Queen Mary's persecution, and met with a hospitable reception at Frankfort in Germany, in the Palatinate, the Netherlands, Switzerland and other places; and shall we now suffer any of the posterity of our quondam benefacts to perish for want of bread that Providence has thrown into our arms for relief?" To the objection that England has enough poor of her own, he admits


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she has beggars enough and suggests that they go to work and there will be enough food for all; he then advances the generally accepted economic principle that "multiplying the number of inhabitants conduces to the strength, grandeur, and wealth of the kingdom, since its people are the Riches, Honor, and Strength of a nation and that wealth increases in an equal proportion to the additional number of the inhabitants." He also cites the fact that "the Palatines who went to Magdeburg in 1689 are worth 100,000 crowns a year to the King of Prussia. . . . That Holland by giving refuge to distressed Protestants was enabled to beat off the Spanish" and concludes that "10,000 Palatines is about 8,000£ without detriment to the nation." Beaumont would have had them retained in England, then, in place of letting them go to the colonies.4

        4 Eccl. Rec., vol III, page 1774 ff.


        The encouragement, however, was not limited to mere expressions of good will on the part of private and public individuals, but, as will be shown, official help, to which Queen Anne, the Duke of Sunderland, and probably the Duke of Marlborough were parties, was given in secret.

        A bill to naturalize foreign Protestants, which had long been discussed, was now passed (March 3, 1709),5

        5 Luttrel, vol. VI, page 413.


if not for the sake of the immigrants, at least very opportunely for them. The result of the encouragement given was very flattering, for within a few months between 10,000 and 15,000 Germans were in England and had to be cared for. The people and the government rose to the emergency; tents and barns were assigned to these people for shelter;6

        6 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page1750.


private charity was invoked for their relief; and the Queen authorized a daily expenditure at first of £16, but later increased the amount to £100.7

        7 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1753, 1786.


Meanwhile their spiritual welfare was attended to. Ministers were appointed for that particular service,8

        8 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1742, 1785.


Bibles were distributed freely among them,9

        9 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1786.


and as soon as possible plans for settlement were made. About 3,000 were settled in Ireland on what was intended to be advantageous terms, but of these, 232 families returned to London.10

        10 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1836.


Many enlisted,11

        11 Pennsylvanien im 17ten Jahrhundret, page 71.


and provision was made to send great numbers to America at the expense of the government.

        The phenomenal success of this scheme proved to be its undoing, for so many Germans took advantage of the opportunity that London was embarrassed with the expense and labor of supporting them. Soon complaints were made, not only by the poor of England who might be expected to look askance at this expenditure on these foreigners,


Page 17

when it could be so well employed by the needy folks at home, but also by persons in higher stations who did not all look upon such expenditures with favor. This opposition grew and in consequence a petition was presented to the House of Commons. This resulted in the appointment of a committee (January 15, 1710) to inquire, among other things "upon what invitation or encouragement the Palatines came over, and what moneys were expended in bringing them here and by whom." A bill was also ordered prepared to repeal the act for naturalizing foreign Protestants. But the important thing to notice is that the investigation assumes that these Protestants were invited or encouraged to come by some one, for otherwise such language would hardly have been used in the bill authorizing the investigation.

        April 14, 1711, the committee made its report, of which the following extracts directly concern our discussion: "And upon the examination of several of them (Palatines) what were the motives which induced them to leave their native country, it appears to the committee that there were books and papers dispersed in the Palatinate with the Queen's picture before the book (and the title pages in letters of gold which from thence was called the Golden Book) to encourage them to come to England in order to be sent to Carolina or other of her Majesty's Plantations to be settled there. The book is chiefly a commendation of that country.

        "What further encouraged them to leave their native country was the ravages the French had made and the damages the hard frost had done to their vines, and accordingly, one Joshua Kocherthal, a Lutheran Minister with some other Palatines to the number of 61 persons applied to Mr. Davenant at Frankfort for passes, but he refused them passes, moneys and recommendations for fear of disgusting the Elector Palatinate and desired to know her Majesty's pleasure therein, how to behave himself, in which Mr. Boyle signifies her Majesty's commands that, though the desire of the poor people to settle in the plantations is very acceptable and would be for the public good, yet she can by no means consent to Mr. Davenant giving in any public way encouragement, either by money or passes to the Elector Palatine's subjects to leave their country without his consent. . . . The next year an act for naturalizing Protestants being passed a great number of Palatines and some from other parts of Germany came into Holland, and from thence into England at several times, being upon their first arrival in Holland subsisted by the charity of Rotterdam, but afterwards at the Queen's expense and transports and other ships at her Majesty's charges provided to bring them thither, as also all sorts of necessaries during this voyage


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by Mr. Dayralle, her Majesty's Secretary at the Hague, who had received instructions from Mr. Secretary Boyle (in her Majesty's name) to that purpose, pursuant to my Lord Duke of Marlborough's desire. . . .

        "Palatines still continued to come till the middle of October, 1709, although the orders to Mr. Dayralle to hinder their coming were often repeated; and the States General had been applied to by the English to send instructions to their minister in Germany, to discourage the coming of any more of the Elector Palatine's subjects in this manner since the Elector was highly offended by their desertion. Upon this Mr. Dayralle informed Mr. Secretary Boyle that these people (20 in August, 1709) were encouraged to emigrate by somebody in England, and that since the Prohibition, a Gentleman with a servant who came over in the Packet boat had gone amongst the Palatines at the Brill and distributed money and printed Tickets to encourage them to come over, and that many of these tickets were sent to their friends in Germany to persuade them to do the like.

        "Mr. Dayralle could never discover who this gentleman was though he endeavored it all he could, and the committee could come to no certain knowledge therein, but find by two letters that Mr. Henry Torne a Quaker at Rotterdam, who in all this matter acted under Mr. Dayralle, forced a great many to embark for England after they had provided themselves a passage to go back to their own country, which the Palatines owned upon their arrival, was the only reason that induced them to come."12

        12 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1724 ff.


        A report of the various attempted settlements follows, and then is given the results of an investigation into the expenses incurred. The total is 135,775£ 18s 0½d. Of this there had been paid in two different transactions a total of 6,289£ 1s 9d in bringing Palatines to England. The report closes with the following resolutions:

        Resolved, that the House doth agree with the Committee that the petitioners have fully proved the allegations of their petition and had just reason to complain.

        Resolved, that the inviting and bringing over into this kingdom of the poor Palatines of all religions at the public expense was an extravagant and miserable charge to the kingdom, and a scandalous misapplication of the public money to the increase and oppression of the poor of this kingdom and of dangerous consequences to the constitution in church and state.

        Resolved, that whosoever advised the bringing over of the poor Palatines into this kingdom was an enemy to the Queen and to this Kingdom.


        This investigation after all did not lead to any definite conclusion, the reason for which may perhaps be inferred from a few sentences taken from a pamphlet which was styled A Letter to a Gentleman in


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the Country13

        13 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1754.


in which it is written that "the committee having sate die in diam for a considerable time and searched into papers from the Commissioners of Trade, etc., among which there is said to be a letter from the E. of S. (Earl of Sunderland) that lets them into the whole mystery of the affair, they made their report to the House and their resolutions in manner and form following which was agreed to by those noble patriots." (The records omit the report which had been given before.) The author then quotes the resolutions which have been given in the preceding paragraphs.

        The inference is, of course, that the Earl of Sunderland's letter involved persons whom it would have been impolitic to expose, and that, as a result, the committees chose to save their own reputations by launching brave sounding resolutions at no one in particular, even though they left the matter in a state of official uncertainty. And this was, perhaps, the wisest, if not the most courageous course.

        The following extract from a letter which was written from London, July 13, 1708, and which appears as the third appendix to Kocherthal's 1709 edition of his Berichte shows that there was official help given in transporting Germans from the Continent to England. . . .

        "Wir haben aller Orthen/ durch Gottes Gnade/ überauss gutthätige und hülffreiche Leuthe angetroffen. Auff dem Rheinstrohm haben uns unterschiedliche Leuthe etwas an Geld und Brod/ zum theil auch Fleisch/ Butter/ Käse/ und einigemal etwas an Kleidungen verehrt/ in Roterdam schenkte uns ein Mann allein 40. Holländische Gülden/ etliche andere gute Leuthe gaben uns auch unterschiedliches an Geld. Der Stadt-Rath in Rotterdam verehrte uns 25fl. und liess uns auf ihren Kosten/ in einem der Stadt zugehörigen Schiff nach Hellevotschluiss bringen. Im Haag haben wir von dem Engelländischen Envoys erhalten/ dass uns freyer Pass biss Engelland gegeben wurde/ und also seynd wir auss Hellevotschluiss in Holland/ biss nach Harwich in Engelland/ ohne einigen Hellers Kosten gebracht worden."14

        14 "Through God's grace we have found everywhere exceedingly benevolent and helpful people. Upon the Rhine different people presented us with something in the way of money and bread, in part also with meat, butter, and cheese, and a few times with some clothing. In Rotterdam one man alone gave us 40 Holland Guldens; some other good people also gave us varying amounts of money. The city council in Rotterdam gave us 25 florins and had us brought to Hellevotschluiss at their own cost in a ship belonging to the city. At the Hague we obtained from the English envoy that a free pass was given us to England and so we were brought from Hellevotschluiss in Holland clear to Harwich in England without a penny's cost."--Kocherthal, page 77.


        Another statement written after the great movement had subsided shows the same thing. This is quoted from Sauer in the Pennsylvanische Berichte of December 1, 1754--not so long after the event but that he could get the accurate information. "Als im Jahre 1704 die frantzösische Völter ins Reich eingezogen, und die Reichs-Fürsten die Anna Königin in England um Hülff anrieffen, und diese den Duc de Malborough


Page 20

mit einer grossen Armee englischer Völker ins Reich gesandt, durch deren Lapferkeit am 2. Juli die Frantzosen bey Schellenberg geschlagen worden, hatte er der Kayser und die Reichs-Fürsten die Königin Anna fragen lassen, was sie ihr zur Dankbarkeit vor diesen grossen Dienst thun können? Darauff hat die Königin Anna sagen lassen, dass sie von ihren Offizieren und Soldaten erfahren habe, dass sie so vicle Arme Leuthe im Reich angetroffen, die ihr Brodt und nötigen unterhalt nicht haben; es sollen die Reichs-Fürften, ihren armen Leuthen erlauben, nach America zu ziehen, wo Land genug ist, worauf sie sich ernehren konnten. Dieses haben sie nebst grosser Ehr-Bezeugung und Dankbarkeit eingewilliget, und weil das arme Volk keine möglichkeit gesehen dahin zu kommen, so hat die Königin auf ihren eignen Kosten viele Laufende nach Engelland bringen lassen, und die da wollten nach America ziehen, die wurden Frachtfrey herübergebracht und mit Proviant, Werkzeug und Geräthschaften versehen."15

        15 When in the year 1704 the French people invaded the Empire and the princes of the realm appealed to Queen Anne in England for help, and she had sent the Duke of Marlborough with a great army of English people into the Empire, through the bravery of whom the French were defeated on July 2, at Schellenberg, he, the Kaiser and the princes of the realm, had a request presented to Queen Anne to know what they could do for her out of gratitude for this great service. Thereupon the Queen sent word that she had learned from her officers and soldiers that they had met so many poor people in the Empire who cannot get their bread and necessary support, that the princes of the realm ought to let their poor people go to America, where there is plenty of land upon which they could support themselves. To this they agreed, evidencing great respect and gratitude, and because the poor people saw no possibility of getting there, the Queen had many thousands brought to England at her own cost and whosoever wished to go to America was brought over, passage free, and provided with provisions, tools, and utensils.--Der Deutsche Pionier, XIV Jahrgang, page 295.



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CHAPTER III

        SURVEY OF THE FINAL DISPOSAL OF THE PALATINES--THE ENGLISH SETTLE GREAT NUMBERS OF THEM IN AMERICA, UNDER CONDITIONS WHICH REVEAL SUCH MERCENARY MOTIVES AS TO ROB THE ACT OF MOST OF ITS CLAIM TO CHARITY--CONTEMPT FOR THE GERMANS SHOWN TO BE CHARACTERISTIC BOTH IN ENGLAND AND IN AMERICA

        Whoever may have been responsible for the coming of the Palatines, there is no doubt about their welcome during the first year of the movement. Besides the public expenditure of 135,775£,1

        1 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1732.


private persons contributed freely both of their time and money for the relief of these poor strangers, and in fact it became the correct thing to have one's name on a subscription list, and the camps at Blackheath and Camberwell became popular promenades for the élite of London. When the Mohawk chiefs visited London, the Palatines were shown them among other sights. Their evident wretchedness touched the hearts of these red men and afforded them an opportunity later to show what true generosity is.

        But this charity, excited partly by gratitude for kindnesses shown the English reformers by the Germans,2

        2 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1777.


partly by religious sympathy3

        3 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, 1620.


and political ties, partly by the warm feelings of an impulsive woman and in the case of some, probably, by a desire4

        4 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1753.


to be on the popular side, soon began to be burdensome and annoying when the first pleasure and the novelty of it passed. The Palatines could not camp indefinitely in Camberwell and Blackheath, or live in the barns provided for them, and various were the schemes proposed for permanently settling them. Beaumont in his letter, which has a very sensible and a kindly tone, would keep them in England and allow them to settle on land that was lacking in tenants, and thus retain them in England to the advantage of all. His plan, however, was never successfully carried out.

        About 3000 were settled in one body in Ireland and these for the most part stayed; others were scattered about over England wherever any parish was willing to receive them for 5£ per head. But after the 5£ was received, the refugees were left to shift for themselves among a people who considered them intruders; and most of them came back to London, more wretched if anything than before.5

        5 Penn. Ger. Soc., vol. VII, page 314.


The best plan, after all, seemed to be to settle them in America.


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        The English colonies in America at this time occupied a narrow strip along the Atlantic coast from Massachusetts to the Spanish settlements in Florida, while the interior from the St. Lawrence river to the Gulf of Mexico was claimed, and to some extent settled, by the French, who came closest to the English in New York and New England, and there offered a real menace. The French, moreover, being mostly traders, were on better terms with the Indians; they also intermarried with them and adopted many of their habits, while the English held themselves more aloof and as fast as they acquired land cleared it and so spoiled the hunting. But while the Indians beyond the Great Lakes and in the Mississippi favored the French, the Iroquois of the New York colony, an important exception in this, were friendly with the English. The French traders, however, were among the Iroquois; their allegiance could not, therefore, be counted on, and one of the most heartless proposals6

        6 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1703.


for disposing of the Palatines was "to settle them along the Hudson river in the province of New York where they may be useful to this Kingdom, particularly in the production of naval stores and as a frontier against the French and their Indians." There can be no possible offense taken to the statement that "Her Majesty was convinced that it would be more for the advantage of Her Kingdom if a method could be found to settle them here (in America) in such a manner that they might get a comfortable livelihood instead of sending them to the West Indies; that it would be a great encouragement to others to follow their example; that the addition to the number of her subjects would in all probability produce a proportional increase of their trade and manufactures."7

        7 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1738, 1818.


But the proposal made by the council to take these protestant refugees, who could have no choice in the matter, and use them as a buffer against the savages, certainly robs the act of much of its claim to generosity.

        The Reverend Mr. Kocherthal went first with a small party. He was followed in 1710 by over 3000 under Governor Hunter. They were treated more like slaves than fellow Christians, for they were forced to sign a contract by which they were put under a sort of military discipline and set at the fruitless task of trying to make tar in commercial quantities from northern pines. Their whole time was to be devoted to this industry and they were to be fed and maintained at the Queen's expense. The well meaning but incompetent Governor Hunter had the supervision of the colony. Compelled to work under task masters, who themselves knew nothing of the business, defrauded of their provisions by the contractors, when petition and resistance failed, like the brick makers of Egypt, some of them remembered a promised land, and in the depth of winter (1711-12)


Page 23

fifty families journeyed to Schoharie and were given the land promised by the generous Mohawk chiefs years before in London.8

        8 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 2169. A most interesting document, being the petition presented to the Crown in 1720. It reviews the conditions of the Palatines in New York from 1709 to 1720.


Relieved by these Indians, without whose assistance they must all have perished, the Palatines remained in spite of the threats of the Governor. He "had been the easier under it, upon the consideration that by that means the body of that people is kept together within the Province; that when it shall please her Majesty to resume the design of prosecuting the work, that body at Schoharie may be employed in the vast pine woods near Albany, which they must be obliged to do having no manner of pretense to ye possession of any lands but by performing their part of the contract relating to that manufacture, and that in that situation they may serve in some measure as a frontier to or at least to an increase of the strength of Albany and Schenectady; but if the war continues or should by any misfortune break out again it will neither be possible for them to subsist or safe for them to remain there, considering the use they have already made of arms where they were intrusted with them."9

        9 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 1955.


The first of the statement is clear; the last refers to the resistance they tried to offer in the tar making experiment, and overlooks their loyal services at Louisburg,10

        10 Eccl. Rec., vol. III, page 2169.


where they served without pay and then were deprived of their arms at the end of the war. In dismissing these Palatines it may be well to add that just as soon as the governors let them alone and gave them a chance, they prospered and became, in fact, the best possible frontier against the Indians, for they kept the friendship of the red men. And certainly Conrad Weiser's activity among the Iroquois during the French and Indian war, by which he kept them loyal to England, did as much to protect the frontier as though the German colony had engaged in hostilities against the Indians and suffered the usual hazards of border warfare. The following from Lawson's Journal shows that the English and Americans considered these foreigners very useful, especially in that they might bear the brunt of the savage raids in time of war.11

        11 Lawson's Journal, page 206.


Speaking of the projected Swiss colony from Bern and Mr. Mitchell who was employed to settle the colonists, he says: "This gentleman has been employed by the Canton of Bern to find out a Tract of Land in the English America, where that Republick might settle some of their people; which Proposal, I believe, is now in a fair way towards a Conclusion between her Majesty of Great Britain and the Canton. Which must needs be of great advantage to both; and as for ourselves, I believe, no Man that is in his Wits, and understands the Situation and Affairs of America, but will allow, nothing can be done of more security and advantage to the Crown
Page 24

and subjects of Great Britain, than to have our Frontiers secured by a Warlike People, and our Friends, as the Switzers are; especially when we have more Indians than we can civilize, and so many Christian Enemies lying on the back of us, that we do not know how long or short a time it may be, before they visit us."

        Even as late as 1733 according to William Byrd, the Indians were a real menace in Virginia; and one of the reasons he gives for encouraging a Swiss colony to settle in his "Land of Eden" was the protection they would afford against the Indians and the French. Moreover, he preferred for his purpose the honest Swiss to the settlers who were coming in from Pennsylvania.12

        12 The Writings of Colonel William Byrd, pages 300, 302, 390 ff.


        Whether or not such use was made of the particular colony in which we are at present interested let the following extracts show.

        "The Governor acquainting the Council that Sundry Germans to the number of forty-two men women and children who were invited hither by the Baron de Graffenried are now arrived but that the said Baron not being here to take care of this Settlement the Governor therefore proposed to settle them above the falls of Rappahannock River to serve as a barrier to the inhabitants of that part of the Country against the Incursions of the Indians and desiring the opinion of the Council whether in consideration of their usefulness for that purpose the Charge of building them a Fort, and clearing a road to their settlement and carrying thither two pieces of Canon and some ammunition may not properly be defrayed by the publick.

        "It is the unanimous opinion of the Board that the settlement, tending so much to the security of that part of the Frontiers, it is reasonable that the expense proposed by the Governor in making thereof should be defrayed at the public charge of the Government, and that a quantity of powder and ball be delivered for their use out of her Majestie's magazine. And because the Sd Germans, arriving so late cannot possibly this year cultivate any ground for the(ir) Subsistance, much less be able to pay the public Services of the Government. It is the opinion of this Board that they be put under the denomination of Rangers to exempt them from that charge, and for the better enabling the Sd Germans to supply by hunting the want of other provisions. It is also ordered that all other persons be restrained from hunting on unpatented Lands near the Settlement."13

        13 Virginia Magazine, vol. XIII, page 362.


July 21st, 1714.

To the L'ds Comm'rs of Trade.

My Lords:

        Since my last of the 9th of March, (whereof the enclosed is a Duplicate) I have had the hon'r to receive y'r Lo'ps of the 6th of April, with the Treatys of


Page 25

Peace and Comerce, which I have accordingly made public. It is with great satisfaction that I can acquaint y'r Lo'ps that this Country enjoys a perfect Peace and that even the Indians, since the last Treaty made with them, have not offered the least disturbance, notwithstanding the Tuscaros, induced thereto, (as they say) by the people of Carolina, have departed from their agreements with this Governm't, and gon(e) to settle once more upon that Province, I continue, all resolv'd, to settle out our Tributary Indians as a guard to ye Frontiers, and in order to supply that part, w'ch was to have been covered by the Tuscaros, I have placed here a number of Protestant Germans, built them a fort and furnished it with two pieces of cannon and some ammunition, which will awe the Stragling partys of Northern Indians, and be a good Barrier for all that part of the Country. These Germans were invited over, some years ago, by the Baron de Graffenreed, who has her Majesty's Letter to ye Governor of Virginia to furnish them with Land upon their arrival. They are generally such as have been employed in their own country as Miners, and say they are satisfied. There are divers kinds of minerals in those upper parts of the Country where they are settled, and even a good appearance of Silver Oar, . . .14

        14 Spotswood, vol. II, page 70.


Virginia, Feb'ry 7, 1715.

To the L'ds Comm'rs of Trade and Plantation:

        . . . As to the other Settlement, named Germanna, there are about forty Germans, Men, Women, and Children, who, having quitted their native Country upon the invitation of the Herr Graffenriedt, and being grievously dissapointed by his failure to perform his Engagements to them, and they arriving also here just at a time when the Tuscaruro Indians departed from the Treaty they had made with this Government to settle upon its Northern Frontiers, I did both in Compassion to those poor Strangers and in regard to the safety of the Country, place them together upon a piece of Land, several Miles without the Inhabitants, where I built them Habitations, and subsisted them until they were able, by their own Labour, to provide for themselves, and I presume I may, without a Crime or Misdemeanor, endeavor to put them in an honest way of paying their Just Debts. . .15

        15 Spotswood, vol. II, page 196. This refers to his employment of them in building and operating his iron furnace.



        This policy, pursued so consistently in New York, Virginia, and Carolina, while doubtless a compliment to German courage and honesty, points to a contempt for them which has continued, in a more or less marked degree, down to the present time. The writer of the history of the Germans in Maine found in the state archives that those documents relating to the German colony of Waldo alone were unprinted, although this colony had had a history as interesting and as tragic as Deerfield or Schenectady, and no one can imagine documents relating to these two settlements remaining long unprinted in the public archives. Happily this attitude is changing, due largely to the efforts of the German-Americans themselves, and new chapters are constantly being added to the story of their part in the making of our country.


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PART II
THE NEW BERN ADVENTURES

CHAPTER I

        GRAFFENRIED'S EARLY LIFE

        Christoph von Graffenried, the eldest of several children, was born at Bern, Switzerland, about the first of November, 1661. His father, Anton von Graffenried, was a member of the patrician family of that name, and while not rich in his younger days, he had claims on profitable political position, but, what is more important, he possessed the ability to succeed and to keep his wealth on a solid and conservative foundation. He was frugal in his expenditures, honest in his business relations, but unaffectionate in his family life. He could never understand or sympathize with Christoph, who had an adventuresome disposition even as a child, and father and son were always more or less estranged. Moreover, Christoph's mother died when the boy was only a few years old, but her place was soon after taken by a stepmother.

        At seven years of age Christoph was one of five little boys sent to a Latin teacher who insisted that the pupils speak Latin, and punished infractions of the rule with fines. Judging from the Latin in the German version of his account, the school was not a success in his case, and Anton found the fines he was called upon to pay a grievous hardship. Other offenses brought punishments so severe that the boy ran away to one of his relatives for protection, through whose intercession, however, he was shortly afterwards allowed to return home to stay.

        In 1676 Anton von Graffenried went into partnership with the foreman and purchased a salt works at Roche. The families were so friendly at the start that the plan was made, very agreeably to the young people, that Christoph should marry the foreman's daughter. But a quarrel arising over the claims of the two fathers in the salt works, the relation was broken off, never to be renewed.

        Not long after this, Sir William Waller, a relative of one of the regicides, who had come to Bern for protection, saw the boy and was so impressed by his appearance and manners, that he encouraged


Page 28

him to go to England to try his fortune there, and the father was so far persuaded that he was making plans to send him to England when a better way seemed to present itself. One of Anton's brothers was a chamberlain and captain in the bodyguard of the Elector of Saxony, and it was hoped that Christoph would be able to get a place at that court through his influence. But the captain died at just this time and the hope was shattered. Christoph then went to school in Geneva. He was still restless, however, and wanted to travel on the 20,000£ which fell to him from his mother. Anton did not approve of the plan, but after a violent argument gave his consent for the lad to go under the conduct of a theological student who was to supervise the expenditures as well. The two went first to Heidelberg, where Christoph was soon in the politest society, thanks to his family name and his own engaging appearance. His intercourse in the Elector's social circle progressed better than his university studies; and when the story of a duel came to Bern, Anton concluded it was time for his son to change his location. In Leyden, where he next went to study, his law, history and mathematics progressed better, and he stayed two years.

        Through Sir William Waller's influence Anton now allowed his son to go to England, where he was promised a position with Mr. Roux, secretary to the Duke of Carlyle, on his embassy to Constantinople. Since the father expected Sir William to advance what money Christoph would need, no money accompanied the letter of introduction; and when the young Switzer landed in London, ten ducats was all he had in his pockets. At this time he did not speak English, and it was only by chance that he found a German porter who could understand him. With such directions as this man could give him, he found Sir William Waller's house. Lady Waller met him and from her manner he could guess that nothing was to be expected from Sir William, who was at that time in the Fleet for debt.1

        1 Luttrell, vol. I, pp. 84 and 91. This was between the 11th and 25th of May, 1681.


Through the porter Graffenried learned that the Duke had already gone to Constantinople, and all hopes of an appointment disappeared. This same porter also introduced him to a Swiss locksmith by the name of Engel, with whom he stayed until money arrived from Bern. Thereupon he took lodging with Pastor Horneg, chaplain to the Duke of Marlborough, and not long after was introduced into the society of the Duke by a German friend, a trumpet major in the army; and from this time he moved in the society of courtiers and was even presented to King Charles II himself.

        In 1682, the Duke of Albemarle, chancellor of Cambridge University, was not able to be present at the conferring of degrees and sent


Page 29

two of his friends, Farwel and Graffenried, to represent him. And we may judge of the favor and popularity of the latter when we learn that to his astonishment the doctorate was offered him. He refused, however, saying that he was not worthy, since he had not studied for such a degree, but that he would accept a degree of Master of Arts, according to the proverb, In omnibus aliquid, in toto nihil.

        Meanwhile Graffenried had fallen in love with a niece of the Duke of Buckingham, a lady of good birth but poor family. Money and station were, nevertheless, necessary to succeed in the courtship of a lady of rank; and so he planned to buy a vacant commission as cornet in the British army. This would cost a thousand pounds, but would pay well when secured and would enable him to pursue his courtship with some prospect of success. A letter to Bern asking for money and for permission to take this place was answered by a summons to start for home immediately, with the penalty of losing his prerogatives and right to act as his grandfather's substitute in the government at Worb, in case he refused. Not even money for the whole journey was allowed him, but his way was paid stage by stage through designated persons. All this was caused by a false report spread by one of his own countrymen, to the effect that he was acting the spendthrift, and Anton learned the truth too late to repair the injury entirely. It was no use to go back to England now, and with his father's permission, Christoph stayed a year in France. His social success was as great here as it had been in England. Reports of him reached Louis XIV and Graffenried had the pleasure of meeting both the Dauphin and the great king. After this he spent some time in Lyons and finally reached home some time about 1683. Reproaches for the wasted time and money were not lacking, and Anton decided it was time for the son to marry, and settle down in an office. Christoph showed no enthusiasm for marriage and left the choice largely to his relatives, with the result that he married Regine Tscharner in 1684. On this occasion Anton showed himself so niggardly that the groom had to lend him money with which to buy presents and hire the carriage himself.

        It was hoped that the grandfather would now assist Christoph to an office, but the old gentleman died too soon and it was several years before Christoph obtained even a minor appointment. At length, however, he became bailiff of Iferton in Neuchatel in 1702. This had the reputation of being a lucrative position, but the festivities which custom compelled him to give on his induction into office, reduced the profits of the first year; and the next year, during the religious troubles, Iferton had to support a garrison. The bailiff had to keep open house for officers; other officials and friends


Page 30

came to pay him their respects, and these merry, but expensive occasions were a heavy drain upon his resources, for out of 200 doubloons spent, only 50 were repaid him by the state. Graffenried also had a feeling for the peasants, and did not wring as much from them as he might have done, and as was the usual practice of bailiffs. Meanwhile his family was increasing. He made bad speculations, gave securities, and contracted debts until prospects of a catastrophe began to loom up before him when his term of office should end in 1708. The strife over Neuchatel, the violation of the peace by the war of the Spanish succession, the troubles between the Protestant and the Catholic cantons, and the continual persecutions of the Anabaptists made his home distasteful to him; the ambitions of his youth returned with a renewed force, and now he determined to seek in America the fortune which was denied him at home.

        The account of his life thus far, taken mostly from papers in the Graffenried family,2

        2 Neujahrsblatt, page 4 ff.


by one of his descendants, shows that Christoph von Graffenried was no ordinary man. He had the ability of making friends, and inspired confidence in people. He had an acute mind and above all, possessed the love of adventure necessary to the success of such an undertaking as that on which he was embarking. The failure of his plans must be laid, not to him, but to circumstances over which he had no control, and which he could not, by any possibility, have foreseen.


Page 31

CHAPTER II

        LITERATURE WHICH GRAFFENRIED STUDIED BEFORE DECIDING TO GO TO AMERICA:--BLOME, HENNEPIN, KOCHERTHAL

        Graffenried, we know, had long been considering the bettering of his fortune in America. He had made extensive inquiries about mines, agriculture, and the best means of settling there, and the authors he read certainly included Blome, Hennepin, and Kocherthal. Blome gives a brief description of all the English colonies, and speaks favorably of them. Hennepin, among other things, has this to say of Carolina: "So that the Providence of the Almighty God seems to have reserved this country for the English, a Patent whereof was granted Fifty years ago to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, who have made great discoveries therein, seven hundred Miles Westerly from the Mountains, which separate between it Carolina and Virginia, and Six hundred Miles from North to South, from the Gulf of Mexico to the great Inland Lakes, which are situated behind the Mountains of Carolina and Virginia. Besides, they have an account of all the Coast, from the Cape of Florida to the River Panuco, the Northerly Bounds of the Spaniards on the Gulf of Mexico, together with most of the chief Harbours, Rivers, and Islands thereunto appertaining; and are about to establish a very considerable Colony on some part of the Great River, as soon as they have agreed upon the Boundaries, or Limits, which Lords Proprietors of Carolina, who claim by a Patent procured long after that of Carolina. But there being space enough for both, and the Proprietors generally inclin'd to an amicable conclusion, the Success of this undertaking is impatiently expected, For considering the Benignity of the Climate, the Healthfulness of the Country, the Fruitfulness of the Soil, Ingenuity and Tractableness of the Inhabitants, Variety of Productions, if prudently manag'd, it cannot, humanely speaking, fail of proving one of the most considerable Colonies on the North-Continent of America, profitable to the Publick and to the Undertakers."1

        1 A continuation of the New Discovery of a vast Country in America. Reprinted by Thwaites, page 678.


        Other accounts of Carolina,2

        2 Carrol's Collections, vol. II.


all favorable, but less entertainingly written, by Horne, Smith, by one T. A., probably Thomas Ashe, and by Archdale had appeared before this; and Graffenried may have been acquainted with some or all of these. Kocherthal's Bericht was undoubtedly the most influential book among German-speaking people, having reached the fourth edition in 1709. It contains a
Page 32

rather detailed description of the country, plants, animals, and products, and has little but praise for the new country. On the subject of greatest concern, the danger from the Indians, it reads as follows:

        Mit denen Indianern leben auch die Englische allda in vollkommener Freundschaft und guter Vernehmen in dem sie beiderseits einander gar nützlich und zuträglich seyn: und tragen die Lords/ so Eigenthums Herrn dieses Landes sind/ gute Sorgfalt/ dass ihnen nichts unbilliges zugefüget werde. Sie haben zu solchem Ende ein sonderliches Gerichte angeordnet und bestellet/ welches aus denen Bescheidensten und dem Eigen-Nuss am wenigsten ergebenen Einwohnern bestehet: worinnen denn all die Streitigkeiten beigeleget werden sollen/ so sich etwa zwischen denen Englischen und irgend einem von den Indianern zutragen möchten welches sie bloss auss einer Christlichen und vernünftig billichen Bewegung gethan/ keineweges aber darum/ als ob man fich etwa einiger Gefahr von ihnen zu besorgen hätte.

        Es find nemlich die Indianer bissanhero stetig untereinander so im Kriege vertwickelt gewesen . . . dass selbige diesem Volk nicht zugelassen haben, sich sonderlich zu vermehren aber zuzunehmen . . . Dieses verursachet demnach/ dass sie an Mannschafft so schwach/ auch über diss so zerteilet bleiben/ dass die Englischen von ihnen nicht die allergeringste Forcht haben/ oder sich einiger Gefahr beforgen dörffen/ . . . 3

        3"The English also live with the Indians there in complete friendship and good understanding, since they are mutually useful and agreeable. And the Lords who are the owners of this land take good care that no ill treatment is given them. They have, to this end, arranged and established for them an especial court which consists of the most modest inhabitants and those least given to selfishness, in which, then, all disputes which may come up between the English and any of the Indians are settled. This they have done merely out of a Christian and reasonably proper impulse, but not at all as though one had to fear any danger from them.

        "That is to say, the Indians up until now have been engaged so continually in war with each other that the same has not allowed this race to increase or grow very much. This brings it about, accordingly, that they are so weak in numbers of warriors, and, besides this, remain so divided that the English have not the slightest fear of them or need allow themselves to have anxiety about any danger whatever."--Kocherthal, page 57.



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CHAPTER III

        ANOTHER COLONIZATION PROJECT--GRAFFENRIED MEETS THE AGENT--FRANZ LOUIS MICHEL--FULLY PERSUADED TO GO TO AMERICA--GRAFFENRIED LEAVES FOR ENGLAND AND MEETS JOHN LAWSON

        While Graffenried was still in Switzerland the Canton of Bern had begun to negotiate through a former citizen of Bern, Franz Louis Michel, for land in North Carolina1

        1 Lawson's Journal, page 205 ff.


and Virginia.2

        2 French Version.


They requested to be allowed to hold whatever tract they should buy independently of either the Proprietors of Carolina or the Governor of Virginia.3

        3 French Version.


Since such a request could not, of course, be granted, nothing definite was done concerning purchase. An independent colonization project was started, however, the chief member of which was a man named Ritter.4

        4 Neujahrsblatt, page 21. Bernische Taeufer, page 258.


        In 1708 Michel was back in Bern5

        5 French Version, German Version.


again and from him Graffenried informed himself more fully about conditions in America, and Michel's favorable reports fully persuaded him to go to the New World. His plan had no connection as yet with the colonization schemes of the Canton of Bern or the Ritter Company, as will be shown later. All he had in mind was to go over to America, and following Michel's directions and maps, to find the deposits of silver ore, which he, together with Michel, expected to work for their own profit, using for this purpose miners from Germany, who should be engaged before he left, but who were not to emigrate until he sent for them.6

        6 French Version, German Version.


Accordingly, when his term of office ended in 1708,7

        7 Neujahrsblatt, page 17.


Graffenried left Switzerland secretly, not even telling his friends of his plans, and went first to Holland and then to England. While in Holland, or on his way there, he engaged twelve miners to come to him when he should send for them.8

        8 French Version, German Version.


        During his stay in England Graffenried became acquainted with Michel's friend John Lawson, who was having the account of his travels in Carolina printed. None of the descriptions with which Graffenried was acquainted, except Hennepin's, compare in interest and freshness with Lawson's Journal. He had been eight years in Carolina, and had taken a thousand-mile journey from Charleston to a point near the present site of New Bern, making, however, a wide circuit in which he ascended the Santee River to its sources,


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and then turned northward, crossing the upper waters of the Congaree, Wateree, and Yadkin Rivers, then bearing more to the east until he reached the Moratok, now the Roanoke River, some 120 miles above its mouth. From this point he went southward, almost to Chatoka, now New Bern. This trip gave him a good idea of the country and its inhabitants, at least Graffenried must have thought so, and furthermore, he confirmed Michel's reports about the presence of silver ore.1

        1 The influence of Lawson and his description of Carolina is attested further by the fact that his book was printed so soon in German and published in an edition that was evidently an expensive one, as shown by the gilt lettering. The title of the German edition was as follows:

        Allerneuste Beschreibung der Provintz Carolina in West-Indien sammt einem Reise-Journal von mehr als Tausend Meilen unter allerhand Indianischen Nationen, auch einer Accuraten Land-Carte und andern Kupfer-Stichen. Aus dem Englischen übersetzt durch M. Vischer.

        HAMBURG.

        Gedruckt und verlegt/durch seel. Thomas von Wierings Erben bey der Börse/in güldenen A, B, C, Anno 1712 sind auch zu Frankfurt und Leipsig/bey Zacharias Herlteln zu bekommen.

        Most Recent Description of the Province Carolina in the West Indies, along with a Travel-Journal of more than a Thousand Miles among all sorts of Indian Nations, with an Accurate Map and other Copper Plates also. Translated out of the English by Mr. Vischer.

        HAMBURG.

        Printed and published by the heirs of the late Thomas von Wiering at the Exchange in golden A, B, C, Anno 1712, are also to be had in Frankfort and Leipsig at Zacharias Herldn's.


        The passages and abstracts from Lawson's book which follow will give an idea of his style and the kind of arguments that doubtless influenced Graffenried to go to Carolina rather than to Virginia, as he intended at first to do. As copies of the book are very rare and not easily accessible, and Lawson was from this time on so intimately associated with Graffenried, I have made the quotations and extracts rather full.


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CHAPTER IV

        JOHN LAWSON AND HIS JOURNAL

        Lawson began his journey of exploration December 28, 1700. There were six Englishmen, three Indian men and an Indian woman, the wife of one of the guides in the party. They canoed from Charlestown to the Santee River, up which they rowed several days, and as occasion required enjoyed the hospitality of the French settlers along the river. The following extracts will show how he livened up his description.

        "Monday. The next Morning very early we ferry'd over a Creek that runs near the House; and, after an Hour's Travel in the Woods, we came to the River-side, where we stay'd for the Indian, who was our Guide, and was gone around by Water in a small Canoe, to meet us at the Place we rested at. He came after a small time and ferry'd us in that little Vessel over Santee River 4 miles, and 84 Miles in the Woods, which the overflowing of the Freshes, which then came down, had made a perfect Sea of, there running an incredible Current in the River, which had cast our small Craft and us away, had we not had this Sewee Indian with us; who are excellent Artists in managing these small Canoes.

        "Santee River, at this time, (from the usual Depth of Water) was risen perpendicular 36 Foot, always making a Breach from her Banks, about this Season of the Year. The general Opinion of the cause thereof, is suppos'd to proceed from the overflowing of fresh Water-Lakes that lie near the Head of this River, and other upon the same Continent; But my Opinion is, that these vast Inundations proceed from the great and repeated Quantities of Snow that falls upon the Mountains, which lie at so great a Distance from the Sea, therefore they have no Help of being dissolv'd by those saline, piercing Particles, as other adjacent Parts near the Ocean receive: and therefore lies and increases to a vast Bulk, until some mild Southerly Breezes coming on a sudden, continue to unlock these frozen Bodies, congeal'd by the North-West Wind: dissipating them in Liquids: and coming down with Impetuosity, fills those branches that feed these Rivers, and causes this strange Deluge, which oft-times lays under Water for Miles distant from the Banks: tho' the French and Indians affirmed to me they never knew such extraordinary Floods there before.

        "We all by God's Blessing and the Endeavours of our Indian-Pilot, pass'd safe over the River, but was lost in the Woods which


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seem'd like some great Lake, except here and there a Knowl of high Land, which appear'd above water.

        "We intended for Mons. Galliar's, jun; but was lost, none of us knowing the Way at that Time, altho' the Indian was born in the Country, it having receiv'd so strange a Metamorphosis. We were in several Opinions concerning the right way, the Indian and myself, suppos'd the House to bear one Way, the rest thought to the contrary; we differing, it was agreed amongst us that one half should go with the Indian to find the House and the other part to stay upon one of these dry Spots, until some of them returned to us, and inform'd us where it lay.

        "Myself and two more were left behind, by Reason the Canoe would not carry us all; we had but one Gun amongst us, one Load of Ammunition, and no Provision. Had our Men in the Canoe miscarry'd, we must (in all Probability) there have perish'd.

        "In about six Hour's Time, from our Mens Departure, the Indian came back to us in the Same Canoe he went in, being half drunk, which assur'd us they had found some Place of Refreshment. He took us three into the canoe, telling us all was well: Paddling our Vessel several Miles thro' the Woods, being often half full of water; but at length we got safe to the Place we sought for, which prov'd to lie the same Way the Indian and I guess'd it did."1

        1 Lawson's Journal, page 4 ff.


        Another short extract speaking of the Indians:

        "Amongst Women it seems impossible to find a scold; if they are provok'd, or affronted, by their Husbands, or some other, they resent the Indignity offer'd them in silent Tears, or by refusing their Meat. Would some of our European Daughters of Thunder set these Indians for a Pattern, there might be more quiet Families found amongst them, occasion'd by that unruly Member, the Tongue.2

        2 Lawson's Journal, page 37.


        "A Second Settlement of this Country was made about fifty years ago, in that part we now call Albemarl County and chiefly in Chuwon Precinct, by several substantial Planters from Virginia and other Plantations; Who finding mild winters, and a fertile Soil beyond expectation, producing that which was planted to a prodigious Increase, their Cattle, Horses, Sheep and Swine breeding very fast, and passing the Winter without any assistance from the Planter: so that everything seem'd to come by Nature, the Husbandman living almost devoid of Care, and free from those Fatigues which are absolutely requisite in Winter-Countries, for providing Fodder and other Necessaries; these Encouragements induced them to stand their Ground altho' but a handful of People, seated at great Distances one from


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another, and amidst a vast number of Indians of different Nations, who were then in Carolina. Nevertheless, I say, the Fame of this new discovered Summer-Country spread through the neighbouring Colonies, and in a few Years, drew a considerable number of Families thereto, who all found Land enough to settle themselves in (had they been many Thousands more) and that which was very good and commodiously seated, both for Profit and Pleasure. And indeed, most of the Plantations in Carolina naturally enjoy a noble Prospect of large and spacious Rivers, pleasant Savannas and fine Meadows with their green Liveries, interwoven with beautiful Flowers, of most glorious Colours, which the several Seasons afford; headged in with pleasant Groves of the ever-famous Tulip-tree, the stately Laurel, and Bays, equalizing the Oak in Bigness and Growth; Myrtles, Jessamines, Woodbines, Honeysuckles, and several other fragrant Vines and Ever-Greens, whose aspiring Branches shadow and interweave themselves with the Loftiest Timbers, yielding a pleasant Prospect, Shade and Smell, proper Habitations for the Sweet-singing Birds, that melodiously entertain such as travel thro' the Woods of Carolina.

        "The Planters possessing all these Blessings, and the Produce of great Quantities of Wheat and Indian Corn in which this Country is very fruitful as likewise in Beef, Pork, Tallow, Hides, Deer-Skins and Furs; for these Commodities the New-England-Men and Bermudians visited Carolina in their Barks and Sloops, and carry'd out what they made, bringing them in exchange Rum, Sugar, Salt, Molasses and some Wearing Apparel, tho' the last at very extravagant Prices.

        "As the land is very fruitful, so are the Planters kind and hospitable to all that come to visit them; there being very few Housekeepers, but what live very nobly, and give away more provisions to Coasters and Guests who come to see them, than they expend amongst their own Families.3

        3 Lawson's Journal, page 62 ff.


        "When we consider the Latitude and convenient Situation of Carolina, had we no farther Confirmation thereof, our Reason would inform us, that such a Place lay fairly to be a delicious Country, being placed in that Girdle of the World which affords Wine, Oil, Fruit, Grain, Silk with other rich Commodities, besides a sweet Air, moderate Climate, and fertile Soil; these are the Blessings (under Heaven's Protection) that spin out the Thread of life to its utmost Extent, and Crown our Days with the Sweets of Health and Plenty, which, when join'd with Content, renders the Possessors the happiest Race of Men upon Earth.


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        "The Inhabitants of Carolina, thro' the Richness of the Soil, live an easy and pleasant life. The Land being of several sorts of Compost, some stiff, others light, some marl, others rich black Mould; here barren of Pine, but affording Pitch, Tar and Masts; there vastly rich, especially on the Freshes of the Rivers, one part bearing great Timbers, others being Savannas or natural Meads, where no trees grow for several Miles, adorn'd by Nature with a pleasant Verdure, and beautiful Flowers, frequent in no other Places, yielding abundance of Herbage for Cattle, Sheep and Horse. The Country in general affords pleasant Seats, the Land (except in some few Places) being dry and high Banks, parcell'd out into most convenient Necks, (by the Creeks) easy to be fenced in for securing their Stocks to more strict Boundaries, whereby, with a small trouble of fencing, almost every man may enjoy, to himself, an entire Plantation, or rather Park. These with the other Conveniences which the Summer-Country naturally furnishes, has induc'd a great many families to leave the more Northerly Plantations, and sit down under one of the mildest Governments in the world; in a Country that, with moderate Industry, will afford all the Necessaries of Life. We have yearly abundance of Strangers come among us, who chiefly strive to the Southerly to settle because there is a vast Tract of rich Land betwixt the Place we are seated on, and Cape-Fair, and upon that River, and more Southerly, which is inhabited by none but a few Indians, who are at this time well affected to the English, and very desirous of their coming to live among them. The more Southerly, the milder Winters, with the advantage of purchasing the Lords Land at the most easy and moderate Rate of any Lands in America, nay (allowing all advantages thereto annex'd) I may say, the Universe does not afford such another; Besides, Men have a great advantage of choosing good and commodious Tracts of Land at the first Seating of a Country or River, whereas the later Settlers are forced to purchase smaller Dividends of the old Standers, and sometimes at very considerable Rates; as now in Virginia and Maryland, where a thousand Acres of good Land cannot be bought under twenty Schillings an Acre, besides two Schillings yearly Acknowledgement for every hundred Acres; which Sum, be it more or less, will serve to put the Merchant or Planter here into a good Posture of Buildings, Slaves, and other Necessaries, where the Purchase of his Land comes to him on such easy Terms. And as our Grain and pulse thrives with us to admiration, no less do our Stocks of Cattle, Horses, Sheep, and Swine multiply.4

        4 Lawson's Journal, page 79 ff.


        "The Christian Natives of Carolina are a straight, clean-limb'd People; the Children being seldom or never troubled with Ricketts,


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or those other Distempers, that the Europeans are visited withal. 'Tis next to a miracle to see one of them deformed in Body. The Vicinity of the Sun makes Impression on the Men, who labour out of doors, or use the Water. As for those Women, that do not expose themselves to the Weather, they are often very fair, and generally as well featur'd, as you shall see anywhere, and have very brisk charming Eyes, which sets them off to Advantage. They marry very young; Some at Thirteen or Fourteen; and She that stays 'till Twenty is reckoned a stale Maid; which is a very indifferent Character in that warm Country. The Women are very fruitful; most Houses being full of Little Ones. It has been observ'd that Women long marry'd and without Children, in other Places, have remov'd to Carolina and become joyful Mothers. They have very easy Travail in their Childbearing, in which they are so happy, as seldom to miscarry. Both Sexes are generally spare of Body, and not Cholerick, nor easily cast down at Disappointments and Losses, seldom immoderately grieving at Misfortunes, unless for the Loss of their nearest Relations and Friends, which seems to make a more than ordinary Impression upon them. Many of the Women are very handy in Canoes, and will manage them with great Dexterity and Skill, which they become accustomed to in this Watery Country. They are ready to help their Husbands in any servile Work, as Planting, when the Season of the Weather requires Expedition; Pride seldom banishing good Houswifery. The Girls are not bred up to the Wheel and Sewing only; but the Dairy and affairs of the House they are very well acquainted withal; so that you shall see them, whilst very young, manage their Business with a great deal of Conduct and Alacrity. The Children of both Sexes are very docile, and learn anything with a great deal of Ease and Method; and those that have the Advantages of Education, write good Hands, and prove good accountants, which is most coveted, and indeed most necessary in these Parts. The young Men are commonly of a bashful, sober Behaviour; few proving Prodigals, to consume what the Industry of their Parents has left them, but commonly improve it.5

        5 Lawson's Journal, page 84.


        "I shall add this: That with prudent Management, I can affirm, by experience, not by Hear-say, that any Person, with a small Beginning, may live very comfortably, and not only provide for the Necessaries of Life but likewise for those that are to succeed him.6

        6 Lawson's Journal, page 86.


        "Moreover it is remarkable, that no place on the Continent of America has seated an English Colony so free from Bloodshed as Carolina; but all the others, have been more damag'd and disturb'd


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by the Indians than they have, which is worthy Notice, when one considers how oddly it was first planted with Inhabitants.7

        7 Lawson's Journal, page 86.


        "Great Plenty is generally the Ruin of Industry. Thus our Merchants are not many, nor have those few there be, apply'd themselves to the European Trade. The Planter sits contented at home, whilst his Oxen thrive and grow fat, and his Stocks daily increase; the fatted Porkets and Poultry are easily raised to his Table, and his Orchard affords him Liquor so that he eats, and drinks away the Cares of the World and desires no greater Happiness, than that which he daily enjoys. Whereas, not only the European, but also the Indian-Trade might be carried on to great profit, because we lie as fairly for the Body of Indians, as any Settlement in English-America; and for the small trade that has been carried on in the Way, the Dealers therein have throve as fast as any Men, and the soonest raised themselves of any People I have known in Carolina.8

        8 Lawson's Journal, page 86 ff.


        "One great Advantage of North-Carolina is that we are not a Frontier, and near the Enemy; which proves very chargeable and troublesome, in time of War, to those Colonies that are so seated. Another great Advantage comes from its being near Virginia, where we come often to a good Market, at the Return of the Guinea-Ships for Negro's, and the Remnant of their Stores, which is very commodious for the Indian trade.9

        9 Lawson's Journal, page 88 ff.


        "Therefore as my Intent was, I proceed to what remains of the Present State of Carolina, having already accounted for the Animals, and Vegetables, as far as this Volume, would allow of; whereby the Remainder, though not exactly known, may yet be guess'd at, if we consider what Latitude Carolina lies in, which reaches from 29 to 36 degrees, 30 minutes, Northern Latitude, as I have before observ'd. Which Latitude is as fertile and pleasant, as any in the World, as well as for the Produce of Minerals, Fruit, Grain, and Wine, as other rich Commodities. And indeed, all the Experiments that have been made in Carolina, of the Fertility and natural Advantages of the Country, have exceeded all Expectation, as affording some Commodities, which other Places, in the same Latitude, do not. As for Minerals, as they are subterraneous Products, so, in all new Countries, they are the Species that are last discover'd; and especially in Carolina, where the Indians never look for any thing lower than the Superficies of the Earth, being a Race of Men the least addicted to delving of any People that inhabit so fine a Country as Carolina is. As good if not better Mines than those of the Spaniards in America, lie full West from us; and I am certain, we have Mountainous Land, and as great Probability of


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having rich Minerals in Carolina, as any of those Parts that are already found to be so rich therein. But, waving this subject, till some other Opportunity, I shall now give you some Observations in general, concerning Carolina; which are, first, that it lies as convenient for trade as any of the Plantations in America."10

        10 Lawson's Journal, page 163.


        The Healthfulness of the Country is lauded next. He says that gout is rare and consumption they are wholly strangers to.11

        11 Lawson's Journal, page 164. A summary.


        "The trade with Virginia is good, for ships visiting there provision themselves from the products of Carolina and give bills of exchange for England which are as good as Sterling money, and while Tobacco may be very cheap at times provisions are always in demand. Besides the Carolinians can get to market when the northern colonies are frozen up. The Sand banks protect the coast from enemies, yet allow trading vessels to approach.

        "If a Man be a Botanist, here is a plentiful Field of Plants to divert him in; if he be a Gardner, and delight in that pleasant and happy Life, he will meet with a Climate and Soil, that will further and promote his Designs, in as great a Measure, as any Man can wish for; and as for the Constitution of this Government, it is so mild and easy, in respect to the Properties and Liberties of a Subject, that without rehearsing the Particulars, I say once for all, it is the mildest and best established Government in the World, and the Place where any Man may peaceably enjoy his Justice and Equity which is the Golden Rule that every Government ought to be built upon, the regulated by. Besides, it is worthy our Notice, that this Province has been settled, and continued the most free from the Insults and Barbarities of the Indians, of any Colony that was ever yet seated in America; which must be esteemed as a particular Providence of God handed down from Heaven, to these People; especially when we consider, how irregularly they settled North Carolina, and yet how undisturb'd they have ever remain'd, free from any Foreign Danger or Loss, even to this very Day. And what may well be looked upon for as great a Miracle, this is a Place, where no Malefactors are found, deserving Death, or even a Prison for Debtors; there being no more than two Persons, that, so far as I have been able to learn, ever suffer'd as Criminals, although it has been a Settlement near sixty years; One of whom was a Turk that committed Murder; the other, an old woman, for Witchcraft. These, 'tis true were on the Stage and acted many Years, before I knew the Place; but as for the last, I wish it had been undone to this Day; although they give a great many Arguments to justifie the Deed, which I should rather they should have a hand


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in, than myself; feeling I could never approve of taking Life away upon such Accusations, the Justice whereof I could never yet understand.12

        12 Lawson's Journal, page 166.


        "But to return to the Subject in Hand; we there make extraordinary good Bricks throughout the Settlement. All sorts of Handicrafts, as Carpenters, Joiners, Masons, Plaisterers, Shooemakers, Tanners, Taylors, Weavers, and most others may, with small Beginnings, and God's Blessing, thrive very well in this Place, and provide Estates for their Children, Land being sold at a much cheaper Rate there, than in any other Place in America, and may, as I suppose, be purchased of the Lords-Proprietors here in England, or of the Governor there for the time being, by any that shall have a mind to transport themselves to that Country. The Farmers that go thither (for which sort of men it is a very thriving place) should take some particular Seeds of Grass, as Trefoil, Clover-grass all sort, Sanfoin, and Common Grass . . . Hoes of all sorts, Axes, Saws, Wedges, Augurs, Nails, Hammers, Tools for Brick and Stonework."13

        13 Lawson's Journal, page 167 ff.


        He compares the price of land which is 1-50 in Carolina of what it is in Virginia with a lower quit rent.

        "And as there is a free Exercise of all Persuasions amongst Christians, the Lords Proprietors, to encourage Ministers of the Church of England, have given free Land towards the Maintenance of a Church, and especially, for the Parish of S. Thomas in Pampticough, over against the Town, is already laid out for a Glebe of two hundred and twenty-three Acres of rich well-situated Land, that a Parsonage House may be built upon."14

        14 Lawson's Journal, page 167 ff. In part, a summary.


        It is noticeable, in view of what followed that none of the accounts referred to show any apprehension of immediate danger from the Indians, though Spotswood's correspondance and Byrd's writings prove that they recognized that such a menace existed, and one cannot but believe that these accounts glossed over the danger in the attempt to attract settlers.

        This is sufficient to show why Graffenried decided to turn towards North Carolina when occasion afforded him the chance. As yet he had no other colonists engaged than his few miners and their families. It was not long, though, before he had prospect of a considerable increase in the size and dignity of his undertaking.


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CHAPTER V

        GRAFFENRIED AND MICHEL UNITE THEIR MINING PROJECT TO THE BERN-RITTER COLONIZATION COMPANY, OF WHICH MICHEL IS AGENT--GRAFFENREID MADE LANDGRAVE--NEGOTIATIONS FOR LAND AND SETTLERS--650 PALATINES SECURED--THEY START IN JANUARY, 1710--DIFFICULTIES IN GETTING THE BERN CONVICTS THROUGH HOLLAND--GRAFFENRIED AND MICHEL SECURE MINING CONCESSIONS--DISCUSSION OF THE CONTRACT WITH THE GEORG RITTER COMPANY--ASSISTANCE PROMISED BY THE PROPRIETORS--SWISS COLONY STARTS IN THE SUMMER OF 1710

        The early part of the year 1709 found Graffenried in London, waiting to see what could be done about his intended mines. To a man of active temperament, burdened with debts, and anxious to get something started that would enable him to clear them, the delays of this year must have been most exasperating. His plans so far were only tentative and he was waiting for any better offer that might be made him by any of his friends in England.

        His partner, Franz Louis Michel, as has been stated in Chapter III, was meanwhile conducting negotiations for the Ritter Company. This company was also to bring over religious convicts for the Canton of Bern; and so had a semi-official character.1

        1 E. Mueller, Bernische Taeufer, page 258.


On the 28th of April, 1709 "Mr. Mitchells Proposals in the name of some of the Swiss Cantons of Bern were read (at Craven House) and it was then agreed that 10,000 Acres of Land on or betwixt News or Cape Fear or their branches in North Carolina should be set out for the Proposers or their heirs they paying to the Lords Proprietors £10 purchase money for each thousand acres to the Lords Proprietors and their Heirs forever.

        "Agreed further that 100,000 Acres be reserved to the proposers for 12 years during which term no other person shall purchase any of the same, which said 100,000 Acres are to be set out by the Surveyor General and may be purchased by any of the Proposers at the rate above mentioned during the term of seven years but after that time is expired they are to pay according to the custome of that part of the Province.

        "And lastly that one of their number be made a Landgrave he paying for 5000 acres the usuall purchase money for each 1000 acres the customary quitrent for every 100 acres to the Lords Proprietors for the same."2

        2 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 707.



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        Meanwhile the influx of Germans into England, treated of in Chapters I and II, was beginning. On the 28th of April, the day that Michel's proposals were read, Luttrell mentions that, "the elector Palatine, upon many protestant families leaving his domains, and gone for England to be transported to Pennsylvania, has publish'd an order, making it death and confiscation of goods for any of his subjects to quit their native country."3

        3 Luttrell, vol. VI, page 435.


Some time after this they arrived in England. From this passage, as well as from the encouragement the people themselves received, it is clear that the general notion was that these Germans were to be sent to America. But now a greater number of people on their hands than they expected, there was difficulty in executing the plan. Schemes were proposed; some suggested Reya de la Plata, Jamaica, the sugar islands, the Canary Islands, New England, Pennsylvania, Virginia, the Jerseys, Maryland, and England itself.4

        4 Eccl. Rec., vol. 3, page 1790.


The Proprietors also wanted to share in any advantage that might be reaped from the foreigners; and on July 11 "detailed proposals were made for the encouragement of the palatinate's transportation into the province of Carolina."5

        5 Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 179.


What these proposals were is given in part by Luttrell, July 16, 1709. "The Lords Proprietors of Carolina have made proposals to a committee of council to take all the Palatines here from 15 to 45 years old, and send them to their plantations; but her majestie to be at the charge of transporting them, which will be above 10£, a head."6

        6 Luttrell, vol. VI, page 465.


        While this was under consideration, the proprietors, apparently fully confident of the success of their plan, wished the persons immediately concerned to know about it and on July 28, they "ordered, that the advertisement printed in the gazette for the palatinates' transportation, be printed in High Dutch, for the use of the poor palatines and the rest of the Germans."7

        7 Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 179.


        Graffenried could hardly have been a member of the Swiss colonization company at the time the proposals were made [April 28] or his name would have been given. He was then in London, and well known from his previous life in the court circles of Charles II. The proprietors were, as ever, anxious to sell an extra 5000 acres of land; and if they could persuade any of the company to buy with such an inducement as a title thrown in, they would gladly do so. It is not strange, then, that shortly after this Graffenried did become a member of the company, for Michel who was interested with him in the mining project, was also interested in the Bern-Ritter colonization scheme; and a community of interests in one direction would naturally


Page 45

bring the two men together in any other scheme where one was involved. Thus, before anything definite about the Proprietors' proposals for settling the Germans on their land had been made by the committee, Graffenried paid 50£ for 5000 acres [August 4, 1709] and was made a Landgrave.8

        8 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 717.


Of the 5000 acres, 1250 had belonged to Lawson, but what arrangements Lawson had with the Proprietors is nowhere given. But the important thing is that from this time on Graffenried, who had not been mentioned in the preceding proposals, is the most prominent member in the company.

        The committee, having considered the proposals made on July 11th were still unable to make any decision; and on the 11th of August the Proprietors gave a few more details of their plan. At that time they had decided to give the poor Palatines who should have a mind to settle in Carolina, whether man, woman, or child, 100 acres of land each, free from quitrent for ten years, after which they were to pay one penny per acre yearly; or if they should settle in towns, they were to have lands to build upon for three lives, or 99 years, with opportunity for renewal.9

        9 Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 157.


        These proposals from the Proprietors had not borne any fruit as yet, when arrangements were made between Graffenried, Michel, and the Proprietors to take the place of Michel's arrangement of April 28. On the 3rd of September, 100,000 acres were granted to Graffenried and his heirs, and it was agreed to sell Michel 3500 acres.10

        10 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 1718.


From the contract with Georg Ritter and Company we know, however, that the 10,000 mentioned on page 43, paragraph 2, were for the society and Graffenried himself owned but 5,000 acres in his own private right.

        On the 22 of September, 1709, a warrant was signed at Craven House for only 2,500 acres to Michel,11

        11 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 718 ff.


and this is the amount he is credited with in the contract. In the French version Graffenried claims to have paid for 15,000 acres on the Neuse and Trent Rivers and 2,500 on the Weetock. The delays Michel's negotiations had suffered, and the statement in the contract that Ritter had advanced considerable sums,12

        12 German Version, Contract.


along with Graffenried's statement above, make it seem probable that Ritter advanced the money to Graffenried for all but Graffenried's own 5,000 acres, and that Graffenried actually paid it over to the Duke of Beaufort at Craven House. However, this may be, he appears to have been responsible for the full 17,500 after the settlement was made.

        Later in the year the propositions of the Proprietors to take charge of the Palatines found a better reception, for on the 10th of October it


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was allowed to Graffenried and Michel to take 600 of them, making about 92 families. Eleven days later 50 more persons were added.13

        13 Col. Rec., vol. I, 986.


Graffenried had the choosing of these and he picked out young, healthy, and industrious persons of various trades. The only lack, then, was a minister, and Graffenried was empowered by the Bishop of London to exercise the two important functions for a young colony, marriage and baptism.14

        14 German Version, French Version.


The Queen promised 5£ 10 shillings for each emigrant to pay for their passage and gave each 20 shillings worth of clothes as a present.15

        15 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 986.


        The colonists were secured against fraud by a bond for 5,000£ which Graffenried was required to give to the commissioners for the faithful performance of his obligations.16

        16 German Version, Report.


But for some reason there was a long delay in sending the colony after the contract with the committee had been signed, and it was not until January, 1710, that they finally departed for America.17

        17 French Version, German Version.


        Things were not moving any more rapidly for the Swiss portion of the settlers. The first company of these, numbering about one hundred persons, left Bern, March 8, 1710.18

        18 German Version, Letters.


To them there was to have been added at some stage of the journey, the 56 convicts, men who had been in prison now two years because of their Anabaptist views. Passes through England had already been secured, but it was not until March 12 that the Swiss Ambassador to Holland, St. Saphorin, was instructed to get the consent and assistance of the Dutch authorities in bringing the prisoners on their way.19

        19 Bernische Taeufer, page 259.


On March 18 the little band of convicts started by boat from Bern under Michel's care. The States General had not yet given their consent and showed no signs of doing so, as they had no sympathy with the Anabaptist persecutions, for in Holland people of this sect were welcomed on account of their industry and orderly lives.

        Difficulties arose, however, to prevent the execution of the design. On the way down the Rhine just one half of the number became too sick to proceed further, and had to be left in the Palatinate. The most tactful diplomacy the Ambassador could use failed to effect aid from the States General, for by the laws of Holland these prisoners on reaching Dutch territory would thereby become free. And the Dutch authorities determined to see the law enforced. If these people of their free will wished to go to America, nothing would be laid in the way, but they could not be brought through Holland as prisoners. An attempt to have the English Ambassador Townshend use


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his influence in favor of the deportation failed also, for he asserted the Queen wished to have only voluntary colonists in her provinces.

        Michel, who had this expedition in charge, finally got his twenty-eight remaining prisoners as far as Nimwegen, a town a short distance across the border of Holland, and hoped to be able to send them the rest of the way to England. But the vigilance of the Dutch Anabaptists discovered the prisoners; complaint was made; and they were immediately released and allowed to go back to their friends in the Palatinate, or wherever they would, in search of their families from whom they had been so long separated.20

        20 Bernische Taeufer, page 258 ff.


From one of the letters in which the writer claims to have started from Bern March 1821

        21 German Version. Letters.


it would appear that one, at least, kept on to America.

        On May 18, 1710, while the Swiss were on the way, Graffenried and Michel signed the contract with Georg Ritter and Peter Isot, by which they became, legally, members of the Georg Ritter Company. The foundation of the enterprise was the 17,000 acres actually purchased and the twelve years' option on the 100,000 acres.22

        22 German Version, Contract.


They also had permission to take up land above the falls of the Potomac, which would, however, be held of the Crown, subject to the Governor of Virginia. The amount actually paid for land was 175£. Besides these land grants they had mining rights in Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania.23

        23 German Version, Contract.


Those rights in Carolina are defined as follows:

        "Agreed that Baron de Graffenried and Mr. Lewis Michel shall have a lease of all royal mines and minerals in the Province of Carolina that they shall discover and work for a term of 30 years, they being at the entire charge. The produce of it to be divided into eight parts whereof four eights are to be paid to the Lords Proprietors the other four eights to the said Baron de Graffenried and Mr. Lewis Michel for the term of 5 years after any such Mines shall be found and opened. But after the aforesaid term of five years then the Lords to have five eights, the said Baron de Graffenried and Mr. Lewis Michel three eights the Lords being to pay the Crown the fourth part according to the Words of the Charter."24

        24 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 728.


[Apparently this was to be the fourth part of the half which for the first five years should go to the two operators, or one eighth of the whole.]

        In their contracts with the Georg Ritter Company, however, Michel, who had done all of the exploration and claimed to have found mines, was to have all the product for three years after the opening of the mines, except what belonged to the Proprietors. In the fourth year


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Ritter and Graffenried were to draw from the produce according to the amount they had subscribed, and the surplus, for the seventeen years the society was to continue, was to go to the members, and they were to pay Ritter for the capltal he advanced out of the production of the first year of the mine in case it turned out well.25

        25 German Version, Contract.


The contract between the Company and the other provinces is not given; in fact the claims of the Crown were not settled as far as Virginia was concerned, and a year or two later the uncertainty caused Spotswood considerable anxiety.26

        26 Spotswood, vol. I, page 161. June 11, 1712.


        The stock of the company consisted of 7,200£ divided into twenty-four shares of 300£, no one person holding more than one share; but it was not all paid in, for Michel was credited with a share to pay him for his discoveries which he claimed to have made and for the 2,500 acres which he turned into the society. Graffenried had a share credited to him for his 5,000 acres and his labors with the Palatines; and Georg Ritter had a share for expenses already incurred, leaving only 6,300£ to be paid in. Albrecht von Graffenried had paid in his share, but when the contarct was signed others had not contributed their amounts; and since they had until September, 1711, to do so,27

        27 German Versionm Contract.


it is impossible to tell how much Graffenried had on hand to support himself and his colonists. The report written months afterwards [in May, 1711] indicates a lack of 2,400£ which should have been raised in some way. At that time he had spent 2,228£, a part or all of which he had borrowed;28

        28 German Version.


and the 2,400£ would have paid this and left a little besides, and so very likely the keeping of the contract would have saved the colony.

        The amount of help he might expect from the Proprietors is not definitely stated. But from the following resolutions passed at Craven House September 3, 1709, at the time the 10,000 acres were bought, it would appear that there was a possibility of Graffenried's being disappointed, even if the promise had been kept, for "To the 2nd Proposal relating to the poor Palatines that shall be transported into North Carolina, It was resolv'd that their Lordships will not undertake to provide them with all provisions they shall want but they will give directions to their Receiver General to supply the Palatines with such provisions as may be spared from the necessary use of the government at the same rates he received them the sd Christopher de Graffenried and Lewis Michel paying their Lordships for the same in Sterling money in London at the end of two years after the arrivals of the Palatines in North Carolina at £50 per Cent discount."29

        29 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 718.


In
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a letter by Urmstone, quoted in part, in Chapter X, it is stated that Graffenried was to expect 1,500£ colonial money. This statement may be somewhat exaggerated as are other statements in the letter; but taken in connection with the fact that Cary, as we shall see, promised to give him 500£ on the proprietors' account, it showed conclusively that Graffenried had reason to expect substantial assistance from them. And yet as it turned out (see Chapters VIII and X) this provision saved the Lords Proprietors from giving any assistance to the colony and became a powerful contributing cause to the ruin of the enterprise, a circumstance which Graffenried could not be expected to have forseen from the glowing accounts he had received, of the land and its government, in London.

        After a pleasant voyage Graffenried and his Switzers came in sight of land September 10th, and the 11th they came ashore.30

        30 German Version, Letters; French Version.


The news which he then received of his first shiploads must have been a terrible disappointment, for despite the fact that he had had the Royal Commissioners inspect the ships and had sent the emigrants under the care of Surveyor General Lawson, Receiver General Gale, and another official going to Carolina, many of them had died on the voyage because of the overcrowding of the ships and the salt food which did not agree with them.


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CHAPTER VI

        DISCUSSION OF THE TRANSPORTATION FACILITIES PROVIDED FOR THE PALATINES BY THE COMMISSIONERS--THE COLONY PLUNDERED BY A FRENCH PRIVATEER--GRAFFENRIED AND HIS COLONY ARRIVE SEPTEMBER 10; THEY LEARN OF THE DISTRESS OF THE FIRST SHIPLOADS--GRAFFENRIED AND HIS SWISS START FOR NORTH CAROLINA AS SOON AS POSSIBLE AFTER LANDING

        It was certainly not to the credit of the commissioners that these people endured such hardships. Graffenried had them make a particular inspection before the ships started to be sure all was right, for his own experience in shipping was limited; but since the same crowding of the passengers, the same bad food, and the same appalling mortality prevailed on the ships which were carrying the Palatines to New York, the only conclusion is that the commissioners were either shamefully careless of the lives of these people, or totally unfitted by their ignorance to have charge of the transportation of so many. When the proprietors first asked to have some of the Palatines sent to their colonies at the government's expense, Luttrell1

        1 Luttrell, page 465.


estimated that it would require over 10£ for each person. In the case of Graffenried's colonists this figure was cut down to 5£ 10 shillings by the commissioners. Graffenried himself, later, estimated that 100 persons could be carried on a ship of 120 tons burden from Holland to America for 700£ at 7£ per person. Boehme2

        2 Pennsylvanien im 17. Jahrhundert, page 67.


in 1711 estimated the cost of transportation from England to America as 7£ for adults and half of that for children.

        The committee fixed on the lowest amount possible and paid the ship captains in advance for each passenger. The following passage written at the time of the emigration to New York shows how wretched the management really was, though, of course, the ship captains must bear their share in this disgrace.

        "Man hat zwar den Kapitänen, die die Uberführung dahin übernahmen, auf den Kopf einen gewissen Betrag vergütet, aber bei der grossen Menge mussten die Leute dermassen eingepfercht werden, dass viele davon, noch ehe die englische Küste ausser Sicht kam, sehr unter Gestantz und Ungeziefer gelitten haben, ganz abgesehen davon, dass die zu unterst Liegenden weder frische Luft schöpfen konnten, noch das Lageslicht sahen. Namentlich sind unter diesen Umständen die Kinder zahlreich dahingestorden, vollends bey stürmischer See.


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Ja von mehreren Familien bleib niemand übrig, weder Kinder, noch die Eltern selbst. in Briefen von Portsmouth, wo die Einschiffung statt fand, ist im April 1710 hierher nach London mitgeteilt worden, dass auf einem einzigen der Schiffe noch vor der Abfahrt achtzig der Auswanderer gestorben sind. Hundert andere Iägen noch krank darin und schienen den Gestordenen nachfolgen zu wollen. Die Ursache der Sterblichkeit wäre teils in der engen Einpferchung, teils daren zu suchen, dass der Schiffsherr die Menschen nicht mit guter und gesunder Nahrung versehe. Aber eben der Lod der Aufwanderer bedeute Gewinn für den Schiffsherrn, da er dann auf der Fahrt weniger Leute zu verköftigen brauche."3

        3 Pennsylvanien im 17. Jahrundert, page 66 ff. The author is here quoting a German writer, Hoen, but with orthographic changes and modern expressions in the German where the original is not easily understood.


        "They had, to be sure, granted the captains who undertook the transport a certain amount per head, but because of the great number the people had to be packed in so that many of them, even before they got out of sight of the English coast suffered from the foul odor and vermin, entirely apart from the fact that those lying below could neither get fresh air nor see the light of day. And so under these circumstances many children died, especially with a stormy sea. Indeed, of many families no one survived, neither children nor the parents themselves. In letters from Portsmouth, where the embarkation took place, it was reported to London that upon one single ship even before the departure eighty of the emigrants died. Hundreds of the others lay sick therein and seemed to want to follow the dead. The cause of the mortality could be sought partly in the close crowding and partly in the fact that the shipmaster did not provide the people with good and wholesome food. But even the death of the emigrants meant gain for the shipmaster, for then upon the voyage he had to feed less people."


        Sickness and death was not all the Palatines had to endure; for just at the mouth of the James River in full view of shore and of an English warship, they were overhauled by a French privateer and one of the ships plundered. The people on board were deprived of even their clothes, and when they came ashore several more died from eating fruit and drinking water. In all, the losses amounted to about half the number which set out. Those who had finally recovered and were left alive had now been in their new home in Carolina several months, when Graffenried and the Switzers landed on September 10th.

        He had doubtless been informed immediately of the disasters which had attended his first shiploads of colonists on their voyage and after landing; and their urgent letters were not needed to make him see that his presence was required in Carolina at once. As a Landgrave and head of an important colony he had some obligations to the Governor of Virginia, and therefore could not go immediately into Carolina, but had first to call and pay his respects to the head of the colony. As Spotswood himself was not at home, he called upon the Lieutenant-Governor, and also met Edward Hyde, who had been sent by the Proprietors to be governor of North Carolina; and through them he was made acquainted with the political situation in Carolina. He made his visit as short as he decently could and before long he


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and his people set out over land for the Chowan River, where they expected to find boats to take them to their tract on the Neuse and Trent.

        Leaving them at this point for a time we must now recall some of the events of the years preceding, in order better to appreciate what Graffenried encountered on his arrival in America.


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CHAPTER VII

        THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENT--EARLY GOVERNMENT--DEVELOPMENT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT--IMPOSITION OF LOCKE'S FUNDAMENTALS--CONFUSIONS RESULTING FROM ATTEMPTS TO ENFORCE CERTAIN PROVISIONS AND NAVIGATION LAWS--TROUBLE GROWING OUT OF TEST OATHS--CARY IN OPEN OPPOSITION TO EDWARD HYDE, THE PROPRIETORS' APPOINTEE--GRAFFENRIED MET BY A DELEGATION AND OFFERED THE PRESIDENCY OF THE COUNCIL--HE REFUSES A TEMPTING OFFER FOR THE SAKE OF HIS COLONY

        The first immigrants into the Carolinas were wealthy Virginians who were attracted by the opportunity to better their condition, and not religious refugees as has generally been supposed. They purchased land of the Indians and settled themselves about Albemarle Sound as early as 1659,1

        1 Johns Hopkins Historical Studies, May-June, 1892; Ashe, vol. I, page 59.


without asking permission of anyone. In 1662 Governor Berkeley of Virginia gave them patents and required of them the quit rents usual in Virginia, that is one farthing per acre. They did not form compact towns, but each planter had his own wharf to which trading vessels came. No very serious Indian troubles drove them to continuously concerted action; and as they had no ministers for a long time, although many of them doubtless belonged to the established church, there grew up a reckless sort of independence which was strengthened by the arrival of new colonists, from the attempted settlements of New Englanders at Cape Fear, which had failed, partly because the colonists had stubbornly resisted the purpose of the proprietors to appoint governors over them rather than let them elect their own.

        These proprietors were eight favorites of Charles II whom he wished to reward for their assistance in helping him to his throne after the downfall of the Protectorate. They were given almost absolute power, holding all the rights which the Bishop of Durham held. Besides they had the power to create an order of nobility among the inhabitants of their domains, but the titles were not to be the same as those used in England and the laws they should make were not to be opposed to those of England. The grant took in a strip from ocean to ocean between 31° and 36° north latitude, the same grant which Charles I had made to Robert Heath in 1629.

        Later, in 1665, the grant made to Robert Heath was formally set aside and the proprietors were given an increase, the new grant extending from 29° to 36° 30', north latitude. They were allowed also


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discretionary powers with regard to freedom of conscience, and could grant religious liberty and toleration as they chose.

        Another provision of the charter is so important in this later history that I shall quote verbatim so much of it as applies. "And also to ordain, make and enact, and under their seals, to publish any laws and constitutions whatsoever, either appertaining to the publick state of the said whole province or territory, or of any district or particular county, barony or colony, of or within the same, or to the private utility of particular persons, according to their best discretion, by and with the advice, assent and approbation of the freemen of the said province or territory, or of the freemen of the county, barony or colony, for which such law or constitution shall be made, or the greater part of them, or their delegation or deputies, whom for enacting of the said laws, when, and as often as need shall require,2

        2 The italics are mine, V. H. T.


we will that the said Edward Earle of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Cartaret, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, and their heirs or assigns, shall from time to time assemble in such manner and form as to them shall seem best; etc."3

        3 Carrol's Collections, vol. II, page 43 ff.


A saving clause permitted laws to be passed on an emergency, which had not received the sanction of the people.

        In 1664 a man named Drummond was sent out with six councilors to be governor of the province. With them was sent the Concessions, under which all this territory of Carolina was to be governed. By this document the freemen were either to meet in one body or to elect twelve representatives to act with the six councilors. The first assembly which met not later than 1665 was composed of all the freemen, and was in this respect a democratic body. Full liberty of conscience was established with this exception that the General Assembly might appoint as many ministers as it pleased, thus giving a preference to the Church of England. Officers were either to swear allegiance or to sign a declaration in a book, and no tax was to be levied without the consent of the Assembly. The Assembly might choose a president in place of an absent governor or deputy governor. Quit rents were made a halfpenny per acre. Until 1667 the governor, six councilors, and the twelve deputies (for the meeting of all the freemen was not continued) sat in one body. In the general meeting of 1665 a petition had been sent to the proprietors that the quit rent be reduced to the rate which prevailed in Virginia of one farthing per acre payable in commodities. In 1668 this was granted in an instrument called ever since the "Great Deed," and any encroachments upon its provisions by the proprietors were bitterly resented.


Page 55

        After these years of self-government there came an unwelcome change, which in Carolina marks the beginning of that unrest which finally ended with the Revolution, for never after this was there any extended period of satisfaction with the government from England, whether administered by the proprietors or the royal governors. One of the proprietors, the Earl of Shaftesbury, had his friend, the philosopher John Locke, draw up a system of government for the colony; and in 1669, what was considered the most perfect system ever devised was sent out to be tried on the few scattered settlers in this vast woods. No stretch of the imagination can make this seem like emergency legislation, and there is not the slightest ground for thinking the proprietors considered it as such; the freemen never unqualifiedly sanctioned it; and therefore, by the provision of the charter above quoted, this Grand Model of government was not legally binding upon the people. The resistance, however, was not entirely consistent. For example, they objected to the requirement of an oath to support the constitution, and in this degree, they may be said to have objected to the whole plan; but nevertheless they accepted the provision for regularly holding elections for their representatives, and for having meetings every two years whether the governor called one or not. There is no evidence that they were opposed to the theoretical founding of high sounding courts, or an actual establishing of a hereditary nobility. Their great complaint was against a raise of the quit rents from a farthing to a penny per acre, payable in silver.

        Further trouble was caused by attempts to enforce the navigation laws. In 1673 Carteret tired of trying to enforce the enactments, resigned the governorship, and from that time till 1707 there were six open revolts leading to the deposition or suspension of governors and collectors. The people had never been trained in the obedience presupposed in the constitutions, and resisted every attempt to invade their previous liberties.

        To these economic and political disturbances were added religious difficulties. The proprietors had allowed people of dissenting opinions to settle in their dominions and practice their religious worship as they wished, so long as they refrained from disturbing others. But the idea, nevertheless, had always been to establish the Church of England in the colonies in Carolina. The first missionaries sent out by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel were unfortunate choices. They antagonized many of their own faith as well as the dissenters, for the very idea of having a church supported by the state was repugnant to many of them. After the visit of Edmundson and Fox in 1672 the Quakers, too, had become rather numerous; and, of course, they objected to being compelled to pay for the support


Page 56

of other ministers than their own, and in particular, to the support of Church of England ministers.

        In 1698, by act of Parliament, oaths of office were required of the governors of colonies; and in 1701, Governor Walker had the Assembly pass an act to establish parishes and churches and maintain ministers. The Quakers, Presbyterians, and some members of the Established Church objected very strongly to this. But the trouble calmed down without being finally settled when the bill was vetoed by the proprietors because they considered it inadequate. In 1704 Daniel became governor, and he required the oath of allegiance to Queen Anne, in accordance with an act of Parliament, and denied the right of any to sign a declaration in a book, in lieu of the oath, a privilege which had been expressly granted in the instructions of 1670.4

        4 Col. Rec., vol I, page 181.


The governor was technically in the right in his demand, for such oaths were required very strictly in England at this time and for years afterwards; but the laws had always been dead letters in Carolina, and might just as well have been treated as such at this time if Governor Daniel had desired to have it so. The measure seems to have been aimed at the Quakers, since this effectually excluded them from the Assembly, weakened the opposition to the strict Church party to this degree and allowed the establishing of the Church of England by law, as Lord Granville, the most influential of the proprietors, desired. This was so distasteful to the Presbyterians and other dissenters who might ordinarily be expected to favor the exclusion of the Quakers, that they united with them and secured Daniel's removal by order of the proprietors. This compliance of the proprietors shows that there was no need of applying the act of Parliament regarding oaths very rigidly in the colonies.

        Thomas Cary, who before this had been a merchant in South Carolina, was next appointed. He shared the general feeling against the Quakers, and not only had them excluded by this same test oath, but also imposed a fine upon those who should enter upon an office without first taking the oath. He also secured the passage of another law by which the election of any one who promoted his own candidacy was declared void. By the application of this measure he could keep out anyone he chose, by merely having it shown that the person in question had in some way promoted his own interests in the election. These enactments gave him control over Presbyterians as well as Quakers, but the measures were too thorough, and Mr. John Porter was sent to England to petition the proprietors for relief; and in 1707 he returned bringing an instrument by which the laws regarding oaths were suspended and Cary removed from the government. At the


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time of his arrival, however, Cary was absent, and William Glover, President of the Council, was acting in his place. Porter, therefore, did not at once enforce his new instrument; but left Glover in power, and held in abeyance the action against Cary. Yet, since Glover was still keeping the Quakers out by the test oaths, discontent grew until Cary, Porter, Pollock and Foster, heads of various factions, in 1708 unitedly issued a proclamation to the people to obey the existing government. But the coming of two Church of England missionaries, Adams and Gordon, at this time, was the signal for another outbreak on the part of the different dissenting bodies, who saw in the actions of the government a menace to their religious liberty, and an attempt to saddle the established church on the colony.

        Porter next broke with Glover, and Cary was elected. Since Lord Granville was now dead, there was no need for Cary to still hold high church views; and while there is no record of such an agreement, it appears that Cary promised to give up the requirement of the test oaths and other restrictions. And it was probably for this reason that he was chosen president of the council. Glover also claimed to be president since his incumbency had not been disturbed by Porter's instructions from the proprietors, while they had said specifically that Cary should be removed. Glover certainly had some right on his side as well as did Cary, for by the Constitutions and by precedent the president of the council was to be governor in the absence of a governor or his deputy, approved by the proprietors. Thus we find two governors, and the country in turmoil. The principals agreed to leave the decision to an assembly, and each issued writs for an election. Cary had the majority of votes if the Quakers were admitted. Glover, however, insisted upon the exclusion of the Quakers, but without avail, and he with Pollock and Gale, went over into Virginia, leaving Cary in charge. But still a large faction, composed of those who had been trained in public affairs during the time that the others had been kept out by the exclusion laws, was dissatisfied, and the government was not very efficient.

        In 1708 Tynte had been appointed governor of South Carolina with instructions to deputize Edward Hyde over the northern colony, and until Hyde should come Tynte left Cary in charge. Unfortunately for affairs in North Carolina, Tynte died during the summer of 1710 without signing Hyde's commission and administering the oath, and since under the circumstances Hyde did not care to come into the colony, he was still in Virginia when Graffenried landed with his Switzers in September, 1710, and after a short delay started for Carolina.

        At Somerton a delegation of Quakers and other persons met him, and desired him by virtue of his title of Landgrave to take the


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presidency of the council, which, in the absence of the governor, as had been noticed, carried with it the executive function. If Graffenried had been ambitious for himself he might well have been tempted by the offer. He was the friend of Hyde, whose appointment lacked only a signature and an oath to make it valid, and as such might have felt sure of the support of Hyde's adherents and of many of Cary's dissenters. Moreover, since Glover's departure for Virginia, his followers were looking forward to Hyde's coming, and these men, too, would probably have supported him. His favor with the Queen and the proprietors, which must have been well known in the colony, since he had been made Landgrave and his Palatines had been provided for over a year before, might have led him to hope that a goodly number from the contending parties could be brought to recognize him as their executive officer, for Hyde had no patents and was, in addition, afraid to trust himself in the province. If Graffenried had been acquainted with the previous history of the colony at all, he would have known that there was not much to fear from the proprietors, so long as he could keep the factions united. Their weakness in dealing with their colonies was well recognized,5

        5 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 725.


and just as in the case of Cary, they could be expected to leave the matter in statu quo so long as no complaint was made to them. That the factions were tiring of the struggle is shown by the fact that after Graffenried refused to be led astray by such brilliant prospects, they united in an address to Hyde to take the presidency until his commission should arrive. Cary himself was one of the signers,6

        6 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 725.


persuaded, to be sure, by Graffenried.7

        7 German Version.


For Graffenried, although his refusal was not accepted by the delegation, had resolved to devote his time and energies to his settlement, and to avoid the difficulties of politics.


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CHAPTER VIII

        GRAFFENRIED'S PRECARIOUS POSITION--THE PALATINES' PITIFUL CONDITION--GRAFFENRIED DEFRAUDED--NO HELP TO BE OBTAINED FROM THE PROPRIETORS--MAKES PEACE WITH THE INDIANS--LAWSON'S HUMANE SENTIMENTS NOT BORNE OUT IN HIS TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS--MICHEL DISTURBS THE PROCEEDINGS--GRAFFENRIED COMPELLED BY CIRCUMSTANCES AS WELL AS INCLINATION TO JOIN HYDE'S FACTION

        Graffenried's position was now a peculiar one. On the one hand, he had, immediately on his arrival, become one of the most influential men in the province. His title of Landgrave, the fame of his undertaking, and his friendship with eminent persons in England made him very much respected, and yet of the actual necessaries of life he had almost nothing with which to support his dignity. When he reached the settlement he found conditions worse than he expected. Lawson had not sold all the land on the point between the Neuse and the Trent Rivers to Graffenried, and in order to further his own interests, he had settled those under his charge on his own land to gain the benefit of any clearing they might do. Thus when Graffenried came, the Palatines found their summer's work had gone for nothing. The directors had also exploited them by taking their goods in return for their services in looking after them on the way over, and what was left after this had gone to the English settlers in return for food to keep them alive. Moreover, the place where Lawson had settled them was on a southern exposure where the heat was very oppressive, and as a result, sickness was added to starvation. To make matters worse, instead of finding the land free of Indians as he had been led to believe it was, he discovered that King Taylor with a small tribe of twenty families was still living there, and that they were none too well pleased to have their lands taken up in this way, for they had never as yet been paid for the tract. If in this situation the Germans did not supply their wants by hunting, supposing they had the strength and equipment, one cannot blame them. As for living on fish, oysters, and crabs, such a diet in the heat of summer after they had been weakened by their illness on the long voyage across the Atlantic and after landing in Virginia would have been almost impossible.

        But Graffenried's coming changed all this, for he brought supplies for their present needs, and began immediately to see what could be done on the account of the Lords Proprietors with the province. His treatment of the Indians on this and later occasions is more a


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credit to his heart than to his business sagacity, perhaps, if one may judge his actions by the standard set by most of the whites who have had dealings with the Indians. The result justified him in his peculiar notions, however, when it came to be a life and death matter with him. He had previously paid for the particular piece of ground where the settlement was then being made, supposing that the original owners had been satisfied for it and had moved off leaving it perfectly free for white settlers. Likewise it was scarcely to be expected that Lawson would work a fraud on him and an injustice to the Indians after such generous expressions as the following, chosen from several such to be found in his book:

        "These are them that wear the English Dress. Whether they have Cattle now or no, I am not certain; but I am of the Opinion that such Inclinations in the Savages should meet with Encouragement, and every Englishman ought to do them Justice and not defraud them of their Land, which has been allotted them formerly by the Government; for if we do not shew them Examples of Justice and Vertue, we can never bring them to believe us to be a worthier Race of Men than themselves.

        "They are really better to us than we are to them; they always give us Victuals at their Quarters, and take Care we are armed against Hunger and Thirst; we do not so by them (generally speaking) but let them by our Doors hungry, and do not often relieve them. We look upon them with Scorn and Disdain and think them little better than Beasts in humane Shape, though if well examined, we shall find that for all our Religion and Education, we possess more moral Deformities and Evils than these Savages do, or are acquainted withal."1

        1 Lawson's Journal, pages 192 ff.


        It appears, though, that an opportunity to enrich himself overcame his scruples and he did as others had done before him, disposed of land which by rights was not yet his to dispose of. When Graffenried came and found the savages still claimed the land, rightfully as he looked at it, Lawson's advice to chase them off did not appeal to him, although it would have been possible, perhaps, to do so. Rather, he paid them for the tract and established friendly relations with them. Then finding that his people and the Indians were not likely to live together harmoniously, he had a very solemn pow-wow with the red-men, paid them again for the land where the first settlement had been made, probably bought what other land he needed to parcel out to his settlers and made the Indians satisfied to move out of the neighborhood of his people. His influence over the Indians and their confidence in him comes out indirectly in this conference.


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The Indians, seventeen heads of families and their chief, took their places in a circle on the ground, dressed in their finery, the chief looking to Graffenried more like an ape than a man. Graffenried sat on a chair and also wore whatever ornaments he had that would glitter most. He could not help but be convinced that their arguments for staying were better than any he could present to induce them to leave, but yet they finally agreed to go. Michel, his business partner, was not far away during the conference, making himself drunk with some English friends. In this condition he suddenly broke in on the assembly, snatched off the king's headdress and threw it as far as he could, then seizing the orator beat him and dragged him out of the circle. Graffenried had difficulty restoring order and peace; finally, however, Michel was taken away and put in charge of his friends, and the negotiations went on to a happy termination for Graffenried. That night, Michel, still under the influence of liquor, broke into the Indian camp while Graffenried was asleep, and again beat and insulted the orator; and again Graffenried had to be peacemaker.2

        2 French Version.


The fact that he succeeded at all is sufficient evidence of the regard in which he was held by the savages.

        The need of separating the Indians from the settlers is illustrated by the story he tells of one of his workmen. This man, a Berner, coming home from wood chopping happened to pass by an idol representing the evil divinity. This image was painted red and black, the colors of the wood chopper's native city. He could not endure seeing these colors misused in such a manner, and destroyed the ugly representation of the Devil with his ax. On reaching home he boasted that he had split the Devil with one blow.3

        3 French and German Versions.


The Indians were horrified at such a sacrilege and peace was with difficulty restored. Nevertheless they were finally persuaded to forego hostilities when Graffenried promised to see that no further injury was done them. Partly for their sake he sent Michel on surveying expeditions and into Pennsylvania to look for silver.4

        4 French Version.


The settlers, thus, could not appreciate the Indians' point of view although they speak kindly of them in their letters, wherever they mention them at all, and so, it was better to keep them apart.5

        5 German Version, Letters.


        Having reached the province and provided for the immediate needs of his people, Graffenried now felt his next duty to be the securing of the continuation of supplies. As a landgrave he would be compelled to take sides in the political quarrel in the colony, and the question was with whom should he cast in his fortune. He and his


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colony were dependent upon the favor of the Proprietors for their very existence, and he could not hope for their favor while supporting one who was defying their authority. Yet the principles for which the dissenting faction had contended in the beginning, before Cary took sides with them--freedom from the domination of the Church of England--must have appealed to him, even though he and his colonists were under the spiritual protection of the Bishop of London and had become members of that church.6

        6 Col. Rec., vol. I, pp. 756, 734. French Version.


Moreover, among 650 Palatines there must have been a goodly number of Anabaptists, and some of the letters of his settlers which he copied for the German version seem to have been written by people of this sect. One of their fundamental tenets was freedom of conscience, and both in framing the contract for the society and in the agreement with the settlers, Graffenried and the company did not depend upon the charter of Carolina nor upon the Fundamental Constitutions alone, but made special provision for religious liberty. The distractions produced in the province in the efforts to secure it, however, could not have impressed the colonists favorably, and as a matter of self-defense Graffenried had to espouse Hyde's cause. And yet Hyde was not technically governor, lacking Tynte's signature, and was afraid to come into the province.

        The very numbers of people Graffenried brought with him was a disadvantage, because whichever side he joined, he woudl be sure to gain the ill-will of the opposition. But as Cary, who had been deposed once, was governing a second time with a legality which was questioned by the first people with whom Graffenried had become acquainted,7

        7 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 731.


and as it was the will of the Lords Proprietors that Hyde should be governor, he did not hesitate to declare himself against Cary. And again the situation was complicated, for Cary had in his possession all the funds of the province, and it was necessary for Graffenried to look to him for what the Proprietors had promised on their account with the province. When the demand was made of him, he promised well, but kept evading fulfillment until Graffenried lost hope at last and sent to Virginia where he had made arrangements for flour before leaving England. Only thus were the people enabled to proceed with the building of their town.


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CHAPTER IX

        FOUNDING OF THE CITY--LEET COURT SYSTEM--ARTICLES IN THE FUNDAMENTALS RELATING TO LEET COURTS--DISCUSSION OF BARONIES AND MANORS, SHOWING IRREGULARITIES IN APPOINTMENTS--ARTICLES IN FUNDAMENTALS REFERRING TO BARONIES, MANORS, ETC.--IDEAL ONCE GIVEN UP REVIVED IN MODIFIED FORM FOR GRAFFENRIED'S COLONY--REASONS FOR THIS--CONTRACTS WITH PROPRIETORS AND COLONISTS--EVIDENCES FROM MANUSCRIPTS--EVIDENCES OF A PATERNAL GOVERNMENT--EVIDENCES OF POPULAR ASSEMBLIES

        The little city was placed on a point of land between the Neuse River and the Trent, and was laid out in the form of a cross, one arm extending from river to river, and the other, from the point, back indefinitely. At a reasonable distance Graffenried built a line of fortifications from one river to the other and had his coast line well defended also. These fortifications were doubtless frail enough, but would have been of service in case of an Indian attack if all the people were inside and acted in concert. He planned to have a church at the four corners. Market was to be held once a week, and a fair yearly. His best contribution was his water mill for grinding grain. There was only one other mill in the whole province and it was a poor one, and the only way the people had of getting flour or meal was to beat their grain in a wooden mortar with a wooden pestle and sift it through a basket. When the little town was completed, a solemn assembly gave it the name of New Bern. It had such a favorable beginning that people in Virginia and Pennsylvania bought lots there, and Graffenried could say that his town made more progress in a year than some other towns had made in several.1

        1 German Version; French Version.


A plan to live at one common expense, but in separate households was formulated, but was given up as impracticable.2

        2 German Version, Report.


        The form of government at New Bern is nowhere definitely given, yet we can get some general idea of it from the few references in the writings Graffenried left. One is tempted to see in it the attempt to introduce the leet court system of the Fundamental Constitution, though in a modified form, despite the fact that the revised fundamentals of 1698 had omitted the provision relating to such courts. If this is the case, we have the only such attempt so far as I am able to discover, to put the system into practice in the province. The


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omission of many of the articles in the revised Constitution need not imply a change of conviction on the part of the proprietors, but only a concession to the conditions in America. In Graffenried's case, also, such a system would, perhaps, seem more practicable and thus the old idea would, naturally, be revived.

        The following articles of the Fundamentals refer to this sort of serfdom, and show the ideals which the proprietors had.

        "16th. In every signiory, barony, and manor, the respective Lord shall have power in his own name to hold court leet there, for trying of all causes, both civil and criminal; but where it shall concern any person being no inhabitant, vassal, or leet man, of the said signiory, barony or manor, he upon paying down of forty shillings, for the Lords Proprietors' use, shall have an appeal from the signiory, or barony court, to the county court, and from the manor court to the precinct court.

        "19th. Any Lord of a manor, may alienate, sell, or dispose to any other person and his heirs forever, his manor all intirely together, with all the priviledges and leet men, thereunto belonging, so far forth as any colony lands; but no grant of any part thereof, either in fee or for any longer term than three lives, or for one and twenty years, shall be good against the next heir.

        "22d. In every signiory, barony and manor, all the leet men shall be under the jurisdiction of the respective Lords of the said signiory, barony or manor, without appeal from him. Nor shall any leet man, or leet woman have liberty to go off from the land of their particular Lord and live anywhere else without license obtained from their said Lord, under hand and seal.

        "23d. All the children of leet men, shall be leet men, and so to all generations.

        "24th. No man shall be capable of having a court leet, or leet men, but a Proprietor, Landgrave, Casique, or Lord of a manor.

        "25th. Whoever shall voluntarily enter himself a leet man, in the registry of the county court, shall be a leet man.

        "26th. Whoever is Lord of Leet men, shall upon the marriage of a leet man, or leet woman of his, give them ten acres of land for their lives, they paying to him therefore, not more than one eighth part of all the yearly produce and growth of the said ten acres.3

        3 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 187 ff.


        In the application of their "unalterable Constitutions" relative to the German colony, as in other matters, the proprietors allowed themselves a considerable latitude, and so we find several variations from their ideals expressed in the articles quoted above. In the first place, the appointment of landgraves had always been irregular. According


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to their charter they could confer their title "upon such of the inhabitants of the said province as they shall think do or shall merit the same,"4

        4 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 29.


and yet of twenty-five appointees eleven never lived in America, and several of those who did live in America were appointed before they ever came to this country.5

        5 McCrady, page 717.


Locke was the first to receive the title, and in his case it appears to have been merely honorary, and if the four baronies of 12,000 acres each was ever assigned to him there is no record of it left. Nevertheless it was intended at first to have the title always associated with land and in the amounts presented in the articles, as an act passed by the Assembly of Albemarle and approved by the proprietors in 1669 shows. By this act it is decreed that "noe person or persons whatsoever he be within this County under the degree of Proprietor, Landgrave or Cassique shall have Liberty for the space of five yeares next ensueing to survey or lay out above six hundred and sixty acres of Land in one devidend that soe the County may be the speedier seated, without express leave obtained from the Lords Proprietors.

        "And it is hereby further enacted that there shall not be granted in any warrent any quantity of Land but what is allowed according to the Quality of the right and is exprest in the Proprietors Instructions, concessions or Fundamental Constitutions or forms of Government."6

        6 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 186.


        This intention on the part of the assembly was not always carried out, for it was ordered by the Proprietors near the beginning of this new form of government that the Proprietors should have but three signiories, and each landgrave and cacique but one barony.7

        7 McCrady, page 141.


Nevertheless, John Price,8

        8 McCrady, page 719.


another of those who never lived in America, was made a landgrave in 1687 and "four baronies of 12,000 acres" were annexed to the title. In 1698 a new plan was hit upon,9

        9 McCrady, page 292.


and instead of conferring the title and the domains which belonged to it as a mark of the high regard in which the person was held by the Proprietors, blanks were sent out for six landgraves and eight caciques. These were to be sold to whomsoever would buy, provided they were considered worthy by Major Robert Daniel and Landgrave Morton, who had the disposal of them. The sale was not very rapid, for only two purchased. One of these, Captain Edmund Bellinger, was in England at the time of the purchase but paid in America, and John Bayley took another but paid in Ireland. After this another change was allowed, for in 1709 Abel Ketelby, who also became a nonresident
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landgrave, purchased 5,000 acres.10

        10 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 705.


And after this fashion the title had lost in dignity until it was offered for sale with few takers, while the amount of land which went with it was reduced from a vast tract to a moderate-sized manor, the lords of which strips were originally intended to be of the lowest order of nobility.

        Graffenried's appointment was no exception to the others in irregularities. He was a foreigner, but probably naturalized,11

        11 German Version, Memorial.


for he was in England when the naturalization laws were made and in his Memorial he advises it. He was required to buy and actually did buy but 5,000 acres to secure the title, and the 10,000 additional which he purchased for the company and Michael's 2,500 acres over which he appears to have had the disposal for the company had nothing to do with the bestowal of the highest dignity in the power of the Proprietors.

        Fortunately, the Carolinians seem not to have been disturbed by all these irregularities in his appointment and he thought the title an advantage to him, as it seemed to help him keep the respect of his own settlers and the other colonists.

        The following articles relate to the order of nobility which was to be established.

        "4th. Each signory, barony, and colony, shall consist of twelve thousand acres, the eight signories being the share of the eight proprietors, and the eight baronies of the nobility; both which shares, being each of them one fifth of the whole, are to be perpetually annexed, the one to the proprietors and the other to the hereditary nobility; leaving the colonies, being three fifths, amongst the people; so that in setting out and planting the lands, the balance of the government may be preserved.

        "9th. There shall be just as many Landgraves as there are counties, and twice as many Casiques, and no more. These shall be the hereditary nobility of the Province, and by right of their dignity be members of parliament. Each Landgrave shall have four baronies, and each Casique two baronies, hereditarily and unalterably annexed to and settled upon the said dignity.

        "17th. Every manor shall consist of not less than three thousand, and not above twelve thousand acres in one piece and colony; but any three thousand acres or more in one piece and the possession of one man, shall not be a manor, unless it be constituted a manor by the grant of the Palatine's court.

        "21st. Every Lord of a manor, within his own manor, shall have all the powers, jurisdictions and privileges which a Landgrave or Casique hath in his baronies."12

        12 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 187.



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        In the provisions for a continuance of the proprietary government with its almost regal powers in the hands of a hereditary and self-perpetuating body of eight persons; and a limited proportion of land-graves and casiques, with lords of manors below them, and last of all leet men--four classes likewise hereditary--the proprietors attempted to establish a feudal system more perfect in its working than any in Europe. For the systems with which they were familiar were the results of development or accident, while this was to be carefully thought out and the results calculated beforehand with almost mathematical accuracy, and applied arbitararily to a new state which was just forming.

        In the new nobility the amount of land belonging to a certain title had been fixed with the exception of manors, the size of which might vary from 3,000 to 12,000 acres. The obligations of the leet men, whether subject to lords of manors, caciques, or landgraves, were to be the same in all parts of the province. As has been shown, the theory could not be put into practice as originally intended in the case of the nobility, and it turned out to be even more impracticable to put the articles relating to leetmen into operation. There is not the slightest evidence that the offer of ten acres with its feudal acknowledgment, which might amount to an eighth of the proceeds therefrom yearly, tempted any one to put himself and his children into bondage to an overlord, when land was in abundance near by and free from burdensome obligations. It was so manifestly impossible to carry out these promises, that in the instructions to Colonel Philip Ludwell sent out in 1791, which were in reality a revision of the Fundamentals from 120 to 43 articles,13

        13 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 373 ff.


there is no mention of leetmen or leetcourts, although landgraves and caciques are mentioned as if they were still to exist as before. In place of leetcourts there were to be representatives chosen by the freemen, and the criminal courts were to be administered by the governor or by commissioners appointed by him.

        But when Graffenried brought out his colony, the old idea seems to have been revived for him and his settlers, for he would hardly have made an arrangement which removed his colonists from the jurisdiction of the officers of the province without the advice of the proprietors. The conditions under which the settlement was being made would favor such a government as they had originally planned, but would not make it essential. His people were coming out together, all spoke the same language and would naturally be somewhat cut off from the rest of the inhabitants of the province because of this; but since the French colonists,14

        14 McCrady, page 319 ff.


though living somewhat segregated from the rest, held their lands just as did the English settlers and were subject to the
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same government, Graffenried's arrangement was not made necessary by the fact that his people spoke a different language from those about them. By his contract with the Swiss and Palatines they were to pay a higher quite-rent than was charged elsewhere in the province, but in return for it they were to receive material help in getting settled, which would offset the disadvantage of the higher rate. The proprietors had trouble over quit-rents continually. Penn in Pennsylvania complained that the people did not appreciate what he was doing for them and that his revenues were not as large as they should be, and it was perhaps in hopes that if the people could be brought into a modified feudal relation with the proprietors there would be less trouble over quit-rents than if they were allowed to live as free as the English colonists, a condition which could be more easily maintained with a group of people speaking a different language from the main body of inhabitants.

        The agreement which Graffenried and Michel entered into with the Commissioners has only an indication of some such arrangement in the words, "that some number of the said poor Palatines may be disposed of and settled in the said tract in North Carolina aforesaid, as well for the benefit of the said Christopher de Graffenried and Lewis Michel as for the relief and support of the poor Palatines."15

        15 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 987 ff. The italics are mine. V. H. T.


        In the abstract of the treaty16

        161. Ils m'ont vendu 15000 arpents terre choisie que j'ay fait arpenter Sur la Riviere de News et Trent et 2500 acres Sur Weetock River, à 10 livres Sterlins le 1000, ou une livre Sterl: p cent acres, et 6 Sols par 100 arpendts. cen ce fonciere, ce qui fait la Somme de 175 £ Sterl: ce que j'ay d'abord paye content. 2. Ily a eu une reserve de 100 mille acres a choisir entre ces Rivieres cy nomees et Clarendon R. pour le meme prix, et pour cela j'ay eu 7 ans de terme pour faire le premier payement et des la 7e: jusques a la 12e: le tout devoit être payé. 3e. Les differents qu'auroient mon Peuple avec les Anglois ce devoient terminer devant les juges Anglois mais ce que mes Colonists auroient de dificulté entre Eux cela ce termineroit entre Eux ou par devant moy: La haute Jurisdiction au faits criminels a mort reservez zux Seigrs. Prop: 4e. Liberte de Religion, et d'avoir un ministre de notre Pays qui pourroit precher en notre langue--. 5e. Droit de Ville et marche ou faire a Neuberne. 6e. francs de toutee taille et impots dimes et Cences hormi les 6 Sols p 100 acres annullement come susdit. 7e. Les Seigrs Prop: ou la Province par leurs ordres me devoint fournir pour 2 ou 3 ans de provision de vivres et betail pour moy et toutte la Colonie moyenant restitution apres le terme prescrit.

        "1st. They sold me 15,000 acres of choice land which I had surveyed upon the River Neuse and the River Trent and 2,500 acres upon the Weetock River at 10 pounds sterling per 1,000, or one pound sterling per hundred acres, and six pence per 100 acres, quit-rent rent, which makes the sum of 175 £ sterling which I payed down. 2d. There was a reserve of 100 thousand acres to choose between these rivers here named and Clarendon River for the same price, and for that I had a period of seven years for the first payment and between the 7th and 12th the whole was to be paid. 3d. The differences which my people might have with the English were to be settled before the English judges, but the difficulties which my colonists might have among themselves were to be settled either among themselves or before me, the final jurisdiction in capital crimes reserved to the Lords Proprietors. 4th. Religious liberty and the right to have a minister of our own country to preach in our language. 5th. Rights of city and market or fair at New Bern. 6th. Freedom from all taxes and imposts, tithes and hundredths except the 6 pence per 100 acres annually as above said. 7th. The Lords Proprietors or the province by their orders were to furnish me and all my colony with food and live stock for 2 or 3 years with reimbursement after the prescribed time."


with the proprietors we find, furthermore, that Graffenried was to be the judge of all disputes arising among the Germans, but in cases where the English were involved the jurisdiction was in the hands of the courts. But all cases of capital crimes were reserved for the proprietors themselves. This is not as complete
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a jurisdiction as the Fundamental Constitutions had originally given to Landgraves and others who should have leetmen; but it nevertheless put a very considerable authority into Graffenried's hands and where his own settlers alone were concerned in any but capital crimes is just as great. That he actually exercised authority is proved by the fact that he incurred the enmity of the Palatine blacksmith by sentencing him to a day's log sawing for using foul language.

        In the abstract of his treaty17

        17J'avois aussi un Traitte particulier et bien exact avec les Palatins lequell fust projecte examine et arrete, devant et par la Commission Royale trop ample a inserrer icy, seulement en Substance ce qui suit 1e. mes Colonistes me devoient fidelite obeysance et Respect, et moi la Protection. au 2e. Je devois fournir chaque famille de provision pour la premiere annee, d'une Vache de deux Cochons et de quelques utensils, moyenant restitution apres 3 ans. 3e. Je devois doner a chaque famille 300 arp: de Terre et ils devoient me livrer pour Cence fonciere 2 Sols par acre, en contre ie devois Supporter les 6 sols p 100 acres de reconnoissance envers les Seigrs. Prop. come desia Susdit.

        "I also had a private and very exact treaty with the Palatines which was projected, examined and agreed upon before and by the Royal Commission, too ample to be inserted here more than in substance, as follows. 1st. My colonists owed me fidelity, obedience and respect, and I owed them protection. 2d. I was to furnish each family for the first year a cow and two swine and some utensils, reimbursement to be made after 3 years. 3d. I was to give to each family 300 acres of land and they were to give me for quit-rent two pence per acre, and I on the other hand was to be responsible for the 6 pence per 100 acres acknowledgment toward the Lords Proprietors as already mentioned above."


with the Palatines he was to give each family 300 acres of land, for which they should pay a quit rent of two-pence per acre, while he took for himself the payment of the Lords Proprietors' six pence per 100 acres. Thus, as has been said before, the colonists paid a higher rent than was customary in the other provinces and dealt with Graffenried and not with the officers of the province who usually attended to the collection of quit-rents. The Swiss who wrote the letters home, when referring to their farms, used the word "Lechen" (Lehen) which carries with it the idea of an estate held of another, while "Gut," which is used but once, usually has the meaning of a freehold, but not necessarily so. The frequency of the use of Lechen indicates that the colonists themselves recognized a sort of feudal relationship. His own language in characterizing the actions of his colonists in following Brice, when he speaks of them as abtruenning (disloyal), verraeterisch (traitorous) would not have been used except in the case of subjects; and later when the distress became more pressing he exercised one of the rights expressly given in the Constitution to landgraves, caciques, and lords of manor, when he gave his people permission to leave their farms. In this case he gave them leave to go away for two years to look for work, the implication being at the end of that time they should come back. Referring again to the articles on leetmen, we find that they were not allowed to leave their land without the express permission of their lord. And lastly, his agreement with the colonists says that they owed him fidelity, obedience and respect, and that he owed them protection--certainly a rather feudal-like expression. This is the relationship
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planned for at least one generation. How far the system might have been planned to extend cannot be determined. We only know that the landgraveship was hereditary, and, that these estates may have been planned to descend likewise in the same family from father to son. From these considerations, then, it seems to me that this colony was the nearest approach to Locke's ideal ever established in this country--the only one founded on the Grand Model.

        In the report to the Georg Ritter Company, also, it is expressly stated that purchasers of land shall have the right to sell their holdings; but under the propritary government buying and selling of land did not alter the fact that each acre of ground owed its half penny quit-rent to the proprietors, and it is to be supposed that if any one should buy one of these farms owned by a Palatine, he would assume the responisbilities of rent, obedience, and respect to the landgrave. In the end when the scheme failed, we find that Graffenried made over the whole tract to Colonel Pollock and the people lost their holdings; a result which could not have happened had they held of the proprietors as others did, for the system of registration of deeds was very perfect in Carolina at this time, and there could have been no mistake about ownership.

        It would be too much to expect Graffenried, a member of one of the few patrician families of Bern, an ex-bailiff of an important city, coming to America as the head of the colonizing project, to show an entirely democratic spirit or to be very favorable to such democracy as he saw in those around him. The disorders attendant upon Cary's and Glover's rivalry; and Cary's refusal to submit to Governor Hyde, were menacing the very existence of the colony, and one might expect a stronger expression of what must have been his sentiments, when, in speaking of the help asked for from Spotswood, he says, "Seeing that these Virginians were not disposed to help us, perhaps themselves having a little of that free and democratic spirit."18

        18 French Version.


All the assistance from the proprietors and from the company in Bern on which the continuance of the colony depended, were to come through him, and it is natural that we should find evidences of a paternal government in the little colony at New Bern. Nevertheless, patrician though he was, Graffenried had the welfare of the colony at heart. The letters from the settlers express satisfaction with his administration and he seems to have regarded the title as of value only as it made the Carolinians respect him, and so benefited his colony and company.19

        19 German Version.


        It is unfortunate that the colony was broken up so early in its history, before the system of government had had time to become something


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more than a mere paper scheme of the proprietors, and before it had time to develop, as it most certainly would have done, into something suited to the needs of the people. It has been seen that the modified system of leetmen actually put into operation was much more workable than the scheme as laid out in the Unalterable Constitutions. When we remember that besides the Palatines who were seeking liberty as well as freedom of conscience, there were some Swiss country people who had belonged to the religious brotherhood where they had a voice in matters that concerned the community, that in Switzerland in general there had always been a tradition of liberty, that in Bern, from whence most of them had come, popular assemblies had been held as late as 1653, and that shortly after this, assemblies were to be tried again (1713) showing that the sentiment was still strong among the common people,20

        20 Cambridge History, vol. VI, page 623 ff.


it is not surprising to see indications of such an assembly in New Bern, when the town was to be named.21

        21 The sentence, French Version, in which this occasion is mentioned reads as follows:

        Il s'agissoit de doner un nom a la ville ce que nous fumes en grande Solemnité, et nous joignimes au nom de Neuws celuy de Berne,ainsi la ville fust baptiseé Neuberne.

        Compare with the above the following passages:

        . . . et je fis meme une espece d'aillance avec ce Roitelet nomé Taylor et Son Monde, cela ce fist Solennellmt.

        . . . Ils commencerent de gouter mes raisons et on tient pour cela une assemblee Solenelle.

        Die Indianer nun betrefend, so sind sie nicht zu beförchten, so man einen Bund mit Ihnen macht, welches schon Sollenisch.


        "It was a question of giving a name to the city, which we did in great solemnity; and we joined to the name of Neuws that of Berne, and so the city was christened Newbern.

        ". . . and I even made a sort of alliance with this kinglet named Taylor and his people. This was done solemnly.

        ". . . They commenced to appreciate my reasons, and there was held for that purpose a solemn assembly.

        "As far as the Indians are concerned, they are not to be feared if one makes a league with them, which we have already solemnly done."

        This use of some form of the word meaning solemn in the last three cases, evidently referring to an assembly for free discussion, argues that it is used in the first case with the same connotation, especially since he does not use the word elsewhere in the manuscripts.


On later occasions his people showed a spirit which, while distressing to Graffenried and perhaps of actual harm to themselves, proves very conclusively that where they considered it necessary they showed their independence by leaving Graffenried without permission, and seeking with Brice the protection the Baron appeared unable to afford. Whatever may have been planned, it is reasonably sure that a feudal government would not have endured long with these liberty loving Germans and Swiss. As it is, there appears to have been a paternal government with indications of concerted and independent action of the people.


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CHAPTER X

        HYDE COMES TO NORTH CAROLINA IN JANUARY, 1711--GRAFFENRIED MADE A COLONEL--HOPES TO RECEIVE ASSISTANCE FROM THE PROVINCE--CARY PREPARING FOR OPEN REBELLION--CONDITION OF THE TOWN--GRAFFENRIED SENDS A REPORT TO BERN--APPEARANCE OF PROSPERITY DECEPTIVE--LETTER BY URMSTONE SHOWS THE CONDITION TO BE AS GRAFFENRIED DESCRIBES--CARY'S ATTACK AND RETREAT--PEACE OF SHORT DURATION--THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA SENDS HELP--EFFECT OF THE WAR ON THE GERMAN COLONY--AN EXPLORING TRIP--LAWSON AND GRAFFENRIED CAPTURED BY THE INDIANS

        Taking up the story again from where it was left in Part II, chapter VIII: Hyde entered upon his duties some time in January, 1711,1

        1 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 751.


and shortly after sent Graffenried a Colonel's commission along with a summons to attend the assembly. Graffenried could ill afford the time from his own affairs, but hoped the opportunity had now come to obtain the needed assistance for his people. The Governor's will in the matter was good, but the treasury was empty, for Cary still held the funds of the province, and was, moreover, making preparation for active resistance. Graffenried now had to take one side or the other, for the situation was growing more tense, and the question of colonial support for the Palatines had to be brought to an issue and decided as soon as possible. His only hope was in Hyde, for Cary's promises had proved unreliable; and he threw himself into Hyde's cause with all his might, although he and his people would have preferred to stay out of the trouble. In the report2

        2 German Version, Report.


to the Georg Ritter Company he says that he and his people took Hyde's part, but in the accounts he says that they remained neutral, because they were intimidated by Cary. Most likely Hyde had their sympathy and half hearted support, but they took no active part in the "war." Some time during the spring the Hyde and Graffenried forces took Cary into custody, but he made his escape.

        Meanwhile the colony was prospering, the settlers were contented and there were excellent prospects, for people as far away as Pennsylvania had taken lots.3

        3 German Version, Report.


Graffenried had expended 2,228£ in provisions of one sort or another, though not in the amount specified in the contract with the commissioners, regarding cattle for the Palatines. However, the settlers were apparently satisfied and there was
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still time to supply them completely. There were two boats4

        4 French Version.


belonging to the colony which he and Michel had bought to save transportation charges. Their town had one of the few schoolmasters in the province, for Graffenried had provided for this need before leaving London, and the trades were also well represented. Graffenried took charge of the ordinary religious services, which consisted in reading of prayers in the houses of his colonists, using the Episcopal forms, and vary rarely a sermon was preached to them by the Church of England missionary. During the lull in the Cary troubles, while he was preparing for his next attempt on the government, Graffenried used the occasion of one of his settler's going home to write to his Company a circumstantial account of the situation, and several of his settlers, likewise wrote to their friends or relatives, and from these letters one can gather that the future was full of hope, and they had no doubt of Graffenried's ability to continue to supply them what was needed, or even to take charge of more who might wish to come.

        But in spite of the appearance of prosperity, ruin was imminent, though of all the Newbern colony Graffenried alone gives evidence of seeing it. Persons on the outside soon began to notice that something was wrong, for his difficulties were known to Missionary Urmstone who mentions them in his letter to the Secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. This letter though evidently intended to discredit the Quaker Proprietor, Danson, and exaggerated, at any rate, as to the number of Palatines who had come to the colony, must have had some foundation in fact. The letter was written July 17, 1711, and the following postscript was added, one item of which has been alluded to before.

        "P. S. As for the Rebels, I am not much concerned, but 'tis grievous to here the complaints of the poor men & families, who have been so long in arms that they have lost their crops & will want bread, the ravage & plunder of the enemies have committed has ruined others,--another instance of the Quakers Knavery I cannot omit which concerns you to Knowe as having been commissioner for the Palatines. Baron Graffenried with his people must have starved, if not supplied by others here, He had an order from the proprietors, i. e. Danson, for the rest never concern themselves, to receive 1,500£ here for which he was to pay 1,000£ sterling; a great cheat, for £1,000 sterling is worth £3,000 here in our pay. Danson in his Letter to his friends here bragged they should get an Estate by these Foreigners. Cary the late ursurper of this government, & now head of the Rebel was to pay it out of the proprietors dues which he had received he was arrested & made his escape what reason then have they to protect him


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to prevent others from supplying the Baron in his great distress. Roach & the Quakers reported that the Baron had no credit in England, nor had he any money anywhere. through ill usage in their way hither & since their arrival of 900 palatines there are but 300 nowe alive, & those ready to starve. through the instigation of the English, who live near them the neighboring Indians are very troublesome to them in the beginning of this present Rebellion the Baron with the Swiss & palatines would have joined the Governor but were threatened with fire & sword. the Engld & Indians designed to destroy them & all they had such encouragement do the proprietors give people to come into their colony. I have written a very tart letter to Sir John Colleton a proprietor concerning all matters whether pleased or displeased, it matters not the proprietors promised me all friendship & favor. but as yet never shewed me any & I believe never will."5

        5 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 774.


        With Cary and a considerable faction in active opposition to the government, something had to be done immediately in self defense, and a council was held at Colonel Pollock's. This was Cary's chance, if he ever had one, to succeed, and on June 30,6

        6 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 802.


while the Governor, Graffenried, and Colonel Pollock were in session, consulting how to meet the emergency, the rebels as they are always called, came up in their brigantine and fired a shot which damaged the roof. The Colonel returned an answer and followed it with another. The ship then withdrew, having suffered an injury to one of her masts, and sent out a landing party, thinking the defenders were but few in number. But when they saw the yellow livery of Graffenried's servant they thought the whole Palatine colony present under arms, and this so alarmed them that they immediately steered back for the ship. The Colonel seized the strategic moment and launched a boat in pursuit. The attacking party boarded their vessel again and tried to escape. But unable to outdistance their pursuers the crew were seized with a panic, ran ashore, and took to the woods. This victory gave Hyde the advantage, for with the brigantine in his power, the Governor was able to make terms; offering a free pardon to all except the ringleaders. Graffenried used this opportunity to have the council recognize Hyde--over a year after his appointment and about seven months after his arrival in the colony.

        The peace was of short duration, however. Cary fortified himself on an island; and efforts to dislodge him proving unsuccessful in what may be called the second battle of the war, Graffenried was sent to Virginia for help. After a long and tedious journey, he arrived at


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Williamsburg and presented his petition. There was still the difficulty that Hyde lacked the signature of the Governor of South Carolina and Spotswood, therefore, scarcely dared send troops.7

        7 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 779 ff.


But finally in his position as Admiral of the Virginia coasts he sent a vessel with marines. He had hoped to send a fleet which was then in Virginia waters on their way home, but the Commander refused to go. The Governor also assembled militia troops on the frontier to be ready if anything serious should happen. On the 28th of July, 1711, he writes that the rebels were so alarmed that they fled at the arrival of the marines and so a third battle never took place.8

        8 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 783.


Cary was caught and taken to England for trial, but the matter was dropped and nothing was ever done with him.

        This short and bloodless war marks the beginning of the end for Graffenried's colony. Up until April and May of the year 1711, as the letters and the report show, the colony prospered and the people had enough to live on after the coming of Graffenried with the shipload of Swiss in September, 1710. Immediately after the dispersal of the rebels an assembly was held, and Hyde was received as governor. Graffenried was present and hoped to receive help, but failed again. A proposition to borrow from the province on two or three year's time was also refused, for the whole northern province of Carolina was suffering from the confusion, and crops were bad because of neglect. When, finally, Graffenried was permitted to return from the assembly, having accomplished nothing for their relief, he found his people without food, many of them sick, and several of them dead, because of their neglect of his very sensible order to boil all their drinking water. The disease which took so many of them away at this time, from Graffenried's description, seems to have been typhoid fever, and the injunction to use plenty of boiled water was the best remedy that could have been prescribed for them.

        In some way or other Graffenried and his colony managed to get along till about the first of September. At that time, since the weather seemed suitable, and the Indians well disposed, he had no great fear of making a fifteen days exploring expedition up the river with Surveyor Lawson. The plan was to see how far the river was navigable, and to find out if a better road to Virginia might not be made on the higher ground and thus save the dangerous voyages by way of the Albemarle Sound, which was very treacherous on account of the numerous shoals and shifting sand bars. They went in a canoe with two negro servants and two friendly Indians, one of whom rode Graffenried's horse along the bank. On the second day from home


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the Indian who was riding the horse was halted by one of King Hancock's men, and the whole party taken before that chief. Only a few days before this Graffenried had been very hospitably used, when he had lost his way in the woods, for they kept him over night and even took some cider from a sick woman in order to give to him, and the next day guided him home. He in turn had paid their generosity with presents, not forgetting a little brandy for the invalid, and consequently he hardly expected this treatment. But since he had last seen them, the Indians had begun to plan a revenge for some of their wrongs. Graffenried gives Cary credit for having before this slandered him to them, by making them believe that he, Graffenried, intended to rob them of their lands. Other Carolinians had robbed them in trade and disturbed them in their hunting, and the exploring party, which, at least looked suspicious to them, had the misfortune to come just as the Indians were assembling for the attack.


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CHAPTER XI

        DOCUMENTS TO PROVE THAT THE INDIANS HAD CAUSE FOR RESENTMENT AT THEIR TREATMENT BY THE ENGLISH.

        In view of the idea people generally have of the Indians as descending without provocation upon helpless frontier settlements and satisfying an inhuman thirst for blood on innocent victims, it has seemed well to quote a few extracts from Lawson's Journal, Spotswood's letters, the memoirs of Sir William Byrd, and the Colonial Records, to show that the Indians in Carolina had, at least, reason to be alarmed at the encroachments on their territories, and dissatisfied at their treatment by their English neighbors.

        "The next day, early, came two Tuskeruru Indians to the other side of the River, but could not get over. They talked much to us, but we understood them not. In the Afternoon, Will (the Indian Guide) came with the Mare and had some discourse with them; they told him the English, to whom he was going, were very wicked People; and, That they threatened the Indians for hunting near their Plantations."1

        1 Lawson's Journal, page 58.


        "Thus you have an account of the Latitude, Soil, and Advantages of Cape Fear, or Clarendon-River, which was settled in the Year 1661, or thereabouts; and had it not been for the irregular Practices of some of that Colony against the Indians, by sending away2

        2 He means selling them into slavery.


some of their Children, (as I have been told) under Pretence of instructing 'em in Learning and the Principles of the Christian Religion; which so disgusted the Indians that tho' they had then no Guns, yet they never gave over, till they rid themselves of the English by their Bows and Arrows; with which they did not only take off themselves, but also their Stocks of Cattle. And this was so much the more ruinous to them, in that they could have no Assistance from South Carolina which was not then planted; and the other Plantations were but in their Infancy. Were it not for such ill Practices, I say, it might, in all Probability have been, at this day, the best Settlement in their Lordships great Province of Carolina."3

        3 Lawson's Journal, page 73.


        The next is an extract of a letter from Governor Spotswood to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, April 5, 1717.

        "The Inhabitants of our frontiers are composed generally of such as have been transported hither as Servants, and being out of their time, and settle themselves where Land is to be taken up and that


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will produce the necessarys of Life with little Labor. It is pretty well known what Morals such people bring with them hither, which are not like to be mended by their Scituation, remote from all places of worship; they are so little concerned about Religion, that the Children of many of the Inhabitants of those frontier Settlements are 20, and some 30 years of age before they are baptized, and some not at all.

        "Those who are nearest Neighbors to the Indians, by whose principles and practices they are not like to be most improved; but this is not all, for these people, knowing the Indians to be lovers of strong liquors, make no scruple of first making them drunk and then cheating them of their skins, and even of beating them in the bargain; on the other hand, the Indians, being unacquainted with the methods of obtaining reparation by law, frequently revenge themselves by the murder of the persons who thus treated them, or, (according to their notions of Satisfaction) of the next Englishmen they could most easily cutt off. And it is a very generall observation, both here and the neighboring Provinces, that no murders or hostility have ever been committed by the Indians unless where the English have given the first provocation."4

        4 Spotswood, vol. II, page 227.


        Colonel Byrd has this to say with reference to the troubles under consideration: "There are generally some Carolina Traders that constantly live among the Catawbas and Pretend to Exercise a dictatorial Authority among them. These petty Rulers don't only teach the honester Savages all sorts of Debauchery, but are unfair in their dealings, and use them with all kinds of Oppression. Nor has their Behavior been at all better to the rest of the Indian Nations, among whom they reside, by abusing their Women and Evil-Entreating their Men; and, by the way, this was the true Reason of the fatal war which the Nations roundabout made upon Carolina in the year 1713.5

        5 The time of their final defeat. Their massacres were made in the fall of 1711 and the summer of 1712.


        "Then it was that the Neighboring Indians grown weary of the Tyranny and Injustice with which they had been abused for many Years, resolved to endure their bondage no longer, but enter'd into General Confederacy against their Oppressors of Carolina.

        "The Indians open'd the War by knocking most of those little Tyrants on the Head that dwelt amongst them under pretence of regulating their Commerce, and from thence Carry'd their Resentment so far as to endanger both North and South Carolina."6

        6 Byrd, page 239.


        An actual instance of oppression had occurred a few years before. In 1707 the Maherine Indians had been assigned lands for their use


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by the government of Virginia; and since they were living in peace with the English in both Virginia and Carolina, no complaints of depredations were ever made against them. Their lands, however, were the subject of dispute between the two provinces, and as the line had not been run yet the quarrel could not be settled. Thomas Pollock wanted these lands for his own use and attempted to drive the Indians off with armed force. He captured 36 of them, kept them for two days in a fort, without water, in the meantime he broke down their cabins and threatened to destroy their corn crop if they did not move off the reservation. As the Indians could have had no very clear notion of the dispute between Carolina and Virginia, and had been promised the peaceful possession of their land by the Virginia government, this encorachment by Pollock must have shaken their faith in the honesty of the white men. Even if the lands lay in territory south of 36° 30' (a matter which was not settled till years after)7

        7 Byrd, page 3. The line was run in 1728.


it was unjust and impolitic to make them suffer for the mistake of the Virginia government. The Virginians naturally expected the Indians to call on other Indians to help them retaliate. In 1710 complaints were sent by the assembly of North Carolina to Virginia that these Maherines were committing depredations.8

        8 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 754.


Spotswood did nothing about it and expressed no sympathy because, he says, the whites had been the aggressors.9

        9 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 667 ff.



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CHAPTER XII

        GRAFFENRIED A PRISONER--LAWSON KILLED--GRAFFENRIED KEPT A PRISONER--THE INDIANS PLAN TO MASSACRE ENGLISH AND GERMANS--DISCUSSION OF THE CAUSE OF THE MASSACRE--THE BLAME LAID ON THE LATE REBELS--DOCUMENTS PROVING THAT OTHERS BESIDES GRAFFENRIED BELIEVED THEM GUILTY--GRAFFENRIED'S TRUCE--ATTACK BY THE ENGLISH AND PALATINES--GRAFFENRIED AGREES TO A RANSOM AND IS ALLOWED TO GO HOME--SPOTSWOOD APPROVES OF THE TRUCE--ENGLISH AND PALATINES DISAPPROVE AND PLOT AGAINST HIS LIFE

        Had Graffenried been alone it would have been better for him on this exploring expedition, for the Indians knew he had never done them any harm, but they disliked Lawson because of his having cheated them.1

        1 Byrd, page 228.

        "It was on that Provocation they resented their wrongs a little too severely upon Mr. Lawson, who under Colour of being Surveyor gen'l had encroached too much upon their territories at which they were so much enraged that they waylaid him and cut his throat from ear to ear, but at the same time released the Baron de Graffenried, whom they had seized for Company, because it appeared plainly he had done them no wrong."


At first the Indians were disposed to let both of them go when they found who they were. But at a second examination, Lawson could not refrain from quarreling with one of his captors, and this destroyed all possibility of a release. The Indians in anger prepared to execute both men. Bound hand and foot, the victims sat on the ground and watched the preparations, not the least frightful of which was the great heap of burning wood. Graffenried, however, managed to speak to one of the Indians who understood a little English, explained his innocence and also threatened them with the Queen's displeasure and the vengeance she would take if they harmed him, but his arguments did not seem to have much effect at first; so in expectation of immediate torture and death he fortified himself and his negro slave with prayer and exhortation and found peace of mind in these exercises. About three or four o'clock in the morning he was unbound and led away, as he supposed, to his death, but the Indian signified to him that his life was to be spared and only Lawson would have to die, and so it proved. Just what the manner of his death was Graffenried never learned, for the Indians steadfastly refused to divulge it; but he had heard them threaten to cut Lawson's throat with a razor.2

        2 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 836.

        From a letter of Christopher Gale, November 3, 1711:

        "But the fate of Mr. Lawson (if our Indian information be true) was much more tragical, for we are informed that they stuck him full of fine small splinters of torch wood like hog's bristles and so set them gradually afire."

        The following from Lawson's Journal (197) in this connection has a grewsome interest:

        "Their cruelty to their Prisoners of War is what they are seemingly guilty of an error in, (I mean as to a natural Failing) because they strive to invent the most Inhumane Butcheries for them that the Devils themselves could invent, or hammer out of Hell; they exteeming Death no Punishment, but rather an Advantage to him, that is exported out of this into another World. Therefore they inflict on them Torments in which they prolong Life in that miserable state as long as they can, and never miss skulping of them, as they call it which is, to cut off the Skin from the Temples, and taking the whole Head of Hair along with it, as it were a Night-cap, Sometimes they take the Top of the Skull along with it; all which they preserve; and carefully keep by them, for a Trophy of their Conquest over their Enemies. Others keep their Enemies Teeth, which are taken in War, whilst others split the Pitch pine into Splinters and stick them into the Prisoner's Body yet alive. Thus they light them, which burn like so many torches; and in this Manner they make him dance around a great Fire, every one buffeting and deriding him till he expires, when every one strives to get a Bone or some Relick of this unfortunate Captive."


Yet while Graffenried's life was spared, they
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did not let him go home immediately, but kept him a prisoner for six weeks.

        During this time the indirect consequences of the civil difficulties were felt by the Colony. The violence of the feeling in the later Cary disturbances make it manifestly impossible for the partisans of either side to be fair to the others, and unfortunately, since the record of the quarrel was written by strong partisans of Hyde, statements must be accepted with caution. Graffenried3

        3 German Version.


occasionally, and Spotswood4

        4 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 776. Spotswood, pp. 84, 94, 108.


repeatedly, state that Cary and the other opponents of Hyde tried to bring down the Indians to aid them in their resistance. Such a crime is hard to believe, and Weeks5

        5 Johns Hopkins Studies, vol. X, page 300 ff.


does not credit these statements, because the district of Bath, which was friendly to Cary, suffered as severely as New Bern, which favored Hyde. Nevertheless, the Indians somehow had gotten the notion that Hyde was their enemy, and it does not seem unlikely that Cary and others might have gone among them to enlist help. For on July 28, 1711, Governor Spotswood writes:

        "There are several affidavits sent me to prove that one Porter who is one of Cary's pretended Council was with the Tuscaruro Indians promising great Rewards to incite them to cut off all the Inhabitants of that part of Carolina that adhered to Mr. Hyde. The Indians own that the proposal was accepted by their young men, but that their old men (who bare great Sway in all their Councils) being by their own nature Suspitious of some trick or else directed by Superior providence, refused to be concerned in that barbarous design."6

        6 Col. Rec., page 797; see also page 802 for statement by Hyde.


Such positive statements and the fact that Graffenried's death was determined when the Indians supposed him to be Governor Hyde, and that they let him go when they found who he really was, help to confirm the report.7

        7 German Version.


Moreover, the crime, though great, of using the savages as allies was duplicated by the English Government as late as during the Revolution and the War of 1812, so that the mere repulsiveness of the thought does not disprove the fact.

        Although at the time of the Cary troubles, the Indians did not make any moves against the white settlers, such invitations, if one may trust reports like the above, certainly showed them the colony's


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weakness. And it is but natural that they determined to profit by it. Notwithstanding their personal friendship for Graffenried, they were still savages and acted the part by massacring all the whites in the Bath County they could reach, whether Swiss, Palatines or English.

        Spotswood thus describes one of these massacres: "On the 22nd of the last month some towns of the Tuscaruro Indians and other Nations bordering on Carolina, made an incursion upon the head of the Neuse and Pamlico Rivers, in that province, without any previous declaration of War or show of discontent, and having divided themselves into partys at Sun rise (which was the Signal for their bloody design) began a barbarous Massacre on the Inhabitants of the Frontier plantations, killing without distinction of age or Sex, 60 English and upwards of that number of Swiss and Palatines, besides a great many left dangerously wounded. The Baron de Graffenried, Chief of the Swiss and Palatines' Settlement there, is also fallen into their hands and carryed away Prisoner. Since which they have continued their Ravages in burning those plantations and others deserted by the Inhabitants for fear of the like Crueltys. The Governor, Mr. Hyde, has raised what men he can to oppose the further Invasion of the heathen and protect the rest of the Country, but that Spirit of disobedience to which they have long been accustomed, still prevails so much that he can hardly persuade them to unite for their common Safety. I will not affirm that the Invitation given those Savages some time ago by Collo. Cary and his party to cutt off their fellow Subjects has been the only occasion of this Tragedy, tho' that heavy charge is proved by divers Testimonys and firmly believed in Carolina. Yet it appears very reasonable to believe that they have been greatly encouraged in this attempt by the unnatural Divisions and Animosities among the Inhabitants, and I very much fear their mutinous and Cowardly behavior in some late Shirmishes will Embolden the Indians to continue their Insolences."

        The plan of this massacre was perfected while Graffenried was still a prisoner among the Indians. He knew of their design and was in anxiety for his people, of course, but although the red men promised that they would spare such of the Palatines as were in the city, he was not much comforted, for he had no way of warning his people to retire from their farms to the village. In a few days the warriors with the prisoners and the booty returned. Among these prisoners was a Palatine boy, and from him he learned that many of the Palatines as well as English had been slaughtered.

        Graffenried now saw no hopes of getting back home except by making a treaty of neutrality between himself and the Indians. By


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this he was to give a ransom for his own life and help neither the English nor the Indians during the war, and in return all his colonists' houses marked with a big N were to be safe from harm.

        Another important clause provided that the Indians should be allowed to buy goods at reasonable rates. The colonists had not gone into the Indian trade as yet, but by the report, memorial and letters8

        8 German Version.


we learn they were intending to do so, and in April had sent in orders for goods, knives, brass rings, and pipes, but had not yet had time to get them back, when Urmstone writes July 17 that the Indians incited by jealous traders, had been annoying the colony.9

        9 See page 81.


One cannot suppose the Germans, knowing that the Indians were unfriendly, would go among them later if their goods should have come. Graffenried himself seems to have felt that all was not well when Lawson persuaded him to go up the river to explore; and so the clause can scarcely be directed against him or his colony, but rather shows that there was dissatisfaction with the professional traders and their extortions, against which the Indians intended to secure themselves before-hand by a treaty, in case they and the Germans should have dealings together.

        After Graffenried had been some time among them Spotswood wrote a letter ordering the Indians to release their prisoner, with no better result than to anger them the more. Spotswood had gone to a village called Notaway, and Graffenried meanwhile was taken to a village called Tasqui which lay in the direction of Notaway; but he was disappointed in his hopes of meeting the Governor, and soon after was taken to Catechna for security, because the Indians were afraid of losing the ransom. While he was here, the English and Palatines made an attack which angered the Indians very much in view of Graffenried's treaty, though, of course, his people knew nothing of such an agreement as yet. The attack, furthermore, hampered Graffenried's negotiations for liberty, and it was with difficulty that he deceived the Indians into believing that his people had not been among the assailants. This attack also alarmed the Indians to such an extent that they moved their wives, children and old men to their fortified stronghold near Catechna, and the Carolinians, unable to capture the position, were forced to retreat with some loss in killed and captured. When they had gone the Indians returned to Catechna and Graffenried was set at liberty under promise of sending back the ransom. After two days hard traveling and sleeping at night on the ground, in constant danger of wild beasts and hostile Indians, he reached home about October 30.


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        Graffenried expected, as far as possible, to keep the truce he had made, and greatly angered10

        10 Spotswood, vol. I, page 142. (Extract of a letter) February 8, 1711:

        "The Baron de Graffenried being obliged, while he was prisoner among the Indians, to conclude a neutrality for himself and his Palatines lives as yet undisturbed by the Heathen, but is sufficiently persecuted by the people of Carolina for not breaking with the Indians, tho' they will afford him neither provisions of War or victuals nor Assistance from them. He has always declared his readiness to enter into a war as soon as he should be assisted to prosecute it, but it would be madness in him to expose his handful of people to the fury of the Indians, without some better assurance of help than the present confusions in that province gives him reason to hope for, and the Indians would soon Either Entirely destroy that settlement or starve them out of the place by killing their stocks and hindering them from planting corn. In the meantime the people of Carolina receive very great advantage by this Neutrality, for by that means the Baron has an opportunity of discovering and communicating to them all the designs of the Indians, tho' he runs the Risque of paying dear for it if they ever come to know it. This makes him so apprehensive of his danger from them, and so diffident of help or even justice from the Government under which he is, that he has made some efforts to remove with the Palatines to this Colony upon some of her Majesty's Lands; and since such a number of people as he may bring with him, with what he proposes to invite over from Swisserland and Germany, will be of great advantage to this Country and prove a strong Barier against the incursions of the Indians if they were properly disposed above our inhabitants. I pray your Lord'ps' directions what encouragement ought to be given to this design," . . .


        (Italics are mine. V. H. T.)


some of the English and Palatines when he refused to allow them to kill the Indian who came for the ransom. But he also delayed giving the ransom in hopes of inducing the Indians to free the other prisoners whom they still held. He also gave much valuable information concerning the situation to the English. It was on this account, he says, that a man Brice, who had estranged many of his people including a Palatine blacksmith, prepared 20 or 23 articles against him, tried to arrest him, and threatened to have him hanged.


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CHAPTER XIII

        DISCOVERY OF THE PLOT--MEASURES TAKEN FOR THE DEFENSE OF THE TOWN--GRAFFENRIED BEGINS TO MAKE PLANS TO GO TO VIRGINIA--A LETTER OF SPOTSWOOD SHOWING THE CONDITION OF THE COLONISTS--BRICE'S THOUGHTLESS ATTACK PRECIPITATES WAR--GRAFFENRIED'S PART IN THE WAR--BARNWELL'S BREACH OF FAITH--INDIANS PREPARE FOR A NEW MASSACRE--GRAFFENRIED'S CONDITION--VISIT TO GOVERNOR HYDE--LOSS OF A BOATLOAD OF PROVISIONS--GRAFFENRIED GOES TO VIRGINIA TO PLAN FOR A NEW SETTLEMENT

        Brice and his friends had plotted well, but their cause was destined to ruin by a trivial incident. While the plot was being made, a little Palatine boy was in the room, unnoticed by the conspirators. He knew something was wrong and told his mother. She, being friendly to the Baron, got word to him; and when Brice and his friends came to get him they found themselves in a trap. But because of lack of direct evidence against them, Graffenried had to let them go. At a meeting of the assembly Graffenried justified himself in an impassioned speech, answering the series of complaints which had been made against him, but could get no satisfactory decision. The truce with the Indians was acceptable to no one, because the people, Germans and English, were angered against the Indians and anxious for a revenge. It appears that Graffenried would have had the truce include the whole province, but no one would hear to such a proposition in their eagerness for retaliation. The situation among the Palatines, too, was far from favorable, for after the first massacre Brice had drawn off with him a large number of the settlers; and this not only left the outlying homes of the disaffected ones unprotected, but also materially reduced the defending force of the town. With the situation as it was on his return, Graffenried was too prudent to trust to the truce, and immediately began to fortify his town and to collect supplies and munitions of war.

        In the meantime although no large marauding parties took the warpath, many smaller bands of Indians harassed the outlying districts, and kept the colonists in suspense for fear of an extensive and concerted attack. Just at this unfortunate moment the new disturbing element again asserted itself. Brice and his followers began a campaign, with most of the able-bodied men in the Palatine settlement in their following. The exact time of this unofficial expedition is uncertain, but it was probably just before the general attack in


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January. Their most atrocious act of violence was the roasting alive of an innocent Indian chief, which, while not particularly barbaric compared with the Indian massacres of the autumn before, was sufficient to arouse the savage wrath. Moreover, the campaign had other and more far-reaching effects. The Indians, not only attacked and destroyed more outlying homes, but chiefly they lost confidence in Graffenried, who previously had been the one man who could act as a mediator between them and the whites.

        But Graffenried was in sore straits in other ways. Added to the danger of sure attack and possible siege was the danger of starvation, for the stores were running short. One alternative was thought of only to be abandoned--it was to send away all the families whose men had followed Brice; but they begged so hard to be allowed to remain, promising valiant aid in case of need, that Graffenried was touched and acquiesced. But neither courage nor the promise of courage availed to create foodstuffs, and starvation became imminent. Possibilities of making a new settlement in Virginia were discussed, but all such plans were for the time being abandoned for they still hoped to save the settlement at New Bern. With insufficient food supplies and ammunition for an extended campaign, without forts or stockades of sufficient strength to resist attack, the province awaited war with a cunning, cruel, and savage people. It was an awful time. The situation is nowhere better described than in the following extract of a letter written by Spotswood on December 28, 1711: "The shortness of their crops, occasioned by their Civil Dissensions last Summer and an unusual Drowth that succeeded, together with the Ravages made by the Indians among their Corn and Stocks, gives a dreadful prospect of a Famine, Insomuch that the Baron de Graffenried writes he shall be constrained to abandon the Swiss and Palatines' Settlement, without speedy Succours, the people being already in such despair that they have burnt their own houses rather than be obliged to stay in a place exposed to so many hardships."

        The Indians, on the other hand, were well equipped, and in addition, capable of mustering large numbers almost at their very doors. And here was Brice with a small force of English and Palatines declaring was before any preparation could be made, and thereby destroying the only thing, slight as it was, which stood between the province and the Indians--Graffenried's truce. With the truce broken thus, Graffenried realized that the only safety lay in prosecuting the war as vigorously as possible; and when 50 white men and 800 tributary Indians under Colonel Barnwell came from South Carolina, he sent 50 Palatines under Michel to assist in the attack of the Indian fort. These hostilities took place in January, 1712. In the first battle the


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Indians had the advantage, and then Graffenried suggested that two small cannon belonging to the province be used. These he had slung on poles and transported to the place of battle. Two shots from them were sufficient to frighten the Indians into submission, and a truce was arranged, leading to a release of the captives which the Indians still held. Thus ended the first hostilities.

        The end of the Indian troubles, however, brought the Germans little relief, and at this time Graffenried exercised one of the rights of a lord over his leetmen, in permitting such of his settlers as wished to work for the English planters, to leave their own colony for two years, during which time they should be free from their quit-rents.

        Concerning Graffenried's part in this war there seems to be some difference of opinion, for Spotswood's letter previously quoted contradicts Graffenried's statement. But this is probably due to the fact that the former's letter was written before he received information concerning the battle in which the Indians were defeated through the use of the cannon which Graffenried had sent to be of assistance to the attacking party. But he was acquainted with the Baron's attitude towards the Indians and knew about his treaty with them. He knew, probably, of the unpopularity of Graffenried's truce and from such indications concluded that he was not taking part in the efforts to subdue the savages.

        But the close of hostilities did not bring security. The Indians were far from subdued, even after this battle, for a piece of barbarous injustice practiced on them by Barnwell enraged them more than ever. His men were not paid the salary due them and to reimburse themselves they treacherously took a great many of the Core Indians prisoner to sell for slaves, and people with reason began to fear another outbreak.

        Renewal of the war was not, however, the greatest danger to the New Bern adventurers, for not long after the treaty of peace was made, Graffenried's provisions, except one measure of wheat, were consumed, and the ammunition, too, was low, for it had now been twenty-two weeks since his return from captivity, and during this time he had been compelled to support his little garrison with what he had been able to store up during the summer preceding. Graffenried decided to appeal once again to the Province, hoping in such straits to obtain aid. To this end he undertook what proved to be a perilous journey, but only to be disappointed. For the Governor could do but little for him; he did, however, supply him with a boatload of provisions, which never reached his poor settlers, for at the mouth of the Neuse River the crew carelessly let fire get among some tobacco leaves and it spread to a cask of gunpowder. The men escaped,


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but the boat was lost; and with it went the last hope of relief for New Bern.

        During this time Graffenried was detained at Hyde's for six weeks by governmental affairs. The principal business was how to meet and ward off the threatened attacks of the Indians. Graffenried advised that the exportation of provisions be forbidden, and that new help be secured from Virginia and South Carolina. Governor Spotswood in a letter of July 26, writes as follows: "I thereupon made extraordinary efforts to assist them with 200 white men and Indians as your Lordship will observe in the Journal of the Council the 24th, of April last and accordingly directed the Rendevouze of those forces on the 10th of May." This in answer to the petition of the assembly would fix the date of the Parliament some time before April 24, probably in March. The session lasted six weeks, before the end of which, Graffenried learned of the ill fate of his boat, and his next efforts were to secure other provisions, which he sent in a larger boat, in order that as many of his settlers as wished to, might come to him in Virginia or Maryland where he now intended to resettle. It appears that he went directly from Governor Hyde's to the Governor of Virginia after transacting this business, and petitioned for the help above mentioned, and then explored along the Potomac for a suitable location, and also attempted to find the silver mines which he had heard so much about. The results of this trip, however, could not have been very encouraging if we are to judge from contemporary comment. In a letter of Governor Spotswood written May 8, 1712, occurs this passage, "According to what I had the hon'r to write to Your Lord'ps in my last, the Baron de Graffenried is come hither with a design to settle himself and sev'll Swiss familys in the fforks of Potomack but when he expected to have held his Land there of her Majesty, he now finds Claims made to it both by the Proprietors of Maryland and the Northern Neck," (i.e. Culpepper) . . . As a result he had to choose a place more on the frontier than he hoped, and again as though fated, the Palatines were to become a forepost against the Indians.


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CHAPTER XIV

        THE NEW LOCATION--PROSPECTING FOR SILVER--GOVERNOR SPOTSWOOD'S LETTER DESCRIBING THE SAME EVENT--GRAFFENRIED RETURNS TO CAROLINA--GOVERNOR HYDE'S DEATH--GRAFFENRIED DISAPPOINTED IN MICHEL, MAKES ONE LAST EFFORT--GRAFFENRIED IN VIRGINIA--MOORE DEFEATS THE INDIANS, MARCH 20, 1713

        The places chosen for the new start were just below the falls of the Potomac about where Washington now stands and at an island which he calls Canavest, further up the river. Graffenried went as far as the Shenandoah River, which he writes Senantona, but seems to have preferred the location nearer the English settlements, which he describes as a most charming location at the head of navigation for large vessels. The Governor gave him the necessary patents, and several gentlemen from Pennsylvania came to confer with him about mines. The soil and situation pleased him, but the best search he could give showed no signs of silver (and never has since, though a tradition to the effect that silver exists somewhere in the mountains thereabouts causes a few people to search for it even to this day). The men from Pennsylvania returned to their homes very badly satisfied, while he himself was convinced that Michel's story was a fabrication. As for Michel, he failed to appear, although Graffenried waited long and did not return to the Governor until long after his partner was due. From him he learned that the Captain whom he had sent to convoy the brigantine had waited six days, and then nothing appearing, the mate had gone out in the yawl and found the boat stuck fast, and the people gone. The Governor was naturally very much disgusted with such treatment, and at first was inclined to blame Graffenried as well as Michel, since the latter was supposed to be acting under orders. Learning, however, that Michel had been duping them both, his resentment toward Graffenried changed to pity for the chief sufferer.

        A letter written by Spotswood July 26, 1712, reports Graffenried's trip up the Potomac as follows, and is self-explanatory of the Governor's attitude. "At present I cannot think of anything of greater concernment to this Country, as well as the particular Service of her Majesty, than what I hinted to Your Lord'ps in my letter of the 15th of May, for encouraging the discovery of Silver mines. I have, since the return of the Baron de Graffenried from Potomac, discoursed him concerning the probability of Mines in these parts, he says, tho'


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he has no doubts of finding such from the accounts he received from one Mr. Mitchell, a Swiss Gentleman who went on the like discovery some years ago, Yet he finds himself much discouraged from prosecuting his first intentions, not only because of the uncertainty of the property of the soil, whether belonging to the Queen or the proprietors, but the share which the Crown may claim in those Mines is also uncertain, and after all his trouble in the discovery he may chance to have his labour for his pains. Whereas he would gladly employ his utmost diligence in making such discoveries if it were once declared what share her Majesty would expect out of the produce of the Mines, or if her Majesty would be pleased to take the Mines into her hands, promising him the superintending of the works with a hansdome Sallary, he says it is a matter not new to him, there having been Mines of the like nature found on his father's lands in Switzerland, which were at first wrought for the benefit of the State, but turning to small account were afterward Yielded to the proprietors of the soil upon paying a share out of the produce thereof; that he has some relatives now concerned therein, and by their interest can procure skillful workmen out of Germany for carrying on the works. I shall submit to your Lor'ps better judgment, which of the alternatives proposed by the Baron will be best for her Majesty's service, and shall hope for a speedy signification of her Majesty's pleasure thereon for promoting a design which I can but believe will turn out to the advantage of her Majesty and the improvement of this Colony. The Baron has not been so far up the Potomac as to discover the head Springs of that River nor to make a true draught of their Course, so that I can't now send Your Lor'ps the Mapps I promised in my last, nor forme a Judgment of the pretentions of the sev'll proprietors."1

        1 Spotswood, vol. I, page 168.


        Whatever lingering hopes, as indicated by this letter, Graffenried may have had in his ability to find and develop deposits of silver ore and to found a new colony in Virginia or Maryland were dissipated by the failure of the Palatines and Swiss to come to him in Virginia. Seeing there was no hope of making a new start in a more favorable location, Graffenried went back to North Carolina and stayed some time with Governor Hyde. While there they all fell sick and on September 9 the Governor died. Graffenried stayed on two weeks longer and then returned to Newbern. Again the governorship was offered him, but he had to refuse on account of his precarious financial condition. The man sent to fix the brigantine found it too much damaged to repair, and Graffenried was allowed nothing for either of his two boats, although he considered them destroyed in the service of the province. Attempts to get satisfaction from Michel brought


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nothing better than proposals to settle in Mexico or along the Mississippi River, and Graffenried was persuaded that his only hope would be to take his two slaves and settle at Canavest and gradually draw a few people about him. This would be difficult because his creditors, including Pollock, were suspicious. In fact, when his two slaves, who liked him for a master, tried to cross the river to him, they were caught and held for their master's debts. In this condition, heavily in debt, almost penniless, his pet scheme demolished, his partner faithless, he retired to Virginia, September 20, 1712, where he stayed until spring among his friends, trying all the time to get help. His friends, however, could only advise him to go back to England or Bern, as it would not be safe for him to try to stay in Virginia, nor to go among the Indians, for the traders would be sure to find him out and tell his creditors. This truly disheartening situation was cheered a little perhaps by the news that on March 20, 1713, Colonel Moore administered a crushing defeat to the Tuscarora Indians with the very troops Graffenried had helped to secure.


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CHAPTER XV

        THE JOURNEY HOME--GRAFFENRIED MEETS HIS MINERS IN LONDON--ARRANGES FOR THEIR PASSAGE TO AMERICA--HIS OWN AFFAIRS DO NOT KEEP HIM LONG IN ENGLAND--DISCUSSION OF THE LANGUAGE OF HIS MANUSCRIPTS--EFFORTS TO RELIEVE HIS COLONY--LIFE AS A SWISS OFFICIAL--DEATH

        Having exhausted all his resources in America, Graffenried had only two alternatives--to let the law take its course, or else to try to get assistance from abroad. He chose the latter, and on Easter day of 1713 Graffenried started for New York, traveling on horseback. After a short stay there, he left for England, landing at Bristol after a six weeks voyage. In London he met Mr. Eden, whom the proprietors were sending out to take Hyde's place. He also met Albrecht with twelve miners and their families, 40 persons altogether. These were the men whom he and Michel had originally engaged to come to America when sent for. They had, however, become tired of waiting and now were preparing to come anyway. When Graffenried found them they were in hard straits, and looked to him for the assistance he had contracted with them to furnish, entirely overlooking the fact that he had told them to stay in Germany until they should be summoned. His only suggestion, so far, of removal to America had been that in case the miners so desired, the master and one or two men might come to America to inspect the ground; but this was, clearly, no invitation or order to begin the trip. The situation was further complicated by Graffenried's financial embarrassment, for his own resources were slender, as we have seen, and he had still to live during the time that his business kept him in London, and moreover, he had to retain enough to pay his passage home. He did not desert his miners, however, but going from one acquaintance to another, he got work for a part of them on a dike which was being repaired, and secured other employment to support them through the winter. Meantime he wrote to Virginia and arranged with Governor Spotswood for their reception there. Furthermore, he persuaded them to put their money into a common fund and persuaded two merchants to forward their passage money, and about New Year's day they started, and landed in Virginia April 28, 1714, where they were first settled as rangers and later put to work in working Spotswood's iron mines.1

        1 Part I, chapter III.



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        Meanwhile Graffenried had not delayed long in England, but had traveled incognito to his home. A lack of passports was a serious hindrance to him, but finally on St. Martin's day, 1713, he reached Bern. The three accounts vary. Professor Geobel's two versions very distinctly make his return home St. Martin's day, 1714, while the one printed in the Colonial Records of North Carolina makes it a year earlier, 1713. This, however, is but one of several items which indicate that at the time Graffenried wrote his accounts the story was becoming a little confused in some of its details--a not uncommon occurrence with any one who tries to tell of events in his life a few years after they took place. His language in speaking of his stay in London is entirely misleading, as is shown by a quotation from Professor Goebel's French version, which probably was written last: "A Londre je fis Sejour de quelques Semaines (months in the Colonial Records and the German version) esperant de pouvoir presenter ma Supplication a la Reine Anne par le Duc de Beaufort, mon Patron, qui estoit le premier Lord Prop; de Caroline et Palatin de la Province, mais peu de tems avant qu'il voulust presenter ma supplication il est mort Subitement encore un coup de mon infortune bientost apres la Reine mourust elle meme, il ne faloit que cela pour m'oster tout esperance d'aucun retour. La dessus il y eust tant d'alterations a la Cour d'Angleterre que ie ne pouvois esperer aucune faveur de longtems en cette nouvelle Cour, quand meme on pouvoit conjecture qu'avec le tems ce nouveau Roy come Allemande de Nation seroit enclin pour ma Colonie allemande."2

        2"In London I made a sojourn of several weeks (months in the Colonial Records and the German version), hoping to be able to present my petition to Queen Anne by the Duke of Beaufort, my patron, who is the first Lord Proprietor of Carolina and Palatine of the Province. But a little while before he intended to present my petition he suddenly died. One more stroke of my misfortune: the Queen herself died soon after, and it needed only that to remove from me all hope of my return. Thereupon there were so many alterations at the English Court that I could not hope for any favor for a long time at this new court, even though one might conjecture that in time this new king, as a German, would be inclined toward my German colony."


This certainly reads as though Graffenried were in London at the time of the death of these two personages and the accession of George I. So long a stay after his recent disasters in America leaving him almost penniless seems improbable, at least. Other sources, then, will have to be called upon to settle the matter. In the Neujahrsblatt there is a passage taken from Anton von Graffenried's Diary which says, "Den 2. December 1713 ist der alt Landvogt von Ifferten aus America durch Engelland und Frankreich wieder allhier angelangt und hat mich erst den 10. Dezember salutirt."3

        3"On the 2d of December, 1913, the old bailiff of Iverton arrived here by way of England and France, but did not greet me until the 10th of December."


In addition to this evidence we know that Pollock received a letter from him written from Bern on April 30, 1714.
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These two evidences taken with his own statements in the three versions prove that he made only a comparatively short stay in England, for he left Virginia at Easter-time, or April 16, 1713, and went to New York, where he stayed for about two weeks. His voyage across the Atlantic occupied six weeks, and we are told that he rested awhile at Bristol before proceeding on horseback to London. He accounts, thus, with fair accuracy for eight weeks, but this allows no time for his sojourns in New York and Bristol nor for his journeys from Virginia to New York and from Bristol to London. But even eight weeks would place his arrival in the middle of June. His actual time of arrival, however, was much later than this owing to the stops and other delays, and can be roughly estimated by the remark when he met the newly appointed Governor Eden, that had he (Graffenried) come a month earlier, the position had fallen to him. Now since Eden was not appointed until August 13, 1713, Graffenried must have come later, perhaps about a month, somewhere near September 13.4

        4 Col. Rec., vol II, page 58.


        His journey to Bern was also rather long, for he was beaten about by storms for three weeks in his passage across the channel; and then there was the remainder of the way to be covered by coach. Despite some further delays for passports and in finding his people when he reached Switzerland, he, nevertheless, finally reached his family St. Martin's day, November 11, 1713. This would leave him only a small part of August, if any, all of September and perhaps a part of October in England.

        The most puzzling thing, however, is that any one reading any of the three versions would suppose that Graffenried had been present at the time of the deaths of the Duke of Beaufort and of Queen Anne, and the Accession of George I, and had stayed after that until he was sure nothing would be done for his colony. But since Beaufort5

        5 McCrady, page 526.


died July 25, 1714; and Queen Anne6

        6 McCrady, page 527.


August 1, 1714, and he had reached Bern in November of the year before, this is impossible, unless he made a second voyage to England, which is nowhere mentioned directly, and alluded to, if at all, in such vague terms that no one would suspect it on reading the accounts.

        But his efforts for his colony did not stop even after he reached home. Yet the final chapter is brief. Too poort to sue his company for their breach of contract, he next tried to have a commission appointed to investigate and hear his proposition, but this was refused. His efforts to interest others failed, and at last, to his own regret, he had to abandon his colony.


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        The story of the rest of his life is soon told. He was dependent upon his father for a support which was not cheerfully granted. And the following letter gives as much light on the father's character as on Christoph's.

        "Ayez, Monsieur, la bonté de mettre en oublis le passé, et m'estant corrigé de depuis, ayez meilleure opinion de moy pour le present et advenir; Pourtant quoyque Je vous aye chagriné par mon evasion et mes debts, cependant j'ay deservis mon Balliage avec honneur au contentment du Souverain et des Ressortissants, et n'ay rien comis d'atroce qui vous aye fait deshonneur, ny ay-je jamais, que je sache, manqué anvers Vous de Respect ny de Soumission, pardonnez moy dont le passé et ne retouchez pas toujours cette corde facheuse, mais ayez moy, Monsieur et tres honorable Pere, en recommandation puisque je feray touts mes efforts pour vous contenter et vous montrer que je suis avec toutte l'obeissance Respect et Soumission L'Enfant perdu retrouvé, et amandez, regardez moy donc aussi en Pere benin et faitte moy sentir plus outre les effects de Votre Bienveillance."7


        7 Neujahrsblatt, page 89.


        "Have, Sir, the kindness to forget the past, and, now that I have corrected myself since then, conceive a better opinion of me for the present and the future. But yet, although I have grieved you by my evasion and my debts, yet I have served my bailiwick with honor to the satisfaction of the Sovereign and the subjects, and have committed nothing atrocious which might have done you dishonor, nor have I, so far as I know, failed toward you in respect and submission. Pardon me, then, the past and do not keep touching again upon this disagreeable string, but take me unto favor again, Sir and honorable Father, since I shall make all effort to satisfy you and show you that I am with all obedience, Respect and Submission the Prodigal returned and amended. Look upon me, then, as the gracious Father and make me to feel further yet the effects of your benevolence."


        In 1731, after the death of a brother, the Oberherr von Worb, Anton secured and sold to Christoph the management of the estate which went with the office, reserving for himself the revenues of the office. The management of the estate was not very lucrative, but the father thought he had made a rather generous expiation for his previous treatment. Next, when Anton became Mayor of Murton he wanted a representative in Iverton; and although Christoph did not relish the place, still to please his wife he ran for it and was elected. In 1730 at Anton's death the estate of Worb came to Christoph without encumbrance, and he held it till 1740, when he retired in favor of his sons. Three years later he died and was buried in the choir of the Church at Worb, ending a life the last years of which, while uneventful, were not unpleasant.


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CHAPTER XVI

        PROOF THAT GRANFFENRIED NEVER CAME BACK TO AMERICA TO LIVE--DEBT TO POLLOCK UNPAID--LAST NOTICES OF THE GERMAN SETTLERS AND END OF THE NEW BERN ADVENTURES

        It is improbable that Graffenried ever returned to America, although it has been asserted that he did. It appears that the Graffenried who lived in this country after 1714, was a son of, but not the Baron Christoph von Graffenried who founded the settlement at New Bern. According to the Neujahrsblatt, Christoph's eldest son came at the time of the settlement and stayed here after his father's departure, settling finally in Williamsburg, New York, where he married. The Virginia Magazine quotes the following from the files of the Virginia Gazette for February 18-25, 1736; "This is to give notice to all Gentlemen and Ladies that Mrs. Barbara de Graffenried intends to have a Ball on Tuesday the 26th of next April and an assembly on the 27th in Williamsburg: For which tickets will be delivered out at her Home." A footnote then states that "This was the wife of Christopher, Baron von Graffenried of Berne, Switzerland who brought over a colony of Swiss and Palatines to North Carolina in 1709." In the article to which the note is added in explanation, she is called "la Baronne de Graffenriedt." The statement of her being the wife of Christopher von Graffenried is made, but no proof is given, and other evidence would indicate that the Virginia Magazine is here in error.

        Colonel William Byrd, also, in his memoirs1

        1 Byrd, page 326.


mentions meeting a certain Madame de Graffenriedt not far from Williamsburg. This lady could hardly be any other than the one named in the Virginia Magazine who lived at Williamsburg. According to the Neujahrsblatt Christoph's wife is named Regine Tscharner, while in the Virginia Magazine her given name is Barbara. The writer in the Neujahrsblatt is evidently mistaken about the son settling in Williamsburg, New York, but he would have no difficulty learning the name of Graffenried's wife if other means were lacking when he copied the inscription on the Graffenried memorial in the church at Worb.

        The most plausible explanation then is this, that the writer in the Virginia Magazine supposed because this lady was called la Baronne she must be the wife of Christoph von Graffenried, overlooking the fact that the title was hereditary and would belong to the eldest son and his wife even during the father's lifetime. The writer in the Neujahrsblatt with the means at his disposal could hardly have


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gotten the name of Christoph's wife wrong, but the confusion may have arisen between the two Williamsburgs and he wrote New York when he should have written Virginia. If all these suppositions are correct, Madame de Graffenried, the lady Colonel Byrd speaks of, and the wife of the son who stayed in America are all the same person; and this evidence, which so far as I can learn, is the only evidence that the Baron ever returned to this country, is destroyed. Christoph's own statement that for 20 years no complaint had been made of his administration completes the proof if more is needed, for his official duties began in 1722 and lasted until 1742, and the notices of Madame de Graffenried's ball were printed in 1736.

        One more disputed point concerning Graffenried needs to be settled. Careful searching of the Colonial Records down to Graffenried's death in 1743 make no mention of Pollock's having received more than the assignment of the Palatines' land, for the money due him on the loans. As he had lent much more than the 17,500 acres were worth, he had reason to feel misused and defrauded, although Graffenried was acting in good faith, and fully expected assistance from the Proprietors and the Company. And when these sources failed him, he had nothing to pay with. Pollock also seems to have lost confidence in his honesty because of his failure to deliver letters to the Lords Proprietors as he was returning to England.2

        2 Col. Rec., page 145.

Oct. 20th, 1714.

        "My first letter to you dated September 20th, 1712 (a copy whereof is enclosed) I delivered myself to Baron Graffenried, who was then (goin)g to Verginia; and he told me that the Gouvernor of Verginia took care--his letters to London with his own pacquets, and that there was no--that they would come safe to your Lordships hands.--second letters, dated April 2d, 1713 immediately after the taking the great Indian Fort I sent into Verginia an I know they came to Baron Graffenreid who was then in Verginia I would have sent (your Lord)ship copies of all, but the state of affairs being much altered, and they being long, thought it not worth while to trouble your (Lordshi)p with them. What reason Baron Graffenried had to conceal (or) keep up my letters, I know not. I took him for a man of honour and integrity, but have found the contrary to my great loss."



But the attitude is unjust, for Graffenried complains that a box full of papers and curios was lost on the way to Europe, and these letters most likely were in it.3

        3 French Version.


In a letter of February 10, 1715, Pollock asks him to pay 700£ at London and keep this title to the land he had taken up.4

        4 Col. Rec., vol. II, page 166.

North Carolina, February 10th, 1715.

Hond. Sir:

        Yours from Berne dated April, 30th 1714, came to hand and (am glad to) understood you got safe to your own country, and I should (be) well satisfied, (if for your advantage and to pay it? your creditors) (you) could procure a new surety. But I could never have expected Baron Graffenreid, whom I always took to be a man of honour and honesty would have proposed to me to give away the matter of 900 pounds sterling money of England for nothing. You know how readily and fully (I served) you; you cannot but remember your reiterated promises that I should be fully and honestly satisfied. And now to propose to put me off with (nothing) is what I never expected of you. Your debt to me was 612 pounds, besides some other small debts I (paid) by your desire, after making up accounts: your debt to Cap . . . and his brother was fifty-six pounds which makes 668 pounds, the bills being pro(tested) the change and re-exchange at 15 per cent is 91 pounds 4 sh (illings) makes with the charge in England for the protest near 770 pounds. To (which) will be two if not three years interest due before I can have it of you . . . at London, which with the other small debts I have paid here for (you) and trouble of taking care of what insignificant matters you (left) here, having been forced to pay Mr. Graves for the surveying your land, and the heavy charge of a Land tax, will make your debt near 1000 pounds sterling money of England, of all which have received (but) 312 pounds in our public bills for your sloops et eact., which are of no use, seeing I can purchase nothing for them, but lie dead on my hand. And as for your goods, if you left any of any value, your friend Mr. Mitchell, the Mayor, and others of your people had conveyed an . . . I haveing got nothing, save a little iron and some rusty nails for . . . and other small things of little value.

        You know that you purchased only 15000 acres of land of the Lords Proprietors, which is but 150 pounds sterling money, whereof at Mill Creek? there is only 85000 acres surveyed; the other 5000 acres not being yet taken up, which I intend to take up at White Oak River, as you designed. As for your two or three other small tracts, you not having paid the purchase to the Lords Proprietors, they were by law made here, with all other lands in Bath County that had not been paid the purchase, lost: so I was oblidged to purchase them of the Receiver General. And all the land, and what else is come to me of yours, is not really of the value of 200 pounds. And if you will pay me at London, so that I may be sure to have the money seven hundred pounds sterling money within this twelve month, you shall have what land you purchased of the Lords Proprietors, you shall have the public bills I had on your account, and what other small matter of goods I had of yours or the value as they are appraised. (From Pollock's Letter Book.)



Graffenried's petition
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was at this time in the Duke of Beaufort's hands, waiting for an opportunity to be presented. Graffenried, also, was doing all that could be done to extricate himself from his entanglements. As we have seen, however, the Duke died before the petition could be presented and only a little while after, the Queen also; so that he received no help from England and it is probable that Pollock was never paid the money due him, for on March 29, 1743, some Palatines led by Jacob Sheets settled by Baron de Graffenried at Neuse showing their agreement with the said Baron and praying to have Title made out to them "in order that warrants might issue to them respectively for laying out their lands to each man his several proportion or otherwise to be secure in their possession.

        "Then Cullen Pollock's Council produced a patent to the said Pollock's father, Thomas Pollock Esq., deceased, for a large tract of land at Neuse which was read and it appearing to the Council that the said Patent take in the Palatine Lands," the suit was dismissed.5

        5 Col. Rec., vol. IV, page 632.


        That the Palatines in the meantime had managed somehow to live will appear from the Proclamation of the Council, November 6, 1714, where "upon petition of the poor Palatines showing that they were disappointed of the lands stock and other necessary which was to be provided for them and are reduced to great want and poverty by the late war and prays that they may have Liberty to take up four hundred Acres of land for each family at the rate of ten Pounds a thousand acres and that they may have two years day of payment for the same."6

        6 Col. Rec., vol. IV, page 146.


Apparently nothing was done at the time, for in 1747 another petition was made by the Palatines, this time, to the Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs.7

        7 Col. Rec., vol. IV, page 954 (which gives the text of the petition also); see also pp. 868, 873 ff.


Redress was slow but at length on March 16, 1748, His Majesty gave orders to Governor Johnston to give the settlers an equivalent of the lands of which they had been dispossessed, free of quit-rent for ten years. After that they were to pay the usual rents, "and as the settlement of the said Palatines will be a great addition to the strength of our said Province, and be a considerable
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advantage and Security to the Inhabitants whereof8

        8 The italics are mine, V. H. T.


we do hereby direct and require you to recommend to the Assembly of our said Province to make speedy provision in such manner as they shall think proper for defraying the Charge of surveying the Land so as to be granted to the said Petitioners, and of issuing the Grants for the same and all other Charges attending such Survey and Grants."9

        9 Col. Rec., vol. vol. IV, page 967.


Two years later they were settled in what are now Craven, Jones, Onslow, and Duplin counties.10

        10 Ashe, page 273.


        This ends the story of the German settlement at Newbern as a distinctly German colony. The town had a prosperous growth and kept its original name, but as a financial venture it was a complete failure, due not to the incompetence of the leader, but to the force of circumstances and the niggardliness of those whose duty it was to contribute to his support.


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PART III
THE GRAFFENRIED MANUSCRIPTS

CHAPTER I

        THE DISCOVERY OF NEW MATERIAL RELATING TO NEW BERN--COMPARISON OF MANUSCRIPTS--NEW MATERIAL IN A FRENCH VERSION--NEGOTIATIONS OF BERN FOR LAND--CONSIDERED GOING TO MARYLAND--GRAFFENRIED'S TITLES--CONTRACT WITH THE PROPRIETORS--VOYAGE ACROSS THE ATLANTIC--ILLNESS OF THE COLONISTS--TREATY WITH THE INDIANS--TROUBLES WITH MICHEL--DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY OF NEW BERN--PURCHASE OF BOATS--EXPLORATION FOR SILVER ALONG THE POTOMAC IN DETAIL--INDICATIONS OF A TREATY WITH PENN--DETAILS OF VOYAGE TO EUROPE--DETAILS OF HIS CARE FOR THE MINERS--ADDITIONAL EFFORTS TO SECURE HELP--A KEY TO A FRENCH MAP OF THE POTOMAC

        When Graffenried returned from America disappointed in all his plans, he found plenty of people who blamed him for the misfortune "as though he had acted rashly and imprudently." It was to vindicate himself that he wrote of his adventures in America, and in order to allow himself to be more widely understood in Switzerland, he wrote in both French and German. For some reason he appears to have left two French versions, unless indeed, one is a copy of the other, which from comparison seems hardly probable. The French version in the library at Iverton, Switzerland, has been copied and translated for the Colonial Records of North Carolina where it may be found in Volume I, page 905. When Professor Goebel was writing his book on the Germans in America, (Das Deutschtum in den Vereinigten Staaten von Nord Amerika) he found that there were other versions, and at considerable trouble and expense he had accurate copies of these made for his own use, in hopes that if they were published, they might throw some light on this early pioneer. The three manuscripts as nearly as can be judged by the translation in the Colonial Records which is a literal translation into poor English, are in many places word for word translations, or copies, of each other. The importance, then, of Professor Goebel's copies is that while they


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contain everything that the other version has, they also have much which is entirely lacking in the North Carolina Records.

        It may be worth while to indicate the most important differences between Professor Goebel's manuscripts and the others, especially where the former contains things not found in the latter, although most of the items have been referred to already in Part II.

        The most natural comparison to make is between the two French versions, as they are most alike, being each divided into twelve contretemps, which may be translated misfortunes. Where they treat of the same thing, they use the same language, except that Professor Goebel's copy often has things interspersed, which the other does not have, and occasionally the marginal notes are not placed in the same position. Then, again, whole paragraphs are placed in different relative positions as regards the rest of the account. For instance, the chapter on Indian customs which comes at the end of the account in the Colonial Records, is placed in the body of the text in connection with the account of Graffenried's capture in Professor Goebel's French text. The omissions from, or additions to the original text must have been made by Graffenried himself or else by some one very familiar with the text; for several more attempts made to relieve the colony are mentioned in Professor Goebel's French version than appear in the other accounts and two items are added in marginal notes which do not occur elsewhere, namely, that Cary was banished to a distant island and there died, and that Michel died among the Indians. These events, if recorded after the accounts had been written, would naturally be placed in the finished version, an inference borne out by the conclusions of Professor A. B. Faust on placing the three originals side by side.1

        1 German American Annals. New Series, Vol. XI. Nos. 5 and 6.


        However, the order in which the versions were written is of minor importance compared to the contents, since they must have appeared within a very few years of each other. The following paragraphs are intended to give what seems the most important contributions which Professor Goebel's manuscripts make to what is already accessible in the Colonial Records of North Carolina. Taking the French version first: this says that Bern negotiated through Stanian, the Envoy Extraordinary, for a place to found a colony which should be absolutely independent of any authority except the British sovereign, but was unsuccessful, because the Queen did not wish to work to the detriment of the colonial and proprietary governments. He received permission to take up land above the falls of the Potomac but was persuaded that conditions were more favorable in North Carolina where land was cheaper, and where, under the proprietors,


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he would have more jurisdiction and various additional privileges. When he went to Virginia, he found that Culpepper had gotten ahead of him on a part of the land, and this would have compelled him to settle in Maryland farther from white settlers than he had hoped.

        As a reward for their zeal in bringing him to the throne, Charles II gave to several gentlemen a large tract in North America with power to create hereditary titles of nobility. According to the French version, Graffenried was made Landgrave of Carolina, Baron de Bernberg, and Chevelier du Cordon Bleu, and in addition was given a medal. The regalia of his orders he wore whenever he went to the assembly, and he found it increased people's deference for him.

        The amount of land he took up and the charges per acre have been given already.1

        1 See Part II, chapter V.


Two other very important clauses of this agreement with the proprietors were the ones providing for religious liberty and for the furnishing of provisions and stock by the proprietors, the debts so contracted by the colony to be paid in three years. Then he says: "Je passe icy sous Silence un Traitté fait avec William Penn Proprietaire de Pennsilvanie pour des Terres et des mines." This is only one of several passages which show that such an agreement existed. Then follows a description of the town.

        A description of New Castle, and the voyage across the Atlantic occupies several pages and has this of interest to us, that in connection with it he states that a box of curiosities, papers, and clothes which he had given to the ship's captain, was lost on the return voyage. This may explain Governor Pollock's grievance that the letters sent by Graffenried were not delivered.2

        2 See page 97.


The voyage over was without unpleasant accidents and has little worthy of mention here, although it makes interesting reading.

        When Graffenried returned from Governor Hyde's in the summer of 1711, he found many of his people ill. This gives him opportunity to tell about the diseases the people were exposed to and the remedies to employ in such cases. In all this his good sense and care for his colonists is shown most clearly. He mentions, also, the insect and reptile pests they have to guard against, and then he discusses the building of the town.

        The Colonial Records relate the troubles Graffenried had in treaty making, persuading Indians unwilling to sell their lands with rum, powder, and shot, while a drunken partner makes merry with some English friends and twice brings the negotiations to the verge of ruin by insulting and even beating the Indian orator. But they do not tell of the pains Graffenried took to keep him at a distance, at one time provisioning him to survey along the Weetock River, and again


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sending him to Philadelphia to see about the silver mines, regarding which they had an express agreement with William Penna and the head miner, Justus Albrecht. The Indians naturally supposed that he sent him away for their sake, and it helped him afterwards while he was in captivity. He also called upon the Indians at Core town and promised to be a good neighbor to them. Then he took the surveyor and the clerk, and together they made the plan of the town.

        "As the people in America do not like to live crowded," he gave each house three acres and the streets were arranged like a cross. His artisans, who could do better in the city, had freedom from taxation for ten years. Then he enumerates the trades represented, among which ought to be particularly noticed the schoolmaster.

        Prosperity seemed so certain that people outside even from as far away as Pennsylvania, took lots. The only thing lacking was ready money. All accounts agree that this was a serious difficulty. The province could not pay him and nothing had been received from Europe; but he trusted that if he could only get a message to the Georg Ritter Company by some person, they would help him out. One of the settlers was just going and was willing to take the message. This man, Bötschi3

        3 German Version, Report.


by name, as the German version shows, abused the confidence placed in him by contracting debts in Graffenried's name in Philadelphia and Amsterdam. Nevertheless, he delivered his message faithfully. But the disasters of the following autumn when the Indians captured Graffenried and Lawson, discouraged the Company in Bern and the Proprietors so that, even if they had intended to assist him, which is more than doubtful, they now refused to risk their money. However, while he still believed that help would be sent him, he had bought two boats for use in trading and on one trip took a cargo of wheat to the Bermudas to exchange for salt. But the wheat was damaged in a storm and the profits consequently were lessened.

        A considerable space in the book is then filled with his account of the trip to Canavest, the chief part of which, however, is a detailed description of the Indians shooting the rapids in canoes.

        As an additional reason why he believed in Michel's stories of the silver mine, Graffenried states that M. M. had asked the Queen for patents, and together they had made a treaty with the miners in Europe, and Mr. Penn had made a treaty with them and had made M. M. director of minerals in Pennsylvania.

        The return to Europe is enlivened with a description of the wonders by the way, such as the meeting with an iceberg and a storm which almost foundered their ship, owing to the negligence of the


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captain. He tells in addition of how he found work on a dike for his miners who were in London when he arrived.

        Along with the account, but not an integral part of it, is a document which appears to be a key to the map of the Potomac River. It has a number of interesting comments on the country about the present site of Washington which consisted of a few plantations and had as yet no name.

        These, then, are the principal items which Professor Goebel's French copy adds to what has been translated for the Colonial Records of North Carolina.


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CHAPTER II

        IMPORTANT ADDITIONS TO THE GERMAN VERSION ARE A REPORT TO THE RITTER COMPANY, THE CONTRACT WITH THE RITTER COMPANY, A MEMORIAL OR ACCOUNT OF LIFE IN THE COLONY, LETTERS FROM THE COLONISTS--CONTENTS OF THE REPORT--RELIABILITY OF THE REPORT AND LETTERS--THE CONTRACT WITH GEORG RITTER COMPANY--THE MEMORIAL

        In the German account there is little that the Colonial Records do not have, though it is a satisfaction to read the man's exact language. Connected with it, however, are several documents of very great importance. The first of these is the report Graffenried sent to the company in Bern. Then follow in order the contract with the Georg Ritter Company, a Memorial or account, apparently written at the time of the report, describing the conditions in America, and a number of letters written by Swiss settlers to their friends and relatives in the home land.

        This report and these letters do more to clear Graffenried's character than anything else which has come down to us from him or others. Taking up the report first; it was written May 6, 1711, just a short time after Cary had seized his brigantine, but before he had made the attack on the governor. At this time the prospects of making the colony succeed were bright, if only help could be secured; and as soon as Cary could be reduced to obedience he might hope for help from the province. The town had been nicely laid out by this time, the people supplied as well as possible with stock, and Graffenried was beginning to think about making exploring expeditions to find gold and silver. As yet his money affairs had not reached a serious condition; he had laid out 2228£ worth of supplies of cattle and grain, and had purchased two boats. The supplies had come for the most part from one man, Thomas Pollock. He with the rest was now becoming suspicious, and refused to sell more. The letters from the settlers express no dissatisfaction, but nevertheless it existed, for the contract with the commissioners relating to supplies for the people had not been fully kept, and there was talk of making complaint to them. As Graffenried had given a bond for 5000£, such a complaint might cause him great inconvenience and loss. He and Michel had agreed to supply each family with two cows, two calves, five sows with their young, two ewes and two lambs, with a male of each kind, within two months of their arrival.1

        1 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 988.


Repayment was to be
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made by the colonists after seven years, at which time the same number of animals would be returned with one-half the stock on hand. The first comers had been in America over a year, and the confusions in the province and the distance from other colonists had made it impossible to deliver more than ten cows, 30 swine, four horses, and eight sheep. The financial difficulties were not yet at a crisis, however, and the timely arrival of money from Switzerland would have allayed all fears and have enabled the work of colonization to go on unhindered. What he wrote then, while he was in the midst of his work, knowing the bearer of the letter, Mr. Bötschi, would be present to confirm or deny the statements contained in it, make it more than likely that the information given is reliable. The accounts written several years after some of the events occurred, at a time when he was smarting under the criticism of his acquaintances, when his plans and hopes had all been shattered and when the occurrences had become somewhat confused in his memory, are, of course, more open to question as to their accuracy. The criticism he makes of his colonists, in which he accuses them of all kinds of wickedness and makes almost no exception, was certainly inspired more by the disappointment he had suffered than the actual character of the settlers, who, to judge from their letters, were pious and well meaning people. Moreover, at the time the report was written he seems to have been perfectly satisfied with them.

        The contract between Graffenried and Michel on the one hand, and other members on the other, by which they became associates in the Georg Ritter Company shows that, as far as Graffenried and Michel were concerned, the mines were what they and Ritter were basing their hopes for returns upon, and that the 17,500 acres were merely a foundation to the greater enterprise of mining.

        The "Memorial" which follows was written while Graffenried was still in an optimistic mood, and appears to have been taken, in part, from some English author. He says it was translated from the English. This is not entirely exact, for a portion of it which deals with the purchase of a ship to be used to transport colonists from Holland to America, certainly was not translated from anything. A description of the care of swine and the manner of calling them to the house at feeding time occurs in Kocherthal in almost the same words. In general, though, the Memorial is filled up with the results of his own observations, arranged under heads, as the writers of such accounts were found of doing, and some of the details were perhaps taken from similar books in English.

        The letters which close the accounts prove conclusively that as late as April and May there was no serious discontent among the


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colonists with the treatment they had received. Not a word is said about the scarcity of cattle, and Graffenried is always mentioned with respect. A hopeful tone pervades all of the letters. The complaint which occurs oftenest is over the lack of German women folks, for all who wished home comfort, washing, and mending, could not find wives. They wished their beer also, and one of the men whose wife understood brewing, was planning to supply the deficiency by ordering the necessary utensils from home. The lack, too, of a regular minister was severely felt, and caused some anxiety lest the religious fervor should die out for want of pastoral ministrations in addition to the Sunday reading of prayers. But nowhere is there any reflection on Graffenried's character or conduct.


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CHAPTER III

        CRITICISM OF GRAFFENRIED MORTGAGING THE SETTLERS' LANDS

        The most severe criticism has been made on Graffenried for mortgaging the settlers' land to Pollock, and then when the colony was broken up, leaving them in their distress and going to Europe. Any one reading these contemporary documents with the other accounts will certainly be compelled to take a more charitable view. He will see that what Graffenried did was not only done in good faith, but was really a good business move under the circumstances, and that the fault lay with the Company in Bern.

        Referring back to Part II, Chapter V, it will be seen that Georg Ritter and Company proposed to buy 10,000 acres of land before the Palatines had come to Germany, while they had in prospect only their own 156 voluntary emigrants and exiles. Then Graffenried and Michel added their small number to that on the condition that these miners with their families, numbering about 40 persons, should come later if they were sent for. After Graffenried became connected with the company, while the proprietors were making propositions to the committee, but before anything had been done to give them any reason for believing that these Germans would be sent to their colony, the Company actually purchased 10,000 acres. Graffenried contributed 5,000 which belonged to him personally, and Michel added 2,500 acres, making 17,500 acres, to which the Company had claims before they were sure of more than 156 persons. A month and more after these negotiations were completed the committee acted favorably on the Proprietors' propositions to this extent, that 650 persons were at length allowed to them. These last came at no expense to the Georg Ritter Company, and yet the Company was to get the benefit of their quit-rents and the increased value of land in the colony which would result from the larger number of settlers.

        When sickness and death reduced the 650 to about 300, there were still more than enough left to take the place of the 56 prisoners whom they were unable to bring, and the nine Swiss who died on the journey and after landing in Virginia.1

        1 German Version, Letters.


Even the massacre of September, 1711, in which 70 or 80 fell, left more than the Company had originally planned to send and had actually purchased land for; and besides there were still about 40 persons, the miners, anxious to come over. Having had all the summer of 1709 with its delays and uncertainties, in which to think over their plans, and plenty of
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opportunity to change their minds, their action after the colony was settled is most contemptible. They never sent Graffenried anything more than advice to go ahead on credit. The loss of part of the Palatines was no excuse, for as we have seen, they had not reasonably counted on them in the first place, and whatever number of them should succeed in settling was so much gain. Having made the start, then, they should have supported their enterprise until they had better evidence than their own fears that nothing would come of it. Even after the massacre, it is reasonably certain that with the money due him, Graffenried could have held his colony together, and either rebuilt at New Bern, or have gone to Virginia and engaged in agriculture and mining there. Silver, to be sure, would never have made them rich, but iron was there in abundance, and Spotswood only a short time after, as has been shown (Part I, Chapter III), engaged Graffenried's miners in a profitable enterprise, the beginning of the iron blast furnace industry in America. The profits of this might just as well have gone, in part at least, to the Georg Ritter Company, and the investment would have paid them.2

        2 Byrd, page 333ff. A Progress of the Mines in the Year 1732. This gives a detailed description of the mines which Graffenreid's workmen were operating. Spotswood was one of the several who made up the Company; the enterprise was self-supporting, in that a part of the operatives tended the farms to supply food for the laborers and the oxen and horses employed. The lack of farm laborers was a hindrance, and the furnaces could not run full time in consequence. The arrangement actually made was just such as Graffenreid would have made with his settlers if he had been assisted by his Company.


As it was, since Graffenried had no idea they were actually abandoning him, to tide his people over the critical periods of the first year and keep the colony intact for the Company, he had mortgaged the land beyond all hope of redeeming it by his own efforts. In criticising this action one must remember that the people did not own their lands outright as other settlers. They were tenants of the Company which was supposed to support them. Graffenried, therefore, did not sign away land belonging to other people; besides, by the strict system of recording real estate transactions in use in Carolina this would have been impossible. Rather, he signed away a tract for which he was agent, which was made out to him, and of which he was the owner in the eyes of the law. His position was not an enviable one, for on the one hand he was responsible to the company which expected him to make the investment profitable, a task that could only be accomplished by keeping the people together and supplied with necessaries; on the other hand the people who looked to him for support, advice, and protection, were in danger of losing their lands if the Company failed to send help. The latter possibility was the more remote. Hunger was at their doors, and he chose to mortgage their lands and wait for help from Bern. Could he reasonably be expected to have done differently? The answer is to be found in his report. For
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this report which was written at a time when he foresaw the impending disaster unless help should be sent, which begs with the eloquence of despair for the assistance that belonged to him, and on which the welfare of several hundred colonists depended, speaks more convincingly for the integrity of his motives than any justification he could write afterwards.

        The little settlement did not, however, entirely die out with the departure of the leader and the partial disbanding of the inhabitants. For many of them continued to live in the neighborhood and other settlers were attracted by the location, until in time another flourishing town arose from the ruins of the first.

        It is, too, one of the ironies of fate that one of Graffenried's darling ambitions for his town was realized only after his death. He had hoped to make New Bern the chief city in the province and to move the seat of government thither, but the disaster which attended his first efforts and forced him to abandon his first colony, destroyed this hope also. Nevertheless, although he lived to see a few sessions of the assembly held in his town, it was not till 1765, over 20 years after his death, that New Bern was officially made the capital of North Carolina, a distinction which it held for over twenty-five years. Since then, although it has experienced the vicissitudes of the Civil War and the Reconstruction, it is today one of the most prosperous towns in North Carolina, and an honor to its German founders who builded better than they knew.

        Two full centuries have now passed since the little colony of Germans established their settlement at New Bern and contributed their share towards the religious and political liberty we now enjoy. Graffenried's failure, for such he reckoned it, is not all a failure if we may in any way learn to appreciate better the blessings we now enjoy by considering the cost at which they have been purchased for us. Certainly coming years, with their greater fullness of knowledge, will deal more fairly with Baron von Graffenried than the past has done, and the justification he so much desired, though late, will be fully rendered.


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BIBLIOGRAPHY

    SOURCES

  • Ashe, Samuel A'Court.
    History of North Carolina, Vol. I.
    Charles L. Van Noppen, Publisher, Greensboro, N. C., 1908.
  • The Cambridge Modern History, Vol. VI, Cambridge, 1908.
  • Channing, Edward.
    A History of the United States.
    The Macmillan Company, 1908.
  • Collections of the Historical Society of South Carolina, Vol. I.
    Published by the South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston, S. C.
    S. G. Courtenay & Co., 1857.
  • The Colonial Records of North Carolina, Vols. I, II, IV.
    Saunders, William L., Editor, Raleigh, N. C.
    P. M. Hale, Printer to the State, 1886.
  • Der Deutsche Bioneir, Bierzehnter Jahragang
    Herausgeben bom "Deutschen Bioneir-Berein." Cincinanti, Ohio.
  • Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York, Vol. III.
    Published by the State under the supervision of Hugh Hastings, State Historian, Albany, N. Y.
    J. B. Lyon Company, State Printers, 1902.
  • Faust, Albert Bernhardt.
    The German Element in the United States, Vols. I, II.
    Houghton-Mifflin Company, Boston and New York, 1909.
  • Faust, Albert. German-American Annals. New Series, Vol. II, Nos. 5 and 6; Vol. XII, Nos. 2 and 3. September-December 1913; March-October 1914.
  • Goebel, Julius.
    Die Gründung von New-Bern in North-Carolina.
    Internationale Wochenschrift, Berlin, October, 1910.
  • Hennepin, Father Louis.
    A Continuation of the New Discovery of a Vast Country in America.
    Reprinted from the second London issue of 1698 by Reuben Gold Thwaites.
    A. C. McClurg & Co., Chicago, 1903.
  • Heufer, F.
    Bennsclvanien im 17ten Fahrhundert und die Ausgewanderten Bfälzer in England.
    Berlag von Ludwig Ritter, Neustadt a. d. Hardt, 1910.
    Page 113

  • Johns Hopkins Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series X.
    The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md., 1892.
  • Nocherthal.
    Uubführlich, und unnständlicher Bericht von der berühmten Landschafft
    Carolina/ In dem Engellandischen America gelegen, Bierter Drucs.
    Zu finden bei Georg Heinrich Dehrlin/ Franffurt am Mähn 1709.
  • Lawson, John, Gent. Surveyor General of North Carolina.
    A New Voyage to Carolina; containing the exact Description and
    Natural History of that Country: Together with the Present
    State thereof. And a Journal of a Thousand Miles, Travel'd
    thro' several Nations of Indians. Giving a particular Account of their Customs, Manners, etc.
    London, Printed in the Year 1709.
  • Luttrell, Narcissus.
    A Brief Historical Relation of Affairs from September 1678
    to April 1714, Vol. I-VI.
    Oxford, At the University Press, 1857.
  • Manuscripts and Maps in the Possession of Professor Julius Goebel, Urbana, Ill.
  • McCrady, Edward.
    The History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Government,
    1670-1719.
    The Macmillan Company, New York, 1897.
  • Müller, Grnst.
    Geschichte der Bernischen Eäufer.
    J. Hubers Berlag, Frauenfeld, 1895.
  • Neujahrsblatt herausgegeben vom Historischen Verein des Kantons Bern für 1897.
    Christoph von Graffenried Landgraf von Carolina, Gründer von Neu-Bern. Wolfgang Friedrich von Mülinen.
    Druck und Verlag von K. J. Wyss, Bern, 1896.
  • The Official Letters of Alexander Spotswood, Lieutenant-Governor of the Colony of Virginia, 1710-1722.
    Published by the Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, Va., 1882.
  • The Pennsylvania-German Society Proceedings and Addresses, Vol. VII, 1896, Vol. VIII, 1897.
    Published by the Society.
  • Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. XVI.
    Boston, 1878.
  • Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XIII.
    Published by the Virginia Historical Society.
    House of the Society, Richmond, Va., 1905-6.
    Page 114

  • The Writings of Colonel William Byrd of Westover in Virginia, Esqr.
    Edited by John Spencer Bassett.
    Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1901.

        The following works among others, have also been consulted:

  • Adams, Sir Francis Ottiwell and Cunningham, C. D.
    Switzerland--Constitution and Government.
    Macmillan & Co., London and New York, 1894.
  • Bancroft, George.
    History of the United States of America, from the Discovery of the Continent.
    D. Appleton & Co., New York.
  • Bernheim, Gotthardt Dellman.
    German Settlements and the Lutheran Church in the Carolinas, from the earliest period of the colonization of Dutch, German and Swiss settlers to the close of the first half of the present Century . . .
    The Lutheran Book Store, Philadelphia, 1872.
  • Blome, Richard.
    The present state of His Majesties isles and territories in America, viz. Jamaica, Barbados, S. Christophers, Mevis, Antego, S. Vincent, Dominica, New Jersey, Pennsilvania, Monserat, Anguilla, Bermudas, Carolina, Virginia, New-England, Tobago, Newfoundland, Maryland, New-York, etc. . . . from the year 1686 to 1700.
    D. Newman, London, 1687.
  • Carrol, B. R.
    Historical Collections of South Carolina, Vols. I, II.
    Harper & Bros., New York, 1836.
  • The American Nation, a History.
    Edited by A. B. Hart.
    Harper & Bros. Co., New York and London.
  • Raper, Charles Lee, Ph.D.
    North Carolina, a study in English Colonial Government.
    The Macmillan Co., New York, 1904.
  • Rivers, William James.
    A sketch of the history of South Carolina to the close of the proprietary government by the revolution of 1719.
    McCarter & Co., Charleston, 1856.
  • Williamson, Hugh.
    The history of North Carolina.
    T. Dobson, Philadelphia, 1812.


Page 115

GERMAN VERSION


Page 117

VORBERICHT1

        Diese relation ist in Eyl geschrieben worden, ohne viel Nachsinnes nur bei mir meinem schwachen Gedächtniss nach, die Sachen eingefallen, so dass hier kein sonderbahrer Stilus zu observieren, und ist eygentlich eingerichtet in 12. Capl: Traverses meiner Societet und anderen die etwan widrige Gedanken gehabt, meiner Conduitte halben durch mein amerikanisches Unterfangen so ich liecht daher und unversichtig vorgenommen, und meine Zeit in Carolina in Pracht und Wohlleben zugebracht, Also hätte ich das Contra gezeigt, Der Eingang ist auch dahin gerichtet zu zeigen, dass nicht nur Liederlichkeit mich zu dieser Noth getrieben, sondern auch bedenkliche Widerwertigkeit, und unglückhaftige Zufähl. So ich bey müssiger Zeit, diese relation refidiren werde, soll ein und anders besser gestelt und eingerichtet sein.


        NOTE:--The references throughout are to the French Version and show wherein that version varies from the German.



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GERMAN VERSION

RELATION

        Meines amerikanischen Unterfangens aufgesetzt aus Anlass etlicher Klägten, als hätte unversichtiger Wys, solches Colloney Wesen fürgnommen, zum Nachteil and untergang vieler Leuthen, welches aber liecht zu justificieren.--

        Nachdeme hievor in meinen Reisen mich in Engelland bey 2 Jahren aufgehalten, an selbigem Ohrt unter Carolo dem II. solche vortheilhaftige und ansehenliche Bekanntschaft gemacht, dass so ich da selbsten verblieben, ich eine ziemliche fortun zuwegen gebracht: Da theils aus Muntlichen als schriftlichen relationen mich der americanischen Landen erkundigen, ohnlängst aber nach genauweren Bericht und inbesonders von einem Bürger hiesiger Stadt vernahmen, welcher in America 5 oder 6 Jahr sich aufgehalten, was herlichen Landes, wie wohlfeil, was freyheit, was grossen aufnehmens, gute Handlung, für riche Bergwerk, und andere gute Sachen mehr, insbesonders aber vorgeben, was schönen reichen Silber Mines er entdeckt und erfunden, in betrachtung dass ich mit zimlichen Schulden behaftet, welche noch vor mein Reisen hab, theils einer Handlung so mir und etlichen andern H. übel ausgeschlagen, von Bürgschaften, grossen Ausgaben in meinen pretensionen, wohlfeillen Zeiten auf dem ambt, denne die armen Bauren nicht Schindten mögen, wegen der Neuwgemachten reformation, darzu noch die Neunburgischen Troubles geschlagen, hiemit da wenig prosperiert, zu einem bessern Ambt der weg abgeschnitten, und auch eine gar lange Zeit wegen der neugemachten reformation zu einem geringen Ambtli kein Hofnung, indessen mit grosser und starker familien bescheert.--

        So haben meine Gedanken gewaltet, was fürzunehmen, die Creditoren zu bestellen, und auch mainer Familien fortzuhelfen, da nun in dem Vaterland wenig Hofnung, einer solchen grossen Noth zu steuren: gaben mir die schönen propositionen obgemelten Bürgers, welchen zu verschonen hier keinen Nahmen gebe, vast in die Augen, mich auf meine alte and neuwe fründ, in Engelland so von hohem ansehen, tröstend und verlassen, habe entlichen eine stife resolution gefasset, mein Vaterland zu verlassen, und in Engelland zu sehen, ob die fortun da mir günstiger seyn wolte. Hab aber theils von den Creditoren, theils von denn meinigen nicht aufgehalten zu werden, ganz in geheim meine Reys vorgenommen, meinem H. Vatter, der da vermöglichst gnug, die Sorgen meiner Schulden und geschäften überlassend.--


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        Da ich in Holland angelangt, hätten mich gewisse Persohnen schier von meinem Vorhaben abwendig gemacht, und wahren mir andre Vorschläge gethan, worbey zwar meiner Unterhaltung, und noch etwas zu prosperieren hatte, allein funde nicht dass bey diesem gnug meine Sach zu retressieren, setzte hiemit meine Reys fort nach Engelland: allow ich alsobald meine Leuth erfahren, und mir von hohen und andren persohnen, solcher Lust gemacht worden, ihn meinem unterfangen fortzufahren, neben Versprechung allerly Assistenz, so dass ich mich in Tractaten eingelassen laut welchen mir sehr vortheilhafftige propositionen, Conditionen und Privilegien von den proprietaris absol: Carolina gethan und gegeben worden welches auch zu einem Schluss gekommen.--

        Grad zur selbigen Zeit kammen über 10000 Seelen aus Teuschland in Engelland an, alle unter dem Nahmen Pfeltzer, darunter aber viel Schweitzer und aus anderen Provinzen Teuschlands zusammen gezogenes Volk, dieses verursachet den Königlichen Hof, sowohl als den Particulatoren viel bedenckens ja auch unsägliche Kösten, so dass man dieser Leuthen halben embarassiert, desswegen bald eine Edict herausgieng, womit männiglichem erlaubt, von diesen Leuthen zu nehmen und sie zu versorgen, und hatte man einen guten Theil in alle drey Königreich versendt, welche aber theils wegen ihrer trägheit, theils wegen Jalousie der armen Unterthanen dess Landes, aber nicht so wohl ankömmen wie vermeint, so hat man angefangen in America dieser Leuthen ein namhafte Zahl zu senden, und hat die Königin darzu grosse Summen ertheilen lassen.--

        Bei solcher Conjunctur unterschiedliche persohnen, von hochem und mittelmässigen Standes, wurde denen mein Unterfangen bekannt, mir eingerathen ob solte ich so eine günstige Gelegenheit nicht perfallieren, mir hierbey gute Hofnung machten, dass, so ich eine zimliche Quantitet dieser Leuthen nemen wolte, die Königin mir nicht nur den Transport, sondern noch ein Considerablé Steur für diese Leuth gratificieren würde, welches auch geschächen, und ist die Summa beynachen auf 4000£. Sterlin kommen, Neben dem hatte die Königin der Königlichen Raht noch Land auf der Coutomat2 rivier vergünstiget, so viel als wir gleichsam nur begehrten, neben starcken Recommandationen an H. Gobry 3von Virginien, dieses alles und der H: Proprietarys von Carolina vortheilhaftigen Versprächung, haben diesem Unterfangen ein schönes absehen geben, und wahre nicht minder Hofnung zu einem so glücklichen Ausgang als der Anfang gut und vortheilhafting schine.--Diese Colloney nun zu versorgen und zu versenden, habe eine unbeschreibliche Mühe genommen, 1. habe getrachet zu solchem Vorhaben, gesunde arbeitsame Leuth auszulesen, darunter von allerley Nothwenigen Handwerksleuthen. 2 Provision von


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allerley Nothwendigen Werkzeug und sachen. 3. Wie auch gnugsamme und gute Narrung. 4. Gute Schifen und Matrosen, auch über diss Volck gewüsse Ober und Unter-Directoren, alles in guter Ordnung zu halten. 5. Damit mir nicht einige Negligent oder unwüssenheit attribuirt, habe nichts vorgenommen, ohne Wüssen Raht und Instruction der Königlichen Comité. 6. Die Ober Directoren so wohl auf den Schifen als hernacher zu Land, wahren 3 persohnen von den Vornemsten aus Carolina selbst, so schon viel Jahr dorten sich aufgehalten, und denen alles bekannt der Enden, als da wurd der oberste Richter, Justice of beace. Der Oberste oder Generalfeltmesser Surveyor general und der oberst Einzieher Receyvers general welche grad zur selbigen Zeit, wegen ihren Geschäften zu Londen sich befunden, und von dem Königlichen Comite so wohl als von den Lords propr. Carolina ordiniert, ein exactes getreuwes und gutes aufsehen bey diesen Leuthen zu halten. Die Unteraufseher wahren über 12. von den ordentlichsten und ehrbahrsten Männern dess Volckes, dem Schein nach.4--

        Nachdem nun von den Königlichen so wohl den Lord proprietarys, mir und dem Volck alles ordentlich verglichen, geschlossen und ratificiert so hatte noch vor der Abreiss, die Königliche Comité ersucht, dass sie etliche ihrer Glider zu den Schifen senden wolten, als in der Schiffart Erfahrene die Examinierten, ob alles nach Nohtdurft wohl eingerichtet, wie dann auch dem Schifcapitain zuzusprechen, welches auch geschächen, und die relation in der Comite erstattet worden. Den Tag vor der Abfart, gieng ich mit denen zu Londen bliebten Pfarher5 nacher Gravesend allwo/: weilen die bernische nachkommende kleine Colloney neben etlichen H. Associerten erwartete:/ dess wegen nicht mitfahren könnte:/ meinen Abschied genommen, mit der nohtwendigen Vermahnung, da denn der teutsche Prediger H. Cesaar eine schöne Predig dem Volk gethan, sie hiemit alle dem Schutz des Allerhöchsten anbefählend, habe sie lassen absäglen, dennoch nicht ohne precation wegen den gefährlichen Kriegs Zeiten, wie dann von den Kronadmiral dem Grafen von Pembroke die Gunst erhalten, dass er dem Chef Noris vice Admiral befohlen, unsre Leuth oder Schif in das weite Meer oder gegen Portugal, mit seiner Escadre zu begleiten, diss geschach in dem Winter Im Januario da wegen den rauhen Winden und Stürmen diese Schif so getrieben worden, dass Sie erst nach 13. Wochen in Virginia angelanget, welches Sambt den gesaltznen Speissen, deren dise Leuth nicht gewohnt, und dass sie so eng eingethan, viel contribuieret dass viel krank worden, und auf dem Meer gestorben, andere da sie ans Land kommen, da sie ihr Glust nicht enthalten konnten, zu viel süssen Wassers getrunken und sich mit rauwen früchten überlästet, dass Sie an dem Fieber gestorben, so dass diese Colloney ehe


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sie sich recht gesetzt halb ausgestorben.6 NB: Das Einte Schif so mit den besten Gütren angefüllt, und wo die vermöglichsten Leuth hatte das unglück in der Embousse des James Rivier im gesicht eines änglischen Kriegschifes so aber am Ancker,7 von einem frechen frantzösichen Caper attaquiert und geplünderet zu werden. Hier ist das erste Unglück. da die übergebliebene Colloney sich in Virginien, wo sie sehr fründlich empfangen, erholt, haben sie sich _ _ _ bey 20. englischen Mill. nacher Carolinam verfügt, welches alles sambt den Gütern viel gekostet.8 Da sie nun in der Grafschaft Albermarle auf einer Rivieren Chouan genannt bey einem Obristen N. Pollock genannt dess Rahts und der vermöglichsten in Nord Carolina, so hat er diese Leuth aber pro pecunia oder dess Werts versorget, mit Schifen dass sie durch den Sund in die Grafschaft Bath auf die rivir Neuss sind--geführet worden, mit etwas Lebens Mittlen nur zur eussersten Noth, und hat sie der generalfeldmesser da auf einen Spitz Landes, zwischen der Neuss und Trent Rivier gesetzt. Das orth gennant Chatouca woher nacher das stattliche Neuw Bern angefangen worden. Hier fangt an die andere fatalite oder traversen. dieser Generalfeldmesser mit Nahmen L _ _ _ der dann alsobald diese Leuth hätte auf ihr bestimmtes Land und ausgetheilte plantationen setzen sollen, um Zeit zu gewinnen und ihr Land alsobald auszureuten zu kommen: hat sie auf der Mittag Seiten dieser Spitzen Landes an der Trent Rivier gesetzt, grad am heissesten und ungesundesten ohrt anstatt dass gegen Nord auf der Neuss Rivier besser und gesunder gesässen wäre: Allein das that er um seines eigenen Nutzens willen, weilen diss sein Land wahre, damit es ihm zu Nutzen von diesen Leuthen ausgereutet würde: Da doch er eben das Land9 sambt unsern und thür genug verkauft, ja ohne recht, dan darzu keinen Theil hatte, zudeme es noch mit Indianern besetz wahre, da er doch solches uns für frey verkauft, da haben die armen Leuth in grosser Noth sich aufhalten müssen, bis in Herbst, da ich ankommen, und hätten aus Mangel an gnugsamer provision bald ihre Kleider und was sie hatten für Nahrung den benachtbarten Einwohnern geben müssen;10 Der Jammer und Elend ward schier nüt zu beschreiben, dan ich da bey meiner ankunft sahe, meistends alle krank, ja in Extrimitet, und die gesunde gantz Deforciert; in was labirinth und gefahr, mich dazumahl befunden, ja meines Lebens nicht sicher weiss der liebe Gott.--

        Lass jemand gedänken wie meine Bernerleuth, die sonsten mit mir eine glückliche Ueberfahrt gehabt, die Platz genug, wohl versehen, bey lustiger und guter Zeit, auch kein Einiche krank worden unterwex, in diss traurige Spihl gesehen, wo Krankheit, Desperation, und der Mangel am Eussersten, was aber dieses verursachet war theils die schlimme Conduite der ober-und unter-aufseher und ihre Untreuw,


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die vornembste Ursach aber dess gantzen Ohnheils, daraus meistens alle andern entstanden, und meiner und der Coloney Ruin, war die Vermessenheit grosse Untreuw und Lieblosigkeit dess Obristen Carys; welcher dazumahl auf Absterben dess alten Goub: Sich wider Recht und Billichkeit und der Lord Proprietarys in der Regierung eintringen wolte, ja wie vernommen gar sein Seckel machen, und mit H. Cary bezogenen Einkünfte sich darvon machen, und nach Madagascar begeben wollen, ein Ohrt da allerley Seeräuber sich aufhalten,--Dieser Colonel Cary da der neuwerwählte Goub. Hide obwohl der Königin Verwalter, ich und die obermelte 3 Directores sich anmelden wollen, und unsre Patent und gewahrsame vor dem Rath procedieren wollen, hat uns alle mit Hindansetzung der H. Proprietarys Befelchen frech abgewiesen.--So der Lord Prop. mir gethaner Versprechung, auf welche mich sondrest, und mein gantzes Unterfangen, beruht, in Nichts worden: Hiemit ich mit sambt der gantzen Coloney auf eine unversprechliche Manier dargesetzt; welches dann auf alles was widerwärtiges bis auf diese Stund widerfahren. So ist diser Cary entlich gar zum Rebell worden, und sich mit spendieren einen Anhang gemacht, dass H. Goub. Hide Es anfangs nicht wagen, darfür mit gewalt sich dess Gouver. Inpossess zu setzen: Um so viel desto minder,:/ weilen er eigendlich kein Special--Patenten in Handen:/ weilen der Goub: von Süd-Carolina denn Befelch hatte ihne zu Installieren, wahre desshalben schon Zeit gesetzt und an Rath um Carolina Nord geschrieben worden.--Das Unglück aber hat wollen, dass vermelte Goubernt: von Süd Carolina Obrist Tynte in dieser Zeit gestorben, welches diese Verwirrung verursachet, in diesem Interregno wurde mir aber nicht geholfen, und wahre in solcher grossen und dringender Noth, da wegen der entstandenen Rebellion, ein jeder für sich auch sorgende, und das seine behielte die Question ob ich mein Leben risquieren und diese gantze Colloney im Stich, ja gar sie vor Hunger verrecken lassen solte, oder ob ich mich in Schulden stecken solte, diese arme Leuth in solcher Extremitet zu retten, wie einem Christen11 und gut Gemuth wär da nicht zu hesitiren, weil dazumahl in gantz America meine ankunft erschallet, und ich in grossem Credit wahre, so schickte alsobald in Pensilvania für mähl, da zu allem Glück schon hier Anstalt gethan gegen Virginien, und sonsten hin und her in der Prozvintz für die nothwendigen Lebensmittel:/ welches entlich mit ausertheilten Wexelbriefen:/ doch langsam genug erfolget: Indessen giengen die unsre und der armen Leuthen Gütter und Wahren auf, für das Nothwendigste/: so wir theur von den benachtbarten Einwohnern zuwegen gebracht.--Indessen liess ich das Land ausmessen, und jeder famillie Ihren bezirk Landes geben, damit sie ausreuten, ihre Hütten bauwen, und Ihr Erdrich zum pflantzen und säyen ausrüsten


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könnten: So langte auch mit grossen Kosten und Mühj provision, an Korn, Saltz, Schwein Fett anstatt butter, und gesaltzen Fleisch, Item, Raum-und andere Erdgewächs an. Allein mit dem Vich gieng es schwär zu, die Leuth wolten es nicht holen, wo ich es Ihnen anzeigte, und könnte ich es Ihnen auch nicht grad vor die Thüre stellen, doch accommodierte man sich nach und nach, dass diese Leuth innert 18 Monathen so wohl gesetzt und ihre Sach so wohl angestellt dass sie in dieser kurtzen Zeit mehr avanciert als englische Einwohner in 4. jahren, nur Eines, als zum Exempel da in der gantzen provintz nur eine schelchte Wasser Mühl, die da bey Mittlen haben Hand Mühlen, die armen stossen ihr Korn in einem stück in einer holen Eich; und sieben das Reinste durch ein Körblein, welches viel Zeit wegnimbt, hingegen hatten unsre Leuth bequeme Wasser Bächlin aufgesucht, und darbey nach gelegenheit und sterck dess Wassers Lauf, ordentliche Stampfe gemacht, worby das Korn gemahlt, und der gute Hausvatter Zeit gewunnen andere Werk zu thun. Ich aber hatte schon eine Mühli und Sägi an einem sehr bequemen Orth zu bauwen angefangen, aber was geschach, da wir Alle verhofen nacher grosser Mühi und Sorgen die Früchte unsrer Arbeit zu geniessen, ohngeacht aller entstandener Widerwertigkeit, und Schönes ansehen zu einem guten Etablissement, kame der bewerte Sturm des unglücks durch die wilden Indianer von etlichen Jalousen und rachgierigen Rebellen dess Carys anhang geblasen, welcher alles über den Haufen geworfen, die Ergangenheit dieser Tragedie ist in einer sonderbahren Relation hiermit unnöthig hiervon zu melden, weilen aber aus dess Obrist Carys verwegner unfründlicher und widerspenstigen procedur alles Unheil so über die provintz mich und die Colloney kommend, entstanden, so wird eben nicht aus dem weg sein, etwas mehreres von diesen Verwirrungen zu melden und zu continuieren, was weiters nach dess Goubern: Tynte tödlichen Hinscheid vergangen.--So bald an die Grentzen12 Colloney aus Virginia angelangt, und mich in Erwartung einer bequemen Ruhe, für mich und meine Leuth, im ersten Dorf aufhaltend, kame eine Truppen der Vornemsten Quaquers daher, wie dan deren viel der Enden, und sie auch der vermöglichsten persuasiven gründen vorgaben, es gebührte mir als Landgrafen, als der allezeit in einem Interregno, und auch sonsten in absens dess Goub: presidiert: und nach dem Goub: den ersten Rang hat; Ich13 aber bedankte mich höflich der Ehren, respondieren wir, dass H: Goub: Hide würklich in Virginien und ich einer der Zeugen seye, der da gesehen, wie dass er von den Lord prop: seye zum Goub: erwehlt worden. Ihm auch in Ihrer Rathstuben zu Londen congratuliert, zu dem seye er der Königin anverwanter, und auch von Ihr Königl. Majestet approbiert worden,14 und obwohlen ermelter H. keine patenten


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dermahlen in Handen, würde alsbald eine erfolgen.--Solte also die Provintz kein Bedenken machen Ihm in einen weg zu Ihrem Goubern. anzunehmen, um so viel desto eher weil doch H. Goub. Tynte dem Rath von Carolina Solches notificiert. dieses gefiel Ihnen aber nicht15 und replicierte mir, auf welches aber nicht refutirt, nachdeme sie mit mir gethan, nahmen Sie gantz höflich von mir Abscheid und giengen. Bald hernach mit meinen Leuthen weiter in die Provintz kam, und langte bey Obrist Pollock in Chouan an, bey welchem alsobald Rath gehalten worden, von denen so für den Goub. Hiden geneigt, und wurde ich vast pressiert selbigem beyzuwohnen, welches eben in einer so gefährlichen und delicaten sach nicht gangen thäte: So wurde mir alsobald ein plan oder bericht der Situation der Sachen gegeben, und kann ich liecht observieren, dass wegen meines Carracters so wohl als der Quantitet Volcks, sie viel auf mich sehen, in deme die gewicht geben könnte, welcher partey ich zuviele, gieng also meine Meinung dahin, dass ich ein kräftig Schreiben wolte an Obrist Cary abgehen lassen, ihme eint und andres wohl representieren, und auch entlich Ihme dreuwen, wo er sich nicht zur gebühr verstehen wolte, ich mich mit den meinigen mit allen Kräften zu H. Goub. Hide stossen wollte, diss erweckte Ihme gedanken, andere Mensuren zu nehmen.--Doch gabe er mir eine gantz stoltze und schamhafte antwort. Es schine aber bald hernach ihn zu gereuwen, und arbeiten wir unter der Hand, dass endlich ein Verglich gemacht worden, und verschrieben, nämlich dass er Obrist Cary sambt seinem Anhang sich wohl dahin verstehen wolte H. Goub. Hide zu einem President, dess Rahts biss von den Proprietarys neuwe ordre einlangte, aber nicht zum Goub: zu nehmen. Ich verfügte mich indessen eilends nach Neu Bern, von wannen mir die Pfältzer geschrieben, so wegen grossem Mangel an Victualien in eusserster Extremität währen,16 da dann grad zur fürsorg bey Collonel Pollock etwas provision verschaffen, war aber bald viel vorhanden, fur eine solche,17 darauf hin ward H. Goub. Hide und kame er aus Virginien in Carolinam, setzte sich ohnweit von dem Obrist Pollock in _ _ _ Duckenfields Plantation bey Salomon Creck, als wo er ein ziemlich fein Losament bekame, darumb der Obrist Cary beförchtete seinen streich wurde so ihme nicht angehen, was er im sinn hatte, worvon hier oben gemelt, so hatte er subtiler weis, getrachtet den Verglich in seine Hand zu bekommen, da er dann seinen Nahmen oder Unterschrift wohl gewusst wegzunehmen, heirauf fing er seine erste Partey widerum zu nemmen, einiche sich vermittels spendierens da er alles schlimme Gesind mit Rum oder Prantwein an seine Seite Gebracht, einen sehr starken anhang, entstunde also hieraus ein öffendliche rebellion wider Geub: Hide, indessen ward der Mann so listig, und abgeschmitzt, dass er mich zu entschläfen nacher Neuw


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Bern kam unterm Pretext einer Visite, wo ich ihn zwar regalierte, mit dem wenigen, so damals vorhanden, allein da wir nach der Mahlzeit18 in Discours gerathen, über seine ungereimbte Proceduren so wohl gegen H. Goub. Hide, als mich, ja dess ungehorsams gegen seine Oberkeit den Lord Prop: ihne scharf zusprechend, ja mit dreuwen zu verstehen geben, dass ich solche Mensuren nehmen werde, dass es ihn gereuwen dörfte. So hat er in beysein 4 seiner fründ, die er mitgebracht, mir versprochen, an Rechnung dessen, was mir von den Lord, Prop: verordnet innert 3 Wochen an Getreyd und ander Victualien. item etwas an Vich, für 500£. Wehrts zu senden, oder Zedlen dafür. H. Goub: Hide betreffend lasst er es in Statuquo. so nahme er abscheid, diss aber wahre nur mich zu verblenden, welches auch war, dann ich ihme ins gesicht gesagt, ich förchte die werk werden den worten nicht respondieren. Dieses Colonel Carys Reys wahre nicht vergebens, dan er zu seinem Zweck gelangt, weilen durch anstiftung etlicher englischer oder carolinisch H:--Einwohner, und nechstgelegen Plantationen er meine Leuthe so abgeschreckt, dass keiner von Haus oder aus der Colloney sich wagen dörfte, dan es wahre Ihnen gedreut, dass so sie nicht neutral bleiben, sie von englischen und Indianern überfallen, und zu Grund gerichtet werden.--Nicht lang hernach schickte mir H. Goub: Hide expressen, mit einem ganzen Packet patenten, Eine für mich, dass mich zum Obrist gemacht, über den Distrikt Baitz Counti und mir überlass die unter oficiers zu bestellen, ihre Nahmen in albo lassend, mich ernstlich ersucht, ihme wider die Rebellen an die Hand zugehen,: worauf geantwortet ihme bezeugend wie leid es mir wäre, dass seinen verlangen noch nicht respondieren könnte, mit bericht was Colonel Cary hier vermerkt, dass meine Leuth gar nicht disponiert einicher partey zuzufallen, sonder resolviert neutral zu bleiben, diss gefiel H. Goub: nicht gar wohl, und langte bald ein scharferer befelch ein, Ihm fahl aber nichts erheb: mich hinüber, welches drey guter Tagreisen von Neuw Bern zu begeben, dem Rath beyzuwohnen, welches ich gethan, zwar schier in forcht, weilen ich auch bedreuwet worden.19 Da ich nun bey H. Goub: angelangt, so wahren wir im Raht stark beschäftiget, wie sich gegen diesen Cary anhang in Sicherheit zu stellen, ordoniert, allsobald eine Comp. zusammengelesener Mannschaft uns zu bewahren und sehen weiter wie etwan eint oder andere gemühter zu zwingen, es kame auch grad in dieser Zeit an ein torboulenter Gesell von Londen20 welcher mit einem Schif voll Wahren einem quaker so auch ein glied der prop: zugehörend, dieser Enden Negocieren wolte, wahre alsobald von widriger parthey gewunnen, welches ihnen einen starken Mut mieche. Indeme er wohl mit geschoss bulver und bley versehen, dieser hatte H: Goub: vast injouriert und verschreit auch vorgeben, er hätte von


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den Lord prop: andere Ordres aber nit zu gunsten Eduard Hides, welches grosse Zweifel und Verrwirrung macht und uns besser Spiel21 mieht; dieser hatte mir insbesonders auch grossen Schaden gethan, indem er einen Wexel von 100£. Sterling22 mir ungültig miech, sagend er hätte ordre solchen zu b'stellen. Da doch das gelt Hanson und Comp., meinem Correspondent zu Londen, schon erlegt worden, könnte hiermit in meiner grossen Noth nichts darvon bekommen: Stelten also dieser Colonel Cary, R. Roch und ein quaquer Em. Low der sich wider den fürnemsten articul seiner eigenen Religion oder sect zu einem Obrist ereignet und kame wohl profiantiert in einer nacht wo wir logiert in Obrist Pollocks Haus, und da wir meistens Raht hielten in einem wohl bewehrt und mit stucken versehehen Briquantin vor die Landung,23 wir stelten uns auch bestmöglichst in Postour, und hatten nur 2. stück und nicht mehr bey uns als etwan 60 bewährter Männer, gegen Morgen liessen die rebellen aus dem Briquantin ein paar stück kugeln fliegen, gegen dem Haus wo wir in wahren, wahre aber zu hoch geschossen, striche bloss über die First, so dass es kein Schaden hatte, hierauf liessen wir unsere Stück auch ab, gegen dem Briquantin, that auch kein Schaden. So fiengen die Rebellen in 2 kleinen Barquen von ihrer bewehrten besten Mannschaft gegen das Land zu senden, da wir das in Acht nahmen, ordonierten wir, unsere Mannschaft gegen der Lente24 zu gegenwehr, worunter meine Knecht in einer gelben Liverey welches unser gegenpart nicht wenig erschrecket, verursachet in deme sie vermeinten meine gantze Colloney halte sich da im Busch, zugleich liessen wir auch unser Stück nochmahlen los, da das einte den Mastbaum nur etwas wenigs geschärft dieses zusamen thate einen solchen guten Effeckt dass die Barquen zurückkehrten, und sobald sie wiederum in das Schif gestigen, zogen sie die Segel auf, und machten sich fort.--Darauf ordinerten wir die resolviertesten Männer ihn einer Chaloupen ihnen nachzujagen, sie könnten aber sie nicht erreichen, allein da sie den Sond hinunter gefahren, thate das Briquantin an einem bequemen ohrt anlenden, und mieche sich durch einen Wald, die Meisten und Vornemsten darvon, so gewonne der kleine Haufen den grössern, und brachte die Chaloupe das Briquantin sambt etwas provision und den Stücken hinauf, dieses zertheilte die widrige parthey, und sterckte unsere, so dass wir hierauf gut funden, ausser den Redlisführern den übrigen eine general pardon anzukünden, da sich ein jeder, der sich zum Gouver: bequemen und ergeben wolte, unterschrieben, worauf dann ein parlament versammlung ausgeschrieben worden, bey welchem dann die Sachen dieser Aufrührer betreffend, verhandlet wurden. Die besten Aufrührer, so man erdappen konnte, wurden in Verhaft gezogen, die aber ihren Fehler erbeuten (bereuten); und nur durch Aufweisung debochiert,


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denen wurde die amnistie: accordiert, bey diesem Handel25 musst ich meistens procedieren, welches micht nicht accommodiert, aus forcht mir find zu machen, nach deme nun eint und anders so gut möglich veranstaltet, H: Goub: Hide und mich angenommen und erkennt, ging ein jeder nacher Haus, der Hofnung es würde sich alles stillen, diese Stille währte nicht lang, die Auctors des Aufruhr 3 recoligierten sich, und der obgemelte Roch setzte sich in eine Insul wohl mit Proviant, g'schoss und Munition versehen, und wiglete auf was er könnte, diesen trachtete man zwar aus seinem Nest zu treiben, allein es ward nichts zu schafen, dieses Feur der Conjurierten Verschworenen gienge nach und nach wider umb an, und vermehrte sich, dass das letste bald erger wurd, als das erste, bey so bewanten Dingen funde man das beste, sich umb andere Hilf zu bewerben, wurde ich also zu H: Alexander Spotswood Goub: in Virginien gesandt, mit 2 Rahtsglidern die man mir zugab, um ihne für assistenz zu ersuchen.26 Santen aber zuvor per expressen ein Schreiben an H: Goub: Spotwood, welches er ohnedas sein Volck auf den Grentzen zu mustren hatte, vernamsete mir einen Tag in einem Dorf, so zwischen beyden Provintzen wahre, so Verreisete ich zu wasser, grad in dem abgenommen Brigantin, weilen zu Land nicht gar sicher, zudeme wir auch provision aus der Nachtbahrschaft abholen wolte, da wir etliche stund gefahren, erhub sich ein solcher Widerwind, dass wir zurück getrieben wurden, so nahmen wir eine Canou ein kleines enges Schiflein aus einem Stück eines ausgehölten Baums gemacht, und fuhren fort da sich der Wind umb etwas gestillet, kamen aber zu spaad die Mustrung wahre schon vorbey, allein H: Goub: von Virginien27 besser berichtet dass wann ich ankäme ihme allsobald einen expressen gesendt wurde. So schrieb ich einen höflichen Brief, an ermelten H:--welcher den Nächsten Tag mit seinem Secretario und 2. H: sich einfanden, an bestimmtem Ohrt wo dann Conferentz gehalten wurde, und H. Goub: mich überaus fründl: empfangen, diss geschäft wahre wichtiger als ich vermeinte, nach übergebenem Credidif fing ich mein proposition an, es wurde mir aber grad ein starcker Einwurf gethan, nämlich dass die Virginischen ganz nicht geneigt währen, wider die benachtbarten Brüder zu streiten, dene sie alle gleiche der Königin Unterthanen und sie eben der Casus nicht so gar just Einmahl hat H. Goub: Hide keine patenten, so müssten wir um ander experienten,28 und hatte mir H. Goub: Spotswood weilen er das erste mahl dass er mich gesehen, an welchem auch wegen den Virginischen Sachen, von der Königin selbsten Recommandiert wahre, etwas angenemeres erweisen, funden entlich er solte H. Goub: Hide, mir und der provintz so viel zugefallen thun, und zur See uns ein Kriegschif senden mit der gewohnten Soldatesca welche aus der Königin Bedienten in Ihren Rahtskleidern,


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neben dem dass sie gute Solldaten, viel auswürken wurden, diss wurde accordiert und nahmen mein fründl: Abscheid von einander, mit was expressiones er mich zu ihme invitiert, und was für Dienst und Erbieten, könnte ich nicht gnugsam erzeigen, ich machte mich gantz freudig nacher Haus, auf eine so glückliche Negociation, da ich meine relation erstattet, wurde mit einem general aplausu dess ganzem Volcks empfangen, und thate dis meinen Credit nicht wenig vermehren: Bald hernach langte ein brafer Captain mit seinen tapfern Marens an, nachdeme er seinen gruss abgelegt, und H: Goub: Spotwood Brief übergeben, so thaten wir ihne ersuchen, dass er vor der Versammlung wolte seine Commission darlegen, und so kreftig als möglich dem Landvolck zusprechen, mit bedeuten dass im fahl die Aufrührer nicht sich gebührend einstellen wollten, man mit ihnen auf das scherfste procedieren würde.--Auf dieses dörfte sich Niemand mehr rühren, und miechen sich die autors des aufruhrs in geheim aus der provintz und dörften sich um so viel minder bleiben lassen, weillen von Londen Briefen angelangt, mit bericht, wie dass die Lords propriet: H. Eduard Hide zum Goub: von Nord Carolina erwehlt, und seye desshalben die patenten durch eine vertraute persohn versendt, der oftgemelte Colonel Cary ist neben andren seiner mithaften in Virginien arrestiert, und in einem Schif wohl verwahrt nacher Londen versendt worden, welchem da der process gemacht worden, die Sach hatte zu Londen viel Wesens gemacht,: Allein dieser Cary wahre in seinem schlimmen Handel noch so glückhaftig, dass sich seiner 2 Milord so annahmen, die ihme sein Leben errettet, ist hiemit auf Bürgschaft losgelassen worden umb sich zu deffendieren, ihme der Richter in Carolina angewiessen worden: bleibt also die Sach noch diese Stund da hangen.29

        Die Verwierung hatte nicht wenig zum einfahl der wilden Indianer contribuiert, in dem Etliche der Meutinierer H: Goub: Hide so verhasst gemacht bey den Indianern, dass sie ihne für ihren find angesehen, soweit, dass ich von den Wilden gefangen worden, vermeint ich währe der Goub: Zimlich hart tractiert worden, bis durch einen Indianer der englisch reden könnte, und den ich gekannt sagen lassen, dass ich nicht Goub: Hide währe, worauf sie alsobald gelinder mit mir verfahren.--Da nun dieses auch vorbey, machte ich mich widerumb nach Neuw Bern zu meinen Leuthen, es hatte aber bald hernach H: Goub: Hide seine patenten empfangen, so liesse er widerumb eine Generalversammlung ausschreiben, damit er sich einpresentieren könnte, worbey ich mich auch befunden, welches um so viel lieber gethan, weilen dabey Gelegenheit suchte bey dem Neuwen H. Goub: zuerwerben, was bey Colonel: Cary nicht könnte, bey welchem H. Goub: Hide wohl allen guten Willen verspürte, aber da ich auf die realitäten drung, so wahren sehr wenig vorhanden, welches von selbsten


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üubel manglete: hielte hiernach einständig bey dem Parlament an, dass weilen auf Conto der Lord prop: nicht erhalten könnte, welches doch das fondament meiner Entreprise ich nun fast mit meinem Volck dargesetzt, und wir so nicht bestehen könnten, es auch eine lange Zeit erfordert, bis aus Europa berichtet wir indessen nicht von Luft leben könnten, so die provintzen uns auf gleiche Conditiones wie wir es mit dem Lord prop: hatten, assistieren solten, nämlich auf Credit, auf 2 oder 3 Jahr mit dene nothwendigen victualien, und besonders mit Vich, uns zu versehen, dessen aber Sous pretense dieser einheimische Krieg habe sie in die Unvermöglichkeit das zu thun gesetzt, mich abgewiesen, hierauf mieche mich gantz traurig nacher Haus, meine sachen so gut als möglich anstellend, wie hier vor zu sehen.30

FOLGET JETZUND DER INDIANISCHE KRIEG.

        Was diesen Indianischen Krieg verusachet, sind erstlich die Verlümdungen und Anstiftungen etlicher Meutinier H. Goub: Hide 2./ Allso auch wider mich indeme sie die Wilden bredt ich seye kommen ihr Land zu nemen, und hiemit werden die Indianer sich zurück gegen die Bergen machen müssen, diss hat ich ihnen ausgeret, und wahre es bewiesen, durch meine gegen sie erwiesene fründlichkeit, wie auch durch die Bezahlung dess Landes, wo ich mich angangs gesetzt, namlich darvon das Stätlein Neu Bern angefangen: ohngeachtet der Verkäufer mir es frey hatte übergeben sollen, Item hab ich auch Frieden mit selbigen indianischen Einwohnern gemacht, so dass sie mit mir gantz zufrieden. 3./Wahre es die grosse Sorglosigkeit der Coloney.31 4./Das harte Tractament etlicher unwirschen und rauhen englischen Einwohner, die sie betrogen in der Handlung, selbe nicht um ihre plantationes lassen jagen, unter dem pretext ihnen ihr geschoss, Munition Ihre Beltzen oder Hüet weggenommen, ja gar ein Indianer zu Tod geschlagen, welches sie am meisten und mit Grund allarmierte. Ihren Anschlag hielten die Indianer sehr geheim, und wahre es eben darum zu thun, dass sie sich berathschlagen wolten, in einer angestelten Versammlung, zu der Zeit, da ich gefangen wurde, und da ich ungefähr die rivier hinauf fahrte vermeinte ich um so viel Sicherer zu seyn, indem erst 10 oder 14 Tag zuvor in dem Wald, da ich von Land Messen kame, verrirret und eben grad da mich die Nacht übernahm, unter die Indianer gefallen, so zuvor bey meiner ankunft in Chatalognien jetzund Neuw Bern gessessen, und sich nun an diss ort gesetzt, welche mich sehr fründlich empfangen, und am Morgen bis auf den rechten Weg begleitet, 2 Indianer mitgaben so mit mir bis nacher Haus giengen, welchen dann zur Dankbarkeit, etwas geben, und für den König Rum oder Prantenwein geschickt; Eben dieser König da es um mein Leben zu thun war, hatte nicht wenig zu meiner


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Rettung nebst des aller höchsten beystand Contribuiert; wie ich nun von den Indianern gefangen, zum Tod verurtheilt und wunderlich errettet worden, was bey den Indianern vorgangen, entlichen wie nacher Haus kommen und zu Neuw Bern widerumb angelangt, ist ausser meiner an H. Goub: Hide versandten relation zu ersehen. Zu End eben dieser relation hatte angefangen, zu melden was alsobald, meiner zurückkunft mir noch widriges und vertriessliches widerfahren so dass scheint meines unglücks kein End zu seyn, weilen aber das zukönftige nicht vorsehen könnte, so will ich umb so kurz als möglich, was weiters vorgangen bis zu meiner europaischen Ab- und Heimreis melden. Erstlich wie dieser Indianische Krieg fortgesetzt und ein End genommen: 2./Was für Motifa dass die Coloney verlassen, und mich in Europa ja gar widerumb nacher Bern begeben.--Was nach meiner Zurückkunft mir unter den Christen widerfahren, wahre beynach so aus gefährlicher und vertriesslicher, als ich unter den Heyden wäre; vor dem heidnischen Tribunal hatte ich meine offendliche Kläger, alles geschache in guter Ordnung, nichts hinderrücks und im Verborgenen, noch auf eine rebellische aufrührische Manier, aber da ich nacher Haus kame, vermeinet unter fründen und Christen zu seyn, und ein wenig zu ruhen, ward es erger.--

        Da wahren etliche rauwe Jalousi unwirsche planter, oder Einwohner, weilen nicht alsobald in ihre Meinung treten wolten, einen Indianer zu töten, oder ihrer Discretion zu liefern, deme doch sicher Gleit versprochen, weilen er kommen meine ratzion abzuholen, und mit den Indianern zu streiten nicht thunlich erachtende, er die 15 gefangene Pfeltzer herausgeben, und geliefert, denen noch Provision an Lebens Mitteln noch an Munition noch Volck gnug, zu dem dass der halbe theil Pfältzer in meiner absentz mein Quartier verlassen, so klagten mich dieser Gattung böser Christen erger als die Heyden, nahmen geheime Information wider mich, da wahre viel redens und treuwens nicht minder als msste ich gehenkt werden. So solte ich von einem Heydnischen Tribunal nun vor einen christlichen Richter stuhl, ja erger als der heynischen, so es etlicher gottloser Gesellen willen nachgehen solte, erscheinen: zu welchem nicht wenig contribuiert, ein pfältzischer Huf Schmied, der sich rechen wolt, weilen ihme wegen erschrecklichen excrationen ungehorsames stählen, und gräuwlichen treuwung gestraft,32 und das hat er auf eine sehr verrätherische weis gethan, gienge alsobald hinüber zu den Indianern, bey welchen er mich sehr suspect mieche, als gulte meine Versprechung nichts, betrüge sie, indeme anstatt Frieden und Neutralität mit ihnen zu halten gantz auf Ihrer der engl: Seiten währe, sie mit gewehren und Krieg provision versehend:33 da ich aber seine Verätherey erfahren, und desshalben ihne abstrafen wollen, hatte er darvon Wind bekommen, und sich hinüber


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zu dem William Brice einem gemeinen mann, so aber wegen seiner Frechheit zum Haubmann erwehlt worden, und mir vast zuwider wahre, verfügt. allow eine Garnison zusammengelesener Gesellen und der abtrünigen Pfelzer sein eigen Haus zubewahren, da hat obgemelter Huf Schmied gleiches von mir, wie zuvor bey den India: gesagt, und noch viel mehr, so dass ich für einen Verräther passierte, ward alsbald eine Liste von etlich 20 Artiklen aufgeschrieben, deren nicht ein Puncten wahr, hab, da dieses vernommen, schrieb ich dennoch gantz ohnerschrocken, ich ein gutes Gewissen hätte, bey dem H. Goub: von Virginia und Carolina zu, Sie umständlich informierend, alles dessen so ich zugetragen, welche meine Conduite abrobiert, und alle andre Persohnen von verstand und vernuft.--

        Hierbey hat sich zugetragen, dass weilen dess Schmieden als Criminalen und ausgewichenen der da mir noch vast in Depitis ich seine Sachen inventorisieren und in Verwahrung thun lassen, dieser obermelte H: Brice34 den Schmied vast _ _ _ und die verwahrten Sachen heraus haben wolte, trachtete solches mit gewalt vorzunehmen, neben dem, dass er gerne mich als der Verrätherey schuldig, zu H: Goub: Hide g'fangen bringen wolte, so hielte er in geheim Raht, mit den Vornemsten seiner Rott, so wahre dieses Conclusum dass wann ich mich weigern wolte, dieses Schmieds Sachen herauszugeben, pretextierend, sie brauchten solche zur Devension.35 dess Lutz, sie es mit gewalt thun wolten, undweilen ohne Zweifel mich speren werde alsdann sie sich meiner persohn bemeistern, und mich so H: Goub: zu bringen. Es wahre aber ohngefährt ein kleiner Pfeltzer Knab in dem Zimmer welcher englisch verstund, dessen nicht in acht genohmmen, dieser solches hörend, wich so still er könnte aus dem Gemach, zeigte es seiner Mutter an, alls noch Eine von meinen angehörigen, welche alsbald sich in das Schiflein miech, und zu mir hinüberfuhre,: da sie mir diese Conspiration erzellend, so liess ich alsbald auf der Trummel schlagen, verschloss die Thor und stelte meine Leuth in guter Postur. Könnte kaum fertig werden, so kame Brice mit 30 oder 40 benachtbahrten Männern, darunter grad der gottlose Schmied, und wohl 20 der abtrünnigen Pfeltzer, nicht wüssend dass ich der sachen berichtet, vermeinten grad in den Hof36 zu gehen, und mich übernehmend, funden aber alles in solcher postur dessen sie nicht erwarten, da sie die unsrigen befragt, was das sein solle, gab der Corporal zur Antwort, man sey auf guter Huet wegen den wilden Indianern und wilden Christen, ward repliciert ob man sie dann für find hielte, widerumb doubliciert dass fründe nicht auf solche Manier ihre benachbarten zu Visiten pflegten, schiene als wann sie unsre find, insbesondere da solche Verräther und Abtrünnige doch so Corporal Brice sambt noch einem herein wollen, glaubte diss wurde nicht versagt, da diss mir angezeigt,


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liess ich sie unter guter Wacht hinein, so nun dieser Brice meiner procedur sich beschwärt, gabe zur Antwort mir wäre sein schöner Dessin wohl bekannt, würde aber an gebührendem Ohrt sein unverschandtes und verwegenes procedieren wüssen anzubringen, ob das die Manier gegen seine Vorgesetzten so zu Meutinieren ich als Statthalter des Ober Hauses, Landesgraf und Comandant dieses District wäre im rechten ihne gefangen senden und wäre auch geschächen37 so ich diesers falschen desieren Gesellen mit kurzem Bescheid und starker Betreuwung wider hinaus sich für das nächste parlament cedieren.--was weiters für Insolentien auf seiten dieses Cap: und abtrünnigen Pfälzern gegen mich und die meinigen verübt, zu weitläufig und verdriesslich habe von kürze wegen für nichts mehr melden wollen, doch noch etwas wenix im fürgang.--

        Ist zu wissen dass die hierunden unterzeichnete Convention mit den Indianern eingangen, da ich noch in Banden, und mein Leben zu fristen, so dass eben so gar nicht wäre verobligiert worden zu halten, demnach weilen mit der meinung Quod Hereticis non Habenda Fides, wahre resolviert so viel zu halten als Lauth gewissens und Pflicht, mit deren ich der Cron Engelland zugethan, ich wohl thun konnte und hätte man mich nachen lassen, wäre es dem gantzen Land wohl kommen, und währe viel Mord und Unglück vermitten worden.--

        Es wahre aber dieser Capitain Brice sambt seinem Anhang so erhitzet, dass ohne die Vernunft zu raht zu ziechen ihrer blinden passion nach ohne einich Mensur zu nemen noch auf die kleine Zahl Volck, noch die wenige provision an Krieg und Lebens-Mittlen noch auf die Gefahr der armen gefangenen Weib und Kinder, reflectierend, den proponierten Stillstand recusiert, und alsbald findlich agiert, also durch sein unverständiges Caprice, die gantze provintz in gefahr gesetzt, und meine Mensuren alle unterbrochen.--Und hätte man mich machen lassen so hätte erstlich durch diesen stillstand Zeit gewunnen, dass die ganze provinz und ich uns in guter postur setzen können, und wir innert dieser Zeit, mit Volck, Krieg and Lebens-Mittlen versehen. 2./wahre ich schon würklich an der Arbeit, in während diesem Stillstand die armen gefangenen Weib und Kinder zu erretten, dann den Indianern meine rention nicht ausrichten wolte, sie hatten mir dann die gefangenen übergeben, solches wahre mit grosser gefahr und Mühj in der ersten Converenz veraccordiert, N. B: hat sich wohl erwiesen, wie viel daran gelegen, nachwerts in der Historj dess Indianisch Kriegs gemelt, wie dieser gefangener Holtzmann die Indianer menagieren müssen, so sonsten im Ersten mahl man ihnen den garaus machen können. Nun weilen ich am besten mit den Indianern an diesem guten Werk, und 3./ auch, durch meiner vorgegebenen Neutralität und, Verzögerung Zeit gewinnen wolte, dass was so wohl die englischen, als


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Carolinischen und Coloney ins besonders noch in Ihren plantationen und Häusern verlassen und vergraben, wiederumb abholen, wie auch in den Wäldern, so viel von Ihrem Vich, als möglich aufangen könnten, so kame diese Bricésche Rott, wilder und unvernünftiger als die Indianer und verderbten mir meine gantze Handlung, durch eine unbekannte attaque, die ganze übelzellung, diese hiervor gemelte Verrätherey des Schmieden, und diese Action nahme den Indianern alles vertrauwen von mir, so dass auf das hin, gegen meine Colonisten sie auch findlich agierten; da bis daher Ihrer Häusern und sachen verschonet, namlich nach gemachter Convention, allein nach diesem unzeitigen procedieren der Caroliner, sind die Indianer gefahren, alles zu verderben, und müssten meiner armen Leuth Heuser, ungeacht die Thür mit einem Zeichen38 gezeichnet verbrandt werden,: das übrige an Hausgeräth obwohlen verborgen und vergraben aufgesucht, weggenommen und das Vich in den Weldern niedergeschossen, von dannen haben die Indianer hin und her in der provintz, insbesonders in Neuw Trent und pamtego Rivier eine Plantation nach der andern belägeret, geblünderet, gemort und sehr viel übels gethan.--Und welches die Indianer zu mehreren equotet veranlasset, ware des Bricen hartes procedieren, dass er etliche Indianer von der Bay Rivier39 bekommen, ist ihr Chef der König erschröcklich tractiert worden, ja bey einem grossen feur gleichsam gebraten, und mit allerley unchristlicher Marter geblagt, und so getödet worden,: welches die Indianer so verbittret, dass sich nicht zu verwundern, wann sie die Christen auch hart tractierten, was hierin am meisten verdrossen, war dass ein abtrünniger pfeltzer an diesem Marteren das meiste gethan, und Ein wohlgefallen daran hatte, eben dieser ward der autor der abtrünnigen pfeltzeren. Es waren zwar von des Bricen anhang, Verwegene und behertze Leuth aber gar unbedacht, so die übrigen Caroliner bessere Conduiten und nicht so zaghaft, wer man den Indianern ehr Meister worden, und wäre nicht so übel gangen.--

        Weilen nur mir vast angelegen, Meine Conduite zu justificieren und der Bricésch Rott Gottlos und Verwegenes Verfahren vorzustellen, so wann die grosse general Versamlung40 gehalten, gienge hinein und fragte, wo diese falsche Klägten wahren, und solte man mir solche Verlümder vor Augen stellen, Copeyen der Klägten Communicieren damit mich gebührend Verantworten und justificieren könne, dörfte sich niemand gegen mich stellen, und wolte die Klagpunkten niemand hier vorgeben, so ward dessen ein End. Indessen hat ich viel Vertruss, und ward in grosser gefahr, und litte inzwischen nicht wenig mein Ehr und reputation, begehrte Satisfaction, weilen die Kläger und Verlümder mir wohlbekannt, miech sie auch namhaft, die autoren aber erschienen nicht, und könnte ich bey solcher Confusen Regierung und


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Indianischen Krieg keine Satisfaction bekommen, der H: Goub: und Oberhaus welches von 7. Rähten und represententen der Lord: prop: Zweyen Landgrafen, Etlichen Obristen, und dem Secretario bestund; miechen zwar ihre Entschuldigungen und ein Comp: hierüber, musste darmit zufrieden seyn, über diese Matery hatte viele Memorialia und Briefen, H: Goub: versendt, worin diese Verdriessliche Historie und Proceduren weitläufig zu ersehen, sonderlich im Register meiner Brief, von A. 1711. u. 1712. auch so alles so mir widerwertiges und Vertriessliches in Carolina und Virginien widerfahren, Erzellen solte, wurde es ein gross Buch abgeben;--/./Gleich wie hier oben nur etwelche Ursachen dess Indianischen Kriegs vermeldet, so hat zu dieser Indianischer Verwegenheit und frechen Verfahren, nicht wenig Contribuiert der Caroliner sorglosigkeit, indeme sie Ihnen zu vast getrauwet, zu ihrer Sicherheit in der ganzen provintz nur nicht ein ohrt befestiget, dahin man sich hätte retirieren können; auch im fahl Einicher Corruption oder findthätigkeit gar keine anstalten noch viel minder die Benöhtigte Krieg und Lebens-Mittlen oder Provision gemacht, so weit dass mit diesen Unruhen ganze Schif voll Korn und fleisch für Zucker Malasio, Brantenwein und andern minder nöhtigen sachen weggeführet worden: Summa alles liederlich bestelt, anstatt sich in ein Corpus oder 2. wohlbestelten Mannschaft zusammenzu-ziechen, um den find von den Grenzen der Wohnungen abzutreiben, wolte ein jeder sein Eigen Haus verwahren, und sich deffendieren. Welches die Ursach dass endlich die Indianer oder Wilden sich einer plantation nach der andern bemeistert, bald die ganze Provintz unter sich gebracht.--Meine Gedanken wahren im fahl die Wilden der gemachten Convention nicht entsprechen würden, zu keinem guten Vergleich gebracht werden könnten, selbe mit meinem gemachten frieden zu Amusieren, Einen stillstand zu procurieren, indessen sich mit Volks Hülf, und aller Nohtwendigen Muntion und Provision versehen, zu setzen, hiemit mehreren und kräftigeren Widerstand zu thun, oder die Wilden gar zu destruiren. allein es wahre mit denen wunderlichen Carolinern nichts zu schafen, die wo etwan behärzter als die andern, nahmen die sach so unbedacht, und plump vor, und gerieten hinder die Wilden, die gar viel stärcker an der Zahl, gute Schützen und wohl versehen in allem, dass diesers kleine Häuflin der Christen alsobald das Kürzere ziechen müssen: ja ohne den pfältzern und Schweizern Hülf zu grund gangen, wie in Erster relation zu sehen. N.B: In selbiger relation aus einen Brief an H: Goub: Hide geschrieben, date mit Meldung, wie die Mannschaft so in Bath: Towe, einem kleinen Dorf an der Pamtego Rivier ohngefährt in 150. dem diesem gegebenen Wort und Zeichen nicht nachgangen, das Herz nicht gehabt über die rivier zu setzen, ihren nachtbahren zu Hilf zu


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kommen, in Einer so tringender Noht, sondern nachdeme sie da desselben Districts Einwohner, ihr Korn und fleisch aufgefressen, uns trüben an der Neus River im Stich lassend, nacher Haus widerumb gegangen.--

        Wie ich mich zu New Bern befestiget 22 wochen lang, mich und die Coloney, aus eignen Mittlen erhalten, entlich aus Mangel Subsistenz mein Posten verlassen müssen, um nach dem Goub: zu gehen,: ist theils zu sehen in Erster relation, kann doch nicht unterlassen, zu Melden, wie es mir auf dieser Reis in die Albermarle Conti gegangen.--

        Nach deme nun erfahren und gesehen, wie alles so elend hergehet, was schlechte ja gar keine assistenz, die unmöglichkeit in die länge so auszuhalten, ja gar zur extremitet gekommen, wie dass durch diese Invasion der Wilden, die ganze Coloney zu grund gangen, indeme wie obgemelt bey 70 Ermort und gefangen, alle der Collonisten Häuser verbrandt, ihr Hausraht und was sie zum besten weggenommen, das meiste Vieh Erschossen, das unsrige zur Narrung aufgebraucht. So ware auf Angeben H: Michel und andre H: aus Virginien und Marienland, resolviert andre Mensuren zu nemen, und weilen die Coloney sich vertheilt, der halbe Theil Pfältzer sich von mir gewendt, mit den übrigen sambt dem Schweizern mich nach obermelten Ohrten zu begeben: Packte hiemit ein Theil meiner Sachen ein, liess meine kleine Schloop zurüsten, der Intention, wann ich werde bey H: Goub: Hide angelanget seyn, im parlament oder Generalversammlung bessre assistenz auszuwürcken, widrigen fahls mein Dessin nach Virginien und Marienland fortzusetzen.--So verreiste ich nun in grosser perplexität, weilen meine Leuth in grösster Noht,41 ja dass nicht mehr ein Mäss Korn mehr vorhanden ward: sondern Mussten uns dess Schweinenfleisch behelfen, und das z'war sehr genauw'. Diese Reis aber ward auch unglücklich, bey schönem Wetter und Windt fuhr ich ab, nach dem Meine Leuth versammlet, und Ihnen best möglichst zugesprochen: Sie baldiger Hülfe tröstend, dess abend da wir schier an der Ambouchinen Rivier und durch den Sond ausfahren wolten, begegnet ein bedenkliches Zeichen, zu oberst an der Spitze des Mastbaums, Kehrte sich einsmahls ein kleines feurlein und pfeifete zimlich starck, ohngefehrt eine Viertel Stund, Entlich hörte es auf, da ich den Schifpatron fragte was das sein solte, so sagte er mir nicht viel guts, Es werde bald ein grosser Sturm erfolgen, und das sey gewüss, ich aber lachte herüber und wolte meinen Weg fortfahren. Es vergienge aber kein stund, finge der Wind härter zu blasen an, und weilen es gegen Nacht getrauten wir nicht, sondern sahen umb, wo etwan wir bey Land den ancker sencken könnten.--

        Kaum möchten wir ans Land pordieren überfiel uns der Wind so starck, dass ein wenig speter wir in grösster gefahr kamen, so blieben


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wir da bey einerm Planter einem guten Mann,42 der da auf einem Landgut gesetzt, übernacht, Morgends da der Sturm vorbey, fuhren wir fort, so kamen wir den andern Tag abends in die Mitte dess Sonds, welcher ist ein See viel grösser als der Genfer See, da in der Mitte mann kein Land sehen könnte, allein wir auf einen Sandbanck stosste; da das Schif einen so starken Krach gethan, dass wir meinten es wäre entzwey, und währe es nicht überaus starck gewesen so hätten wir da auch Schifbruch leiden müssen, wir wahren da in grossen ängsten, und nahmen alle Erdenkliche Mittel von ab diesem gefährlichen ohrt zu kommen, die meiste forcht wahre, dass, wann schon entlichen das Schif loos, es wurde einen Spalt haben, dass wir ohnfehlbar versenken müssten, Gott war aber so gnädig, dass nachdem das Meer gestigen, und der Wind besser worden, wir mit gespannten Säglen glücklich abkammen, da wir sahen, dass kein Wasser ins Schif kame, dankten wir Gott, und setzten fort, dess dritten Tags bekamen wir einen so starken Widerwind, dass wir an Einem ort, gegen Land fahren mussten, wo eine grosse Weite mit Rohren, da Sänckten wir unsern ancker, und wahren gezwungen, wohl etliche Tag da zu bleiben, bis der Wind sich um etwas gesetzt, dass wir bey eines Seiten Windts, durch einen Canal so durch die Rohr fliesst seglen konnten. So bald wahren wir nicht aus den Rohren, wolte das Unglück dass wir auf einem vesten Felsen stecken bleiben, dass wir einen halben Tag genug zu thun, bis wir los wurden, und musste uns wiederum das Meer helfen, entlichen vermehrt sich der Wind, und kammen wir glücklich darvon, und langten nach etlicher Tagen, an bestimbten Ohrt an, und wahre es Zeit weil all unsre provision die genauw ward, an Speis und Tranck aufgebraucht: anstatt dass wir verhoften bey gutem Windt, in 2 mal 24 Stunden anzukommen, haben wir über 10 Tage zugebracht: So sicht man was das Wetter Zeichen auf der Spitze des Mastbaums bedeutet, scheint aber ein Aberglauben zu seyn, die Erfahrung aber weiss es anders.--

        Da ich mich nun 6 ganzer Wochen bey H: Goub: Hide aufhielt, theils dem raht und übrigen provintzgeschäften abzuwarten, theils auch meine Leuth zu Neuw Bern, mit Nohtwendigen Lebens Mittlen und Kriegsprovision zu versehen, ist nach angewenter grosser Mühj und Viel Zeit, mein Schlop mit Korn, Pulver, bley und Taback angefült und nacher Neuw Bern versendt worden, aber ach, was vor unglück, es haben die guten Leuth in Ihrer eusserster Noht, wohl vergebens darauf gewartet,: da dann die Schlop vast über den Sond und weit der Embouchure der rivier Neuss übernahmen sich die Schifleuth mit Branntenwin, so dass sie alle entschlafen, vermeinend sie wahren nun aus der gefahr, allein weilen sie das feur in dem Kuchli nicht gantzlich gelöschen, springt ein funcken von Einem Scheit Holtz, und


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kam in die Tabackblätter, die nicht weit darvon wahren, welche mehr und mehr angangen, bis ein feur entstanden, und entlich der Rauch die Schifleuth erweckt, welche aus forcht das Pulver Fässlein wurde angehen, drachteten sich zu salvieren, und miechen sich in den Canou, das ist ein klein rundes Schiflein darvon, ehe Sie aber Vollentz ans Land gelangt, kombt das feur ins Pulfer, und es gieng die Schlopp in feur auf.--

        Lasse gedencken was vor traurige Botschaft den armen halb ausgehungerten Colonisten, solches zu vernemen, anstatt deren so lang mit grössten verlangen, erwarteten assistenz, und wie das zu Herzen gangen. Indessen ich diese traurige Zeitung vernahm, welches lang angestanden, hatte nach eusserstem Vermögen gearbeit, dass man die grössern Schlopp oder Brigantin proviantieren, welches aber so lang vortgieng, dass ich ganz vertrüssig wurde, wohl sehend dass solche Tergiversationen, in solchen Conjuncten nicht bestehen könnten, desswegen meine Sachen dahin disponiert, dass alsobald nachdeme meine Leuth diese provision wurden empfangen haben, Sie grad in selbiger Schlop mit H: Michel nacher Virginien säglen solten, diss verzoge sich sehr lang, nachdemme nun wie schon gemelt, mich eine lange Zeit bey H: Goub: Hide aufgehalten, den Krieg und provinzen sachen abzuwarten, wo viel zu thun wahre,: verfügt ich mich nach Virginien, umb alles best möglichst zu bestellen; Eh ich aber zu dieser Reis schreite, kann nicht übergehen zu melden; was unterdessen zur sicherheit des Landes gethan worden;.--Nachdeme nun H. Goub: Hide und der General Versammlung Kreftig vorstelt, wie man bessere Anstalten als bishero geschächen thun solte, sonsten wir in gefahr alle von den wilden Indianern umgebracht zu werden, so gerieten wir an die arbeit und hatte ich den Tag meines Lebens nicht vermeint so ungeschickt und verzagte Leuth, da anzutreffen.--

        Erstlich wahre zu thun vor allem aus, wo proviant zu nemen, dann ohnmöglich zu kriegen, und wahre doch diese unbedachte Caroliner so liechtsinnig dass sie dennoch getreyd und fleisch aus dem Land verkaufen, desswegen H. Goub: Hide alsbald ersuchte, ein scharfes Mandat auszuschreiben, alle ausfuhr einicher sachen zu verbieten. 2tens. zu erforschen was für getreid im Land, demnach die erforderlichen Mensuren zu nemen, ward gefunden, dass dessen bey weitem nicht gnug einen so langwierigen Krieg zu führen, hiermit anstalt aus benachtbarten Provinzen solches zu procurieren, welches auch genug hatte.--

        Drittens Pulver, Bley und gewehr dessen die Provinzen ganz nicht versehen, und die particularen, gar wenig hiemit gut befunden, auch unter dessen von andren Ohrten zu beschicken: Wolte aber niemand das Gelt darzu geben, noch funden die Provinz welche damahl in


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schlechtem Credit, Matery, da musst ich aber bey H: Goub: in Virginien trachten etwas auszuwürcken.--

        4./Soupponieren alle obige sachen wären paraht, worumb das Volck, da war Arbeit, könnten mit grösster Mühj kaum 300 Bewährte Männer ausmachen, und wahren viel darunter unwillig zu kriegen, meistens schlecht gekleit und versehen, hierüber war mir Commission gegeben, um Hülf in Virginien anzhalten, da entlich H: Goub: Spottswood, als in Nahmen der Königin, Ihnen solche zusagte, für restitution dess proviants und Sold, so wolten die Caroliner nicht, pretextierend, sie vermöchten solche Summen nicht zu restituieren, wann H: Goub: nicht Volck und die Nöhtige provision in der Königin Kosten senden wolte, welches absurd, worumb sollte die Königin die Kösten vor die Provinz haben, da doch das Einkommen, die Lord. propriet: beziechen, dies gabe Anlass dass etliche zu H: Goub: von Virginien giengen, um zu Sondieren, ob er die protectionen Caroliné auf sich nehmen wolte, welches aber H: Goub: aus guten Ursachen abgeschlagen.--

        5./Proponiert dass man etwan ein ohrt in der Provinz befestigen solte, im fahl der Noht zu einer retraite zu gebrauchen, und sich da auch in Sicherheit zu halten, war aber nicht erheblich.--

        Bey so bewannten Dingen, was zu thun: Indessen fuhren die Indianer fort, wurden von so schlechter gegenwehr übermühtig und bezwungen Eine Plantation nach der andern.--

        Die letste ressource ware eilends nach Süd Carolinam um Hülf zu senden, welche auch erhielten, sonst wäre die ganze provintz zu grund gangen, so sandte das Gouver: Süd Carolina43 800 wilde Tributarys sambt 50 englischen Süd Carolinern, under dem Commando Obrist Paravell, wohl montiert und versehen mit Pulver und bley, das Theatrum Belli wahre unweit Neuw Bern. Da diese angelangt, fieng der indianische Krieg erst recht an, und gerieten diese Süd Caroliner da sie nach zu den Tascarorus wilden kamen, dergestalten an Sie, dass grossen Schrecken unter ihnen erweckt, so dass die Nord Carolina Indianer gezwungen worden, sich zu verschanzen, unsere Fründ Indianer aber nachdeme Sie Ihre ordres zu Neu Bern Empfangen, miechen Sich gegen Cortown ein gross indianisch Torf, ungefehrt 30. Meil von Neuw Bern, jagten selben König sambt seinen Indianern aus, nachdeme Sie etliche nidergemacht ereifreten sie sich darüber, dass sie auch von einem erschossenen wilden Carolinisch Indianer das Fleisch gekocht und gefressen,: zu diesem Süd Carolinischen Soucours ordinierten wir 200 Nord Caroliner Engel: sambt etwelch wenig unser Indianern so fründ wahren, und bey 50 pfältzer und Schweizer unter Commando Obrist Boyd und H. Michel welchen wir auch zum Obrist gemacht.--


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        Dieses kleine HEr mieche sich weiters hinauf gen Catechna einem grossen Indianischen Dorf, wo ich und der General Feldmesser Lawson gefangen, und zum Tod verurtheilt wahren, wie in erster relation vermeldet. In diesem Dorf Catechna hatten sich unsre find, bestehet in Wetax, Bay, Revir Neuws, Cor Bamtego und theils Touscarorus Indianer versammlet und vast eingeschanzet und könnte man nichts ausrichten gegen Ihnen, ist zu wüssen, dass bey einem angestelten Sturm die Ordres nicht recht exequiert, der angrif solte an etlichen orten angehen, Es wahren aber des Bricens Leuth so hitzig dass sie vor der Zeit sturmten, wurden Ihrer viel plessiert, etliche tod geblieben, müssen also die unsrigen abweichen, da uns der Bericht im Raht ertheilt, wurden wir vast beschäftiget, wie die Find besser zu g'stellen, und bessere anstalten zu thun: Ungefehrt umsahe ich mich und erblickte 6 order 8 Stück, in dem Hof, liederlich da ligen, ganz rostig und voller Sand, wahren meine Meinung, man solte 2 der kleinsten ausrüsten, übersenden und das fort mit beschiessen, hierauf wurde ich ausgelacht, mir representierend, dass solches unmöglich über die Möser, Wälder und graben zu bringen, mich aber erinnerd was mir H. Haubtmann Gallard von St. Croix erzellt, wie er es angeben, vor einer Festung in Flandern, welcher auch sein fortun gemacht, wurde jedes stückli als auf einem Prancour44 zwischen zwey pferten ordentlich geferget, das übrige weiters angestelt, wie sich am besten geschickt, und ist wohl gelungen; dann da man die aprochen gemacht, und nur 2 Schüsz in der wilden fort gelassen, neben etlich wenig granaten so man getrachtet Einzubringen, erweckte dis eine solche Forcht unter den Wilden, die solches nie gehört und nicht gesehen, dass sie um einen Stillstand anhaltend, da wurde von unsren Obristen Officierern Kriegs Raht gehalten, was zu thun geschlossen, denn stillstand zu accordieren und trachten vortheilhaftigen Frieden zu machen, was dessen die Meiste Ursach wahren die gefangnen Christen, so sie noch von der ersten Massacre behalten, welche uns ruften dass so das fort in Sturm übergieng, sie alle erbärmlich um das Leben kämen, ist also hierauf capituliert worden, mit Condition, dass vor allem aus die gefangenen solten losgelassen werden, welches auch geschächen. Da nun dieses vorbey und die unsrigen nacher Neu Bern gerückt, umb sich ein wenig zu erlaben, dan die Lebens-Mittel genauw und sparsam, dem Obrist Barnwell nicht nach Vergnügen entsprochen, so wurde er ungeduldig, dass man ihme nicht mehr Ehr und guts erwiesen, auch sein Volck gar schlecht proviantiert, desswegen Er auf expedient bedacht, wie sich wiederumb mit provit nach Süd Carolinam zu begeben und unter dem Vorwandt eines guten friendens lockete er eine gute anzahl der fründlicher Indianer oder wilden Caroliner, nahme bey Cor Toone sie gefangen, darzu seine Indianer Tributari ganz genigt, weilen von jedem


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gefangenen ein Namhaftes sie zuverhofen, miechen sich also mit Ihrem lebendigen Raub nacher Haus, was er hiemit zu vor loblich ausgerichtet, ist durch diese action verschertzt worden;--

        Diese so unchristliche action habe die übrigen Tascaruros und Carolinisch Indianer obwohlen sie Heyden vast erbittret, wie billich, so dass sie den Christen nicht mehr getrauwet, desswegen Sie noch vester verschanzet, und viel ravage in Neus and Bamtego Grafschaft oder Distrikt gethan, ja das Lestere erger als das erstere wurd. Welches uns bewogen starcke Klägten wider den Obristen Barnwell zu thun, und schrieben widerumb nach Süd Carolina für Neuwe Hülf, welche aber nicht so starck als die Erstere erfolget, doch langt bald nach eine zimlich Anzahl unter dem Commando Capitain Moore welcher sich besser verhielt: Nach dem man zusammen gezogen, was man aufbringeu könnte, ist man an dieses indianische Fort, bey Catechna oder Hancock Town gerahten, und ist solches endlich glücklich gestürmet in brandt gesteckt und erobret worden.--

        Die Wilden hatten sich darinn unsäglich dapfer gehalten, so weit da man des forts meister, und Weib und Kind so unter der Erden, darin sambt Ihrer Provision verborgen, herausnemen wolten, die Plessierten wilden, am boden winselnd noch um sich schlugen, da wahren bey 200 so in einer redoute verbrant viel sonsten nidergemacht, so dass in allem bey 900 sambt Weib und Kindern Tod und gefangen. Von den unsrigen wahren auch viel plessierte, und etliche auf dem Platz geblieben.--

        Auf dieses hin hatten wir ruh, doch streiften noch etliche überbliebene hin und her, wahre nun zu thun wie für das Könftige, von den überbliebenen benachbarten, uns in föllige Sicherheit zu setzen, cedierten unterschiedliche Könige. N.B.: die Könige sind Eigenlich nur die Cheff einer gewissen quantitet wilden Indianern, doch ist es erblich, und stelt auf die Posteritet, mit denen wir conferierten, und es entlich zu einem Erwünschtens Frieden brachten: Ist nun nicht das geringste mehr zu beförchten, weilen die Wilden, so hinder Virginien und selbiger Provinz Tributari sind, des Friedens garandt, die überbliebenen Carolinischen Indianer, sind nun auch der Lords Prop: Tributarj worden.--

        Indessen obwohlen im Friden, so wahren unsre armen Colonisten nicht gar wohl, sondern hin und her bey englischen oder Carolinischen Planters verstossen, andre miechen sich widerumb nach Neu Bern, alwo sie etwas Landes zu ihrer Nohtdurft bauweten, und Erlaubt ich ihnen, für 2 jahr condition zu suchen, in Dienst zu eint und andern, vermöglichsten Caroll: Einwohnern zu gehen, um da ihr Subsistenz zu haben, und etwas für zu sparen, damit sie hernach wiederumb auf ihre Lächen, oder Plantationen gehen könnten; Für diese Zwey Jahr


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aber: Sollen sie von dem auferlegten Bodenzins frey seyn; H: Michel und den Bernern aber liess ich wüssen, dass ich nun nacher Virginien um die nöhtigen anstalten zu thun, der Hofnung sie dorten besser als in Carolina zu setzen, mich auch H: Michel gegebenes wort Tröstend, als gesinnt bey unserm vormahl gemachten Schluss zu verbleiben: zu mahlen mir unmöglich aus eigenen Kräften und Mittlen einer so delabierten Colloney aufzuhelfen, und von Bern aus nicht nur schlechter Prospect, sonder gar kein Hoffnung einiger Assistenz gemacht worden.--

        Nahme hiermit meinen abscheid von H. Goub: und Raht; und mieche mich zu H: Goub: in Virginien, bey welchem ich erhielt, dass er wegen gefährlichen Krieg Zeiten inbesonder mir der Capitain nur ein Krieg Schiff, meine Leuth zu begleiten, vergönnt, welches ein grosse und sonderbahre Gunst, für einen particularen, hierauf wahre H: Michel avisiert, welcher dann bey einer Converentz auf den frontieren zwishen beyden H: Goub: H: Hide und Spotswood gehalten worden, sich auch einfunde, und da ward Zeit und Tag gesetzt, wann und wo Sie, in der Insul Caratuix in Carolina sich recontrieren solten: Ich indessen gienge weiter in Virginien gegen Potomaex und Marienland zu, um alles paraht zu halten mit quartieren, Lebensmitlen und Vich.--

        Das ohrt45 wahre ohnweit den fahl von Portomaec bey einem Civilischen, generosen und wohlhabenden H: Rosier genant auf mainen Landsitzen, alwo ein gewüsser H: Bart, neben andern H: von Pensilvania mir entgegen kammen um auch zu sehen, wie es mit dem von H: Michel angegebenen Silbermine worin sie auch interessiert, und dess wegen viel Kösten gehabt, Ein bewantnus. Nachdeme wir nun in erwartung H: Michels und der Berneren so mit kommend, halten, wegen so langer Verzögerung und keinen Berichts, ungedultig wurden, auch in betrachtung H: Michels seltsamer Demarchen der Minen halber, gefassten gedanken, selbsten das ohrt laut gegebenen Plans zu besuchen, und die Wahrheit grundlich zu erfahren, rüsteten wir uns zu dieser Zwar gefährlichen Reis, doch weilen diss im Sinn hatte zu thun, wann schon die überigen H: nicht wären angelangt: hatte ich per precaution von H: Goub: in Virginien, als deme mein dessin communiciert, patenten erhalten, und war auch Ordre gegeben, dass auf erste avise ich von den nächst bestelten grenzenwächren, so viel nöhtig erachtet, aufmannen könnte. Da wir nach Canarvest, ein überaus schönes ohrt, ungefehrt 4 Meilen oben führ dem fahl kamen, funden wir da einen Haufen Indianer und insbesonders Einen Frantzosen Martin Chartier genannt, welcher mit einer Indianerin verheurahtet und darbey den wilden Indianern der Nation so Hinter Pensilvania und Marien Land in grossem Credit, auch auf angeben H. Michels Pensilvania verlassend, und sich da gesetzt, welcher hier


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vor auch mit H. Michel die Minen aufzusuchen gegangen, viel Müh und Kösten gehabt, dieser warnet uns dass die Indianer selbiger gegne wo die Silber Minen zu seyn vermeinet, vast allarmiert von dem Krieg, so wir mit Tuscorussen Nation hatten, hiemit solten wir uns nicht ohne sonderbahre Noht, in solche gefahr zu setzen, welchem wir geglaubt, die Sach auf eine bequeme Zeit aufschiebend, indessen miechen wir einen Bund mit den Canavest Indianer als sehr nohtwendig, so wohl in ansehen der verhofenden Silber Mines, als auch unser kleinen Berner Colloney, so wir der Enden sezen wolten, besachen die trefliche Situation selbiger gegne Landes, wie auch insbesonders die Charmante Insul der Potomac Revier ob dem Fahl, auf diese Stund bedauerend, dass dies Schöne Land nicht bewohnen kann.--

        Von danen giengen weiters zurück auf einen Berg den Höchsten der Enden, Sugarlowe genannt, als da hatte die Form eines Zucker Stocks, nahmen mit uns den Martin Chartier, einen Feltmesser hätten wir auch bey uns, und kamen noch Etliche Indianer mit uns, von dem Berg besahen wir eine überaus grosse Seite Landes, Ein Theil Virginien, Marienland, Pensilvanien und Carolina, bedienten uns des Compasses, miechen ein Plan, und observierten insbesonders den Berg, wo die Silber Minen sein solte, funden dass er hinder Virginien, vernahmen auch anbey von 2 Indianern, dass sie alles auf und um den Berg aufgesucht, nicht aber das minste Zeichen von Mineralien gefunden, und der Plan so uns gegeben worden, dem bericht nach ganz nicht respondiert, welches uns bestürtzt. Was weiters desswegen beschächen ohnnöhtig hier zu erzellen, endeckten da, noch viel schöner Landes, und drey Ketten Bergen, eine allzeit höcher als die andere, da wir vom Berg hinunter, blieben wir bei Martin Charitier übernacht, und kehrten den andern Tag wider nach H: Rosier quartier unter dem fahl, wo ich eine geraume Zeit verbleiben, der Hofnung da meine Leuth zu Empfahen, als denn abgeretet, die übrigen Verreisten widrum, aber nicht gar vernügt, wegen dem Confusen plan, nacher Pensilvanien.--

        Kein schöneren Sitz46 glaube in der Welt zu seyn als dieser, welchen wir in zwey kleine Colloneyen abtheilen wolten, die Erste grad unter dem fahl, wo eine überaus Lustige Insul von gutem Grund und gegenüber an Einem Eggen, zwischen der Potomax Rivier und einer kleineren Gold Crec genannt; alles was aber, für dem fahl hinunter oder hinauf willens zu empfahen. Und können die grössten Kauf Mann Schif dahinfahren, der andere Sitz, solte seyn bey Canarvest wie das Plan aufweist. Nach demme nun bey 2. Monath lang, nicht den minsten Bericht, aus Carolina empfangen, kame entlich der hinckende Bot mit bösen Zeitungen, da mich H. Michel nur mit wortenberichtet


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dass überbringer diss Zedelin, verlangte das Commando unserer Sloop zu haben, solte mit ihnen accordieren die Sloop nach deme Sie das Lang verlangte getreid entlich nacher Neus gebracht, Sie in der Zurückkunft auf einem Sand bank angefahren, seye in schlechter Condition sie bey heissem Wetter etwas wurmstichig worden:, Mangle Segel, Seil und anderst ausgerüstet zu werden, könne da nicht abkommen, solte mich Eilends nacher Carolinam begeben, und meldet nichts weiters, kein Meldung von Krieg Schif, so von Virginien uns entgegen geschickt, und was weiters in der langen Zeit vorgangen, dass ich halb vor ungedult verschmachtet und vergangen.--Solche widerwertige Zeitung und seltsamer bericht, bestürzte mich dergestalten, dass nicht wunder, wann ich von Sinnen kommen wäre, nachdeme alle Anstalten und provision gemacht, Nun alles vergebens, sandte den Capitain, nicht gar vernügt zu seyn, dennoch mit ordre die Schif so gut als möglich auszurüsten, und das Eillends, weilen es doch nur einen kleinen Traject auf den Meerküsten hätte, Schriebe auch an H. Obrist Pollock als der da am besten versehen, weilen das Schif in der Provinzen dienst, dass man für die Noht, das nohtwendigste verschafen solte, mit verdeuten, ich wolte durch Virginien schon das übrige machen, wurde aber alles auf den langen banck gezogen, wolt ich mein Sach befördret haben; Musst ich selbsten hingehen, da ich nun zu H: Goub: kame, funde ich ein ganz ander gesicht als vormahls, ganz Kalt, Indifrent und könnte dessen Ursach nicht errachten, Entlich half er mir aus meiner Bestürzung, mir dennoch Ernstlich vorhaltend, für wem wir ihne ansehen, hätte verhofet, wir wurden seine fründlichkeit und Diensten besser Erkennen, ja solche nahmhafte Dienst, die nicht einem jeden particularen bald erwiesen worden, anstatt unsre Schuldige Dankbarkeit wären wir sehr Cavalierisch gegen Ihne verfahren, wer im höchsten grad bestürtzt, der war ich, excusierte mich, ich wüsste noch nicht was das alles bedeuten Solte, bate doch um Erläuterung, so brache H: Goub: aus, Ja, ja, Euwer schöne, M: hat mich vast dargesetzt, Erzellet mir, wie das abgereter Maasen er, H. Goub: Ein Krieg Schif ausgesendt, unsres Sloop mit Volck abzuholen, und zu Convoieren, selbiges aber vor der Coratuex Insul bey 6. Tagen gewartet, entlich der Capitain ungetultig da er niemand sahe, sich herzumachen, sendte seinen kleinen Bargunen ans Land umb zu erfragen, ob von unsrer Slop mit Schweizeren nichts zu erfahren, wolt niemand das geringste darvon wissen, da er weiters zu einem Dörflin Little genandt, fuhr, vernahme er endlich dass M. M: zu Neu Bern und die Slop in einer schlechten Condition auf einem Sandbanck und nicht abkommen könnte. Nachdeme der Lieut: solche Zeitung vernommen, miech Er sich eilends zu seinem Haubtmann, welcher halb aus der Haut Sprung, dass er so amusiert und vergebens


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eine so gefährliche Reis gethan, dann wann ein Sturm sich hätte mercken lassen, Er in das weite Meer hinaus müssen, und so es gegen das Land geblasen hätte, wäre er in grosser gefahr gewesen, weilen der Enden das Wasser nicht Tief ist, also unmuhtig nacher Virginien gekehrt. Da nun dieses alles angehöret, ward mir halb ohnmächtig von Vertruss und Scham dass ein solcher H: von deme so viel fründlichkeit, Diensten, ja das Leben selbsten nechst Gott hätte, so dargesetzt: Fienge an mich bestends zu entschuldigen, respondierend, wie das ich selbsten vast dargesetzt, als alles schon auf Potomac bestelt, sey im grössten Kummer wie mich aus einem solchen Labirint zuschwingen. Nachdeme nun H. Goub: mich zu Erlaben Einen Trunck anpresentiert, fieng Er mich zu bedauren an, dass ich mit einem solchen wunderlichen Kopf zu thun hätte, Riehte er mir seiner zu müssgen.

        Nachdeme nun fründlich Tractiert, da übernachtet, so mieche mich dess andern Tags, Eilends in Carolina, um die vorgemelte nöhtige Anstalten zu thun, hatte auch an einem ohrt, Sägel und Cartag: Bestelt, um im fahl der Noht die Slop zu Montieren: da ich nun bey H. Goub: Hide in Carolina ankam, vernahme Ich erst recht gründlich allen Handel, und weiss nicht was noch mehr unbeliebiges darzu, Schrieb alsbald H. M. zu, um mich der Bewantnus aller dingen zu berichten, wurde aber schlecht Satisfaciert, verlangte darauf er solte zu mir kommen, damit wir über Eint und anders die nöhtigen Mensuren nehmen könnten, war aber nicht zu erhalten, und möchte ich aus guten Ursachen nicht zu ihme gehen, so date anderwerts anstalten, hielte bey H: Goub: und Raht an, dass weilen die Sloop in der Provinz Diensten, so zugerichtet, seye nicht billichers als dass man mir sie im guten Stand widrum übergebe: Welches auch gut befunden so hat man Einen der Sachen Verständiger mann gesendt die Slop zu visitieren, und remitieren wurde aber mit Lebens-Mittlen und andrer Hülf so schlecht versehen, dass er widerum zurück kame, und zwar kranck weilen es im Heyssen Summer wahre, Er theilte auch den bericht dass die Schlop nicht lang halten könnte, weilen Sie durch den Sommer aus an der Hitz gelegen, von den Einwohnern beschädiget, und musste sie ganz Neuw Montiert werden, welches sie nicht wehrt. Hiemit übergabe ich der provintz die Schloop, und wolte sie geschetzt haben, in dem währt und preis, da sie in Diensten kommen, ist mir aber bey weitem nicht zugesprochen worden, was ich verlangt, so dass ich den halbigen Theil daran verlieren müssen, ist aber noch nichts entrichtet so wenig als von der Kleinren./

        Indessen wo hinaus mit meinen Leuthen, schriebe widerum H: M. beweglich zu, und verlangte eine Converentz, bey so schlipfrigen Conjuncten, insbesonders, da die Creditoren verlangten bezahlt zu seyn,


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erfolgte kein Antwort, wohl aber vernahme dass der M. alles unter dem Vorwand Meine sachen zu salvieren, einpackten und nach Süd Carolina zu fahren gesinnet, auch etliche Pfelzer beret mit ihme dahin zu gehen, dieser nimmer Erwartete anschlag gefiel mir nicht, und ward ich gewarnet, meine Sachen in bessere Verwahrung zu thun, aber zu spaad, auf das hinweilen der Obrist Pollock, deme ich Eine Zimliche Summa zu thun Schuldig, für vorgestreckte Provision der Coloney, Etwas verdacht fassete, wie billich, so ersucht ich Ihne alles authorisiert durch geschworene Männer zu inventarisieren, so wohl der Pfälzer restierende Mittel als meine, und so wahren sie in verwahrung gethan, allein meine beste Sachen wahren fort.--

        Da ich nun reflectierte auf H. M. Conduite wie er alles so seltsam angestelt, wie er alle Interessierten amusiert und nichts verfolget, so traute nichts gutes, Schriebe ihme noch zur Letze einen Brief, ime sehr per relation, verdeutend, was ich von eint und andren vernohmen, als aber verwis, und so man Ihne in einichen Verdacht, er wahrhaftig selbsten die Ursach darzu gegeben, durch seine Conduite, Tergiversationen und wanckelmuhtige VerEnderung wie dann solches besser ab apahrto mündlich zu erzellen, wie die Sachen nun seyn, in solcher extremitet müssten starke resolutions genommen werden, und seye apsolute nohtwendig das wir uns mündlich, gegen andren expectorieren und die letste Mensuren nehmen. Es seye perriculum Mora, anstatt einer zusammenkunft Erhielte nichts als das unverschandeste Schreiben, so könnte erdenckt werden, glaube wohl sey froh gewesen einen pretext zu finden, Seinen Tücken Eine Farb zu geben, und sich los zu machen. Von deme was er seinem angeben nach nicht ausführen könnte; hätte hier weitläufige Materj über sein unversprechliches Verfahren, zu klagen: Seinen ansehnlichen Verwanten aber mehr als ihme zu verschonen, will ich mit Seufzen und Stillschweigen übergehen.--

        Es wahren in diesem Brief so viellerley Sachen, die klar zeigten, dass ich und andere mehr Dubiert insbesonders eine das ermelter M: von einer neuwen Entreprisen gemeldet, als welcher er fast zu gelten miech, nemlich eine Colloney der Rivier Mesesipy47 nach zu setzen, an welcher 3 Cronen Spanien, Frankreich und Engelland Pret: der Meinung es werde der Stand von Bern als Neutral diss land grad von diesen 3 Cronen erhalten: Kann mann aber liecht betrachten 1.48 die Jalousie solcher mächtiger Potentien, da keiner der andern Cedieren würde, 2./ die Unfähigkeit des standes von Bern als da kein Seemacht, Entferhnt Land zu Colonieren, so siehet man liecht dass wahrhaftig H. M. Sein Calcul nicht wohl betrachtend, und dass solche Sprüng von Pensilvania in MarienLand von da in Virginien, weiters in Nord Carolina zu denen in Süd Carolina und Entlich auf Mesesipy, nicht


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passieren mögen. Der Schluss ist nun der Virginischen oder Marielandischen Silber Mines halben, bald gemacht, dann ist da Etwas realisches, warumb darvon Abstrahieren und nach dem Golfe von Mexico zu gehn; die Haar stehen mir zu berg, wann betrachte wie viel famillien, dargesetzt, insbesonders _ _ _ so viel famillien der Bergleuth die auf ein formalischen Tractat sich fondierend ihr Vaterland verlassen, mit grossen Kösten in American verreiset und nun dorten noch H. M. angetrofen, noch jemand der Ihnen angegebene Minen zeigte, ich muss nun von der vertriesslichen Matery aufhören zu reden, sonst wurde mich so darin Vertiefen, dass für die übrigen Sachen nicht Raum genug, dann Eigendlich diss nicht mein Vorhaben.

        Komme wider auf meine Carolinische relation, nach deme nun aufgemeltes referirt wie wenig assistenz von Bern aus zu gewarten, Ein Wächselbrieg über den andern, protestiert wahre mir obgelegen, was für experient in solcher dringender Noht zu ergreifen, dennoch hatte noch keine Gedancken in Europam zu gehen, weilen bey H: Goub: Hide noch Zwey Negers Sclaven, die mir zugehörten wahren, trachteten solche mit mir zu nemen, in gedanken mich derer zu bedienen bey Kanavest bey welchen Indianern, mich retirieren wolte, und nach und nach von den Collonisten, aus Carolina nach hier vorgemelten anschlag dahin zu ziechen welche auch ein grosses verlangen, darzu Erzeigten: allein H: Goub: Hide, hielte mich so lang auf, weilen der Frieden mit den Indianern noch nicht genzlich: rattificiert, welchen Schluss er auch absolute haben wolt, dass Einer meiner Creditoren Eine Invention erfunden, Subtiler weis auf diese Negers zu wachen, dass sie nicht fortkommen könnten.--

        Indessen wurden wir von der grossen Hitz und ohne Zweifel weilen wir so viel Pfersich und apfel gegessen alle in H: Goub: krank, so dass auch Endlich H: Goub: In wenig Tagen gestorben, welches mir viel geschatt, da Er mein sehr guter Fründ, dieser Tod brachte seine ehl. Liebste Made: Hide schier in Desperation und hielte sie mit heissen Tränen bey mir an, ich solte sie in einer so traurigen Conjunctur nicht verlassen, sondern bey ihr bleiben, bis die Sachen, theils wegen des Gouv: in Richtigkeit, theils mit ihren wegen ihrer Verstorbenen H: Pretentionen und restanzen alles geschlichtet: mir weiters representieren dass dem rang und gesezen nach, als Landgrafen das Presidium mir gebührte, und dass sie lestlich zu Londen bey des Lord propriet: verspürt dass so vacants, sie mir das Gouvern: anvertrauwen wurden, bedankte mich dessen höflich, gab Ihr aber andre gründ vor, welche mich solches anzunehmen, abhielten, das bedeutete dass noch ein paar Wochen da verbleiben wolte, und mein bestes beytragen, Ihre Sachen richtig zu machen, da doch meine eben so pressierten.--


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        Nach der Begrabnus kame Obrist Pollock der Elteste des Rahts, sambt übrigen Richtern zu mir, und Ersuchten mich das Presidium anzunehmen, welches aber ausschlug, aus vielen wichtigen Gründen, vorgebend H: Obrist Pollock als der Elteste in Jahren und auch im Raht, solte solches annehmen, Seye ihme die Sachen der Provintz auch besser bekannt als mir der da ganz frembd in diesen Landen, welches nach vielen Complimenten Er Entlich angenommen.--

        Indessen wurde von diesem Alles die Lord proprietet berichtet, gabe von weitem zu verstehn, dass so mir das Gouvern: angetragen, ich es nicht ausschlagen wurde: wolte aber darfür nicht anhalten, dieses wahr ohne einiches bedenken, wie schon berichtet, gut befunden weilen aber bekannt dass ich in Carolina vast in Schulden, und schon etliche Wexel protestiert, so wurde inngehalten, bericht von Bern aus erwartend,: da dann ich geschrieben, ob Hofnung einicher Bezahlung, denne ist auch brächlich, dass die Pretendenten persöhnlich sich in solchen Conjuncturen stellen, also wurde verzogen, 6 ganze Monath, bis ein Goub: bestelt wurde: Da doch zu Londen sich etliche hervorgethan, und grad dieser jetzige Goub: Eden wurde Entlich schier ungedultig, so da noch von Bern Bericht noch meiner persohn zu Londen angelanget, sind Endlich die Lord propriet: zu Wahl geschritten, und haben obigen H: Eden Erwehlt, welchen ich noch zu Londen angetrofen und besprochen, ja ihme mein Interesse so wohl als der Coloney bestends anrecommandiert, zu welchen Er seine officia Sinceriter versprochen, ist ihme auch von den Lord Propriet: selbsten anbefohlen worden, Intransiter vermelde, dass da ich zu Londen lestlich angelangt, und mich bey H: Collector Chevalier Baronet auch Lord Propriet: als meinen Special guten fründ aufgehalten, 8 Tag bey ihme auf seinem Landgute 8 Meil von Londen verbleiben, er mir beim ersten anblick, sein transport bezeuget, dass, wäre ich nur ein Monath Eher angelangt, ich nun Goub: Inn Carolina sein wurde, welches mich aber minder als Ihne verdrossen, weilen mir leyder wohl bewusst, dass zu Bern keine Disposition meine Schulden zu bezahlen, noch weder von den meinigen noch von den Propriet: die da von so vielen, wider-wertigkeiten Deguragiert.--

        Num bin ich schier nach Londen anstatt nach Virginien kommen, fahre fort wo ich geblieben, wenig tag zuvor Eh ich von der Fr: Goub: Hide abscheid genommen, liess ich durch meinen Knecht in geheim der Negers anzeigen, sie solten sich in der Stille über die Rivier des Nachts machen, und drüben meiner Erwarten, mit mir in Virginien zu gehen, worzu sie ganz freudig, dann sie da hart tractiert, weis aber nicht wie sie es angestelt, jemand bekame Luft darvon, und wurden arrestiert, so musste ich Sie dahinden lassen, und wurde hierbey der Compass gantz verrückt, darauf nahme alsobald abscheid, mir selbsten nicht


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trauend, und kame zu H: Goub: Spotswood in Virginien welchem alle dise widerwertigkeiten Erzellet, Er mich heftig bedauerte, weillen aber an mein rendevous mit H. Bard auf der Potemack rivier gedachten, so hielte mich nicht lange zu Viliams Burg auf, sondren miech ich mich auf den weg Marienland, der Meinung ihne bey H. Rossier bey dem fahl anzutrefen, und da einen Schluss als Mitt Interesierten zu fassen, Eilte hiermit so stark ich könnte, da ich aber bey MarienLand point eine fahrt mit meinen Pferdten über die rivier wolte, hinderte mich Ein starker Wind, so bald der Wind nachliess fuhr ich hinüber und mieche mich dem fahl zu, wolte aber nicht das unglück dass wo ich bey H: Rosiers Haus angelangt, noch den H. noch die Fr: dess Hauses noch H. Bart antrefe, die zwey erstren wahren eine ganze Tag Reis weit zu ihren Verwandten Visits und H. Bart, wahre just den Tag zuvor verreisst, mich in Virginien vermeind anzutrefen,: ich alsobald obwohl müd von einer langen Reis, nahme nur Etwas Speis und einen Trunck in der Eyl, reisete im Sprung zurück, so dass meine Pferdt zu starck geritten wahren, gezwung en einen Tag Ehe wir zu Villiams Burg ankamen, zu Fuss zu gehen, so bald da angelangt befragten mich ob H: Bart vorhanden, Erfuhr aber dass er zu Hamton dem Ersten Virginichen Seeport wahre, sandte alsbald meinen Knecht mit einem lamen Pferdt dahin, welcher ihne auch nicht mehr antraf, dessen Ursach war, weilen H. Bart da ungefährt Ein Krieg Schif fertig nacher Neuw jorck zu seglen, antraf, und dessen Capitain sein guter Fründ sich gern dieser Gelegenheit zu seiner Rückreis bediente, nachdeme er sich meiner und der Colloney Sachen Innvormiert, vernommen, dass H. Goub: Hide gestorben, meine Sache alle denn Krebgang gewunnen, mir einen Brief hinderlassen, welchen auch Niemahlen Empfangen, ist er auf Neuw Yorck verreist, welches ohnweit von Bartington einem schönen Flecken, auf die Holendische Manier gebauwen, Ein Grenzohrt zwischen Neuwjork und Pensilvanien wo er sich meistends aufhielt, da war ich aber neben ab, dann dieser mein letste ressource war, weillen Er ein Verständiger Erfahrner und aufrichtiger Kaufmann wahre, Ein Gascon de Nation, welches mich verwundert, dass er als ein listiger Mann, M: M: soviel vertrauwet und fürgestreckt, gedachte es wäre noch etwas an der Sach der Silber Minen halben, und wäre die minste aparentz da gewesen Einicher realitet, hätte mich noch gelitten.--

        Was nun zu thun, so ich liecht etwas gehabt, das mich zu Canavest hätte setzen können, so wir demnach zu weit gegangen, anstatt zu H: Goub: Spotswood, gienge zu einem bekannten particular fründ, wolt noch Einen Sach thun,49 sandte meinen Knecht in Carolina, theils zu vernehmen er hätte sich etwas anders besinnt, theils zu vernemen, was er eiggendlich für ein Routen genomen, Item50 zu


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sehen ob villicht die Negers entrunen, in solchem fahl so ich Sie bekommen könnte, hätte noch zu Canavest etwas ausrichten Können, dan sie nur Korn pflanzen können, und zu etwas wenix Vich Achtung gegeben, Es kam aber mein Knecht unverrichteter Sachen zurück, doch wurde Ihme angesagt, dass wan ich meinen Berner Colonisten, und etwelchen Erlichen Pfälzern, eine Schlop oder grosse Barquen, mit Provision senden wolte, sie willens zu mir zu kommen, getröstete mich noch zu Erhalten mit den Bergwercken, so mit H: Goub: Spotswood hatte.--

        Auf diesen bericht schriebe ich an Obrist Fitzhugh, ein richer mann Königlich. Rahts und mein bester fründ, welcher mit dieser Neuwen Colloney gern einstehen wolte mit officieren, des nohtwendigen proviant und andren Hülf Mittlen, da ich nun streng an dieser Arbeit, vermeinend ich hätte da ein loch gefunden, auszuschleuffen, wurde ich gewarnet. Ein Virginischer Kaufmann, der einen Carolinischen Einwohner auf meine Wexel Brief wahren verkauft, wolte auf den protestierten Wexel mich arretieren lassen, und ward der arrest würklich in dem Haus wo mich aufhielte angelegt, ich aber verbarg mich, hierauf gieng ich bey guten Fründen zu Raht, erfragte ob zu Canevest ich vor den Creditoren sicher wäre, oder an andren orten America wurde mir zur antwort an keinem ohrt, dann wann ich schon unter den Indianern ich vermittlest der Indianischen Händlern, oder Negocianten Entdeckt wurde, da stunde ich aber an, so dass keine ressource in america für mich zu finden, Es wäre dann sach, dass hofnung gelter von Bern aufzubekommen, oder funden Neuwe associerten, deren wohl zu finden gewessen, wolten aber mit den alten Schulden nicht zu thun haben./

        Wann aber refectiert auf etliche Briefen die ich empfangen, welche mich wenig Satisfactierten, verfügte mich ganz vernünftig zu H: Goub: Spotswood, nacher Viliamsburg sein residentz ohrt, warf ihme meine Fatalitäten gleich einer Handvoll oblige oder mit diesen Worten, Mon. Le Gouv: Je suis tellement: Nachdeme nun die Zeit in acht genommen, dass er in guter Humor und müssig, fragte ob gelegenheit, mir audientz zu ertheilen, und das Zwar eine Lange, worauf er Ein wenig lachte, und bekame von diesem generosen H: ein gantz günstig Verhör, nach deme nun meine Unglückafftige avantiere erzellt, wie auch dass man mich arrestieren wollen, so bezeugte H: Goub: hierüber ein hertzliches Mitleiden, sich verwundrend, dass man mich so im Stich liess, insbesonders die Societet, wusste nichts bessres zu rahten, als mich in Europam zu begeben, offerrierte mir eine recommandation an Einen guten Fründ, der procurieren solt, dass der Graf Orknay der Königin für mich ein Sublication presentieren wurde, dene solt ich nacher Bern meiner Societet alles kreftig vorstellen und


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die gelter zur Bezahlung der Wexelbrieffen Solicitieren. Diesen Raht communicierte etlichen meiner besten fründen, welche auch mitstimmten.--

        Weilen aber der Winter anbrach, und zu diesen Zeiten keine Schif in Europam Segleten, hielte mich den Winter durch, welcher dorten nicht so lang währet, bey einem guten fründ, und weilen doch ungern in Europam widrum gieng, viel minder nacher Haus, so thäte ich alle diese Zeit unaufhörlich bitten, dass der allmächtige Gott, mir in Sinn geben wolte, was in einem so schlipfrigen geschäft thun solte, dass er es alles nach seinem heiligen Willen leiten wolle, damit inskönftig mehr segen in meinem Vornemen hätte, ich also eine solche resolution nemen möchte, welche meiner seelen am Erspriesslichsten seyn würde, dann wann nichts andres gesucht als nun mich die Zeit meines Lebens zur Nohtdurft durchzubringen, hätte noch wohl experient gefunden allein die Coloney zu verlassen, mieche mir auch Gedanken: wan betrachtet was ich Gott schuldig, insbesonders für eine sonderbahre erlösung und wie mir alles so fatal und widrig gienge so könnte ich schier errachten, dass es Gottes willen nicht währe, dass ich länger in diesen Landen verbliebe, und da kein guter Stern für mich schien, so nahm ich Endlich die resolution fortzureisen.

        Mich tröstend dass meine Colonisten villicht besser unter diesen Carolineren vortkommen, als die inen zur Zeit besser helfen könnten als ich, hiemit desshalb keine grosse Versprechung auf mir hätte, dann was ich thäte wahre nicht der Meinung sie gentzlich zu verlassen, da doch mir ihrer ein grosser Theil Ursach gnug darzu gegeben, sondern im fahl bey Ihr Königlichen Mayesteht von Engelland günst: audientz, zu Bern auch mehrere assistenz, so könnte dann mit freuden und Nutzen widrum zu ihnen kommen.--

        Wahre ich aber in dieser Negotiation auch unglückaftig so müsste ich wohl Gott diese Coloney und den Lord propr: anbefehlen, und mich in meinem Vaterland still halten, die übrige Zeit meines Lebens da Verschliessen in bereuwung der Verlohrnen Zeit, Einer wahren Demüthigung und aufrichtiger bekehrung in betrachtung, dass die Sünden meiner jugend mir diss unglück als zuwegen gebracht, obwohlen diese Züchtigung, alle der Menschlichen Natur hart, dennoch nicht so scharpf, wie ich es wohl verdient hätte: Solt mir nun obligen alle weltliche und Eitele Sorgen zu verlassen, hingegen mehrere Vorsorgend für meine arme Seel zu thun, darzu mir Gott die gnad geben wolle.--

        NB. habe hiervor von dieser Coloney gemelt, wann ich sie schon verlassen, und sie so viel Unglück überfallen, haben Sie solches selbsten auf sie gezogen, 1./wahren Sie, will sagen die meisten abtrünnig von Ihrer rechtmässigen Oberkeit, was sie gegen diesen gethan, thaten sie hernach auch mir, da der halbe Theil in der grossen Noht sich von


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mir gezogen: Item wahren Sie Gottloos Volck dass nicht zu verwundren, wann der allmächtige Sie mit Heyden hat heimgesucht, dann Sie Erger Lebten als die Heyden, und so ich gewusst, was diese Leuth währen, Berner so wohl als die Pfältzer, hätte mich Ihr wohl nicht angenommen; Von Pfältzeren gedachte das böste auszulassen, wie es der apparentz nach schiene, was die gewesen, so auf dem meer und eh ich in americam kommen, gestorben, ist mir unbewusst, von denen aber die ich noch angetrofen, darunter etliche Verloffene Schweitzer under Pfälzer nahmen, Erfund ich Sie meistends Gottlose aufrührische Leuth, darunter Mörder, Dieben, Ehebrecher, Flucher und Lesterer, was immer ich für Sorg und Mühj anwendte sie in gebühr zu halten, es hulfen noch kreftige Vermahnung noch treuwung, noch Strafen, was ich mit ihnen ausgestanden, das weiss Gott, unter den Bernern wahren Zwey Haushaltungen, welche wohl die excrementz dess ganzen Berngebiets, ein Gottloser Gesind hab ich nie gesehen noch erfahren, und da die Frommen sturben, blieben diese als das Unkraut über, so nicht bald verdirbt.--

        Das schöne und gute Land durte mich mehr zu verlassen als so ein böses Volck,: doch wahren etlich wenig fromme Leuth, die sich wohl gehalten, mir lieb wahren, denen wünschet dass es ihnen wohl gehe, der H. bekehre die übrigen. Es wahre nun zu thun wie meine Reis fortzunehmen, per Wasser oder Land, per Wasser konnt es nicht geschächen, weilen kein Schif Capitain einiche persohn bey Verlusst einer Summa annehmen darf, die in Schulden und nicht im Vermögen mit den Creditoren abzuschafen, so musste es per Land geschächen, welches eine lange Reis, und worzu ich kein Gelt hatte, etwas Silbergeschirr, so ich noch behalten, musste ich zu gelte machen.--

        Indessen schrieb ich briefen an die Coloney, ihnen mein und ihren kläglichen Zustand representierend, und wie nöhtig meine Reis, sendte zugleich auch Schreiben an die H. Presidenten des Rahts, ihnen auch meine Gründ vorstellend, und recommendierte bestends die Verlassene, und Delaprierte Coloney.--

        Nachdeme nun meinen Abschied von H. Goub: Spootswood genommen, der mich zur Letze wohl regaliert, und für mein present, das ich ihme zu Einem kleinen Zeichen meiner schuldigen Dankbarkeit überreicht, mir an gold ein gegen present thate, welches meines gar weit übertraf, fing ich meine Reys mit des allerhöchsten beystand, grad auf ostren 1713 an, per Land durchzoge schier gantz Virginien, ganz Marienland, Pensilvaniam, Jersey, und kam entlich zu Neuw York, Gott sey Danck glücklich an, welches Eine auf die Holändische Manier wohl gebauwte schöne Statt auf einer Insul einer seits an einem schönen Seehafen, und Zwischen Zweyen Schifbahren rivieren die Situation überaus wohl gelegen, mit einem Vesten Schloss und ist die Landschaft


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daherum Charmant, in der Statt sind 3 Kirchen, ein Englische, ein frantzösische, und Holendische, in welcher auf teusch gebrediget wirdt, da ist aller überfluss und kann man da haben, was man begehrt, die besten Fisch, gut Fleisch, getreidt und allerley Erdgewächs, gut bier und allerley der köstlichsten Weine.--

        In diesem so lustigen ohrt, blieb ich 10 oder 12 Tag, hernacher Seglete ich in einer Slopp nach Engelland, muss bekennen, dass anfangs mich förchtete, in einem so kleinen Schif, über den grossen Occeanum zu fahren, weilen ich aber vertröstet es wäre in so kleinem minder gefahr, indem Sie 1./der Seglen in Stürmen besser meister seyen, 2./ dass es besser und geschwinder fort kombt, 3./ waglet minder als die grossen, 4./bequemer Ein und auszuladen, und in der Handlung Nützlich, indem ein solch Schif Zwey Reysen thut, da der grossen nur Eine51.

        Obwohlen wir das Unglück hatten, dass meistends Widerwind bliesen, und öfterns starcke Stürm, so langten wir dennoch Gott sey Dank zu End 6 Wochen zu Bristoll glücklich an: Diese Statt kann wegen bequemer zufuhr wegen ihrer grösse, grosser Handlung, Reichtum an Volck oder Einwohnern und gelt, wohl das kleine Londen genennt werden; Da Ruhete ich etliche tag aus und mieche mich zu Pferdt, weilen es in der Land-Gutschen unsicher wahre in guter Gesellschaft nach Londen, allwo ich mich etlich Monath aufgehalten, der Hofnung ich wurde etwan meine Suplication bey der Königin Anna durch den Hertzog Beaufort als meinem H: Patron, der der Erste Lord Propp: und Palatinus von Carolina war, eine kleine Zeit aber zuvor, da Er willig meine Suplication der Königin vorzutragen, hat ihne einsmahls der gehe Tod überfallen, aber ein streich meiner ungünstigen fortun, bald hernach sturbe die Königin selbst,: so geschache solche nahmhafte Endrung am Englischen Hoof, dass meine Suplication unter den Tisch gemust, wie ich für eine lange Zeit kein Hofnung sahe, zu Einicher favor an diesem Neuwen Hof; obwohlen doch zu seiner Zeit apparentz, es würde der Neuwe König als Teuscher Nation, diesem Geschäft geneigt seyn, weilen die Winters Zeit beschwerlich zum reisen, und ich zu Londen nichts ausrichten. Kann unterdessen nicht ubergehen zu erzellen, dass wie ich zu Londen angelanget mit Bestürtzung vernommen, wie dass der Berg Haubtmann J. Justus Allbrecht mit etlichen 40. Bergleuthen angelangt, welches mir nicht wenig Mühj, Sorg, Verdruss und Kosten verursachet: Indemme diese Leuth so blinderweis ohne ordre daherkommen vermeinend da alles Nohtwendige zu ihrer Erhaltung und Verschaffung nach den Americanischen Bergwercken zu finden. Es wahre aber nichts für sie vürhanden, und ward ich selbst so lehr an gelt, dass kaum ich für meine Nohtdurft bekommen könnte. Indeme aus America kein Gelt verblieben


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und zu Londen kein wexel noch für mich Vermacht, so dass mir unmöglich ein so menge Leuth zu assistieren: was dis mir für ein unerträglicher last ist wohl zu dencken, in dem Sie Vermeinten, dass Lauth habender Tractats ich schuldig sie zu versorgen, welche zwar also auf meinen Befelch kommen währen, hätte aber aus America geschrieben, und das öfters sie etliche Briefen empfangen, dass nemlich der Berghaubtmann Justus Allbrecht mit seinem Gesind nicht kommen solte bis auf meine ordres, mit verdeuten dass wegen enstandenen Unruhen in Carolina und Indianischen Kriegs mit den Bergwercken nichts zu thun, solche von H: Michel auch noch nicht gezeigt, so aber H. Berghaubtmann, in einen weg kommen wolte nur selbst ander oder dritt, um den Augenschein zu Nehmen. Dieser aber ist unbedachter weis in Einen weg fortgefahren,--Was nun zu thun, wusste nichts besser als diese Leuth wiederumb zurück nacher Haus weisen, welches aber ihnen so unbeschwerlich viel dass sie lieber sich für 4. jahr lang zu Knechten in America verdingen wolten, als zurückgehen, indessen war kein Schif fertig in America zu Säglen, mussten sie den ganzen Winter durch bis im Frühling zu Londen sich aufhalten, woraus aber leben, diss mieche mir viel Mühj52, Endlich lof ich zu einem und andren grossen H: um ihnen Arbeit und Brodt zu procurieren: theilen fund ich platz andren nicht, unterdessen ward ich pressiert nacher Haus zu gehen; fund zu Letst Zwey virginische vorneme Kauf H: denen die Sachen bestends vorstellte, und recommandierte mich hierbey berathen mit H: Obrist Blanckistone an welchem von H: Goub: von Virginien recommandiert eben von wegen den Bergwerck, damit seine Officien für mich bey hof leisten solten, ward hierüber resultat dass diese Leuth Ihr Gelt zusammenschossen nach proportion dessen Rechnung zu tragen, das übrige solte einiger obigen Kaufh: darschiessen, den Transport und Zehrung dieser Leuthen auszumachen, bey Ihrer anländung solte H. Goub: von Virginien sie annehmen und versorgen den Schif Capitain auszahlen, welcher dann den Londischen Kaufh: ihr vorgestrecktes restituiren solte. darzu schrieb ich einen umbständlichen Brief, an H. Goub: Spotswood, deme eint und anders bestends representierten, mit verdeuten, dass sie die kleine Coloney/: auf dem Land in Virginien so wir zusammen hatten:/ ohnweit dem ohrt wo Mineralia gefunden, und anscheint Mines vermuhtet, solten Destiniert seyn, wo sie sich durch die weisen anstalt und gutes fürsorg H: Goub; setzen könnten, indessen wo da nicht gnugsame Indicia zu Silber Mine, anderwehrts zu sehen, und weilen doch in Virginien noch Eisen, noch Kupfer Schmelze vorhanden, an solchen Mineralia doch alle fülle, konnte man bey diesen anfangen, und brauchten wir darzu kein Königliche Patenten wie zu den SilberMines, der Hofnung, dieses wurde angehen, befahl ich diese guten Bergleuth der Obsorg


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dess allerhöchsten, so verreisten sie anfangs Jahr 1714. Nun ist ein ganzes jar verflossen, dass noch von H. Goub: noch von Ihnen kein Bericht empfangen, desswegen in grossen Sorgen stehe.--

        Es scheint dass nun meine americanische Traverses zu End gekommen, allein eben der Unglück stern so mich aus meinem Vaterland geführt, begleitete mich bis nacher Haus:--

        Aus forcht es wurden meine americanischen Creditoren deme der allerschärsften einer zu allem Unglück zu Londen befunden, anstalten thun, dass man bey dem Meerport mich erfragen und arretieren sollte, nahm ich die resolution anstatt der gemeinen Routen Douvre oder Harwich zu nehmen, in einem kleinen Fährzeug so nacher St. Valerio destiniert, und meine Reis nacher Haus als kürzer und sicherer zu thun. Der Tag ward angesetzt: Weilen ich aber kein passport nemen dörfte aus forcht ich wurde entdeckt, rahtete mir der53 welchem meine Sachen vertrauen musste, doch unter einem andren Nahmen in Einem kleinen Schiflein nacher Gravesand zu fahren, und er mieche sich auch fertig. Da ich ungefehrt halben wex wahre, Stürmte ein solcher starker Widerwind daher, dass ich gezwungen ans Land zu fahren und zu Fuess nacher Gravesand zu gehen, wo ich übernacht, und noch einen ganzen Tag, weilen köstlich zu zehren, nicht wüssend wie lange dieser Contrare Wind anhalten würde, neben das erst betrachtend, dass diss auch ein port, nahme den Weg wieder nach Londen, wo mein Schifpatron noch nicht fertig war, auf bessern Wind wartend, ich aber verbliebe in Southwick innerhalb der Tems bis auf ordre, da er abgestossen, ward ich gewarnet nachzufahren, und trate noch bey Greenwich ins Schif, zu Gravesand liesse mich der Schifpatron aussert der Statt jenseits aus und solte ich da warten, bis er angebend und visitiert, ohngeachtet dem visitatoren gesagt, meine Coffre gehörten einem Edelmann von St. Valerio, Er könne bezeugen, es wären nur Kleider und Hardes wolten Sie nicht daran kommen: So sendte er mir Eilends einen Jungen mir anzuzeigen, ich müsste meine Coffre aufthun, wurde mir aber bey diesem nicht geheim, doch hielte ich bonne Mine, Sprach frantzösisch, nahm allsobald mein Schlüssli sambt einer Englischen Cronen, und gabe die dem Commissarius, mit Bitt, er solte meine Kleider als die da gar wohl Eingepackt nicht vast vieggen, das passierte zu allem Glück, so sie meine Schriften erdauret, wäre ich entdeckt und in gefahr kommen.--

        Nachdeme diss vorbey fuhren wir fort; da wir aber schier zu der embouchure der Rivier bey einem Seeport Margeth genannt, erwecket sich ein erschräcklicher Sturm, mit Donnern und blitzen, dass wir in grosser gefahr, und könnten wir die Nacht durch den ancker kaum behalten, den Tag hernach da sich der Windt gelegt, Segleten wir fort, und da wir auf dem Meere wahren, dass wir mit grosser Noth


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zurück an ein ander Seeport fahren, gezwungen, Ramsey genannt, wahren die Leuth aus dem Stettli und ein haufen Matrosen, so sich da befunden, uns nicht zu Hulf komen, wären wir zu grund gangen, da mussten wir 8 ganzer Tag wegen Widerwind und unsere verrissene Seegel und andre Sachen, zuzurüsten verbleiben, welches mir, der nur bloss gelt für meine Reys nacher Paris hatte, Schwär ankommen, da sich der Wind um etwas gelegt fuhren wir aus, wurden zum andren mahl zurückgetrieben. Entlich Endert sich der Wind Nordost, welcher uns günstig, da ruckten wir vor Dover, abermahl enderten sich die Wind, so dass diese Reys mir mehr überlegen als da ich zweymahl über den occeanum gefahren, brachten anstatt 3 Tagen die ganze wochen zu, nach St. Valerio zu kommen, und ist da eine so gefährliche Zufahrt, dass ohne guides die uns entgegen fahren, und fortgeholfen, wir niemahlen in selbigen hafen kommen wären, von dar kam ich die Rivier hinauf nacher aberville von wannen ich in der Land-Gutschen nacher Paris, von dar auf Lion bis zum fort de Cluse wo mich der Commandant aufgehalten, weilen kein passport hatte, da doch mir nach Eydmäss in gantz Frankreich, keines gefordret. Hätte ich nicht ungefehrt mein Amts Patenten von Yferten in meiner Coffre gehabt, und fürgewiesen, erzellend wie das sich mit H. Bernern gute Nachbahrschaft gehalten, dessen auch etliche nahmhafte Umständ geben, hätte ich da bleiben müssen, bis einen Schein von Bern bekommen, so reiste ich fort auf Genf, von da auf unser Reb Gut zu Salatz bey Vevay wo ich lauth geschriebenen berichts meine famillien gedachte anzutreffen, ja gar zu verbleiben, alles war zuvor 8 Tag nacher Bern gereist, so musste ich auch dahin, zwar mit grösstem unwillen, langte Gott sey Danck auf Martyny 1714 gesund an und trafe auch zu Haus alles in gutem Stand an.--

        Aber ach was vor Enderung in der Statt wie ich alles gefunden, wie kalt die alten Fründ, was stolz und hochmüthig bey vielen, und was weiter ist Verdriesslich zu melden, dass böste war, dass wo ich vermeint Souccours zu finden, meine Delapierte Coloney zu restituiren theils abgewiesen, theils sonsten nicht zu recht kommen54 kann, so dass gezwungen aus Mangel an assistenz insbesonders von meiner Societet, welche mich im Stich lasste die Coloney zu abandonieren, welches zu bedauren.--

        Indeme nun andre im trüben Wasser fischen werden und profitieren von dem was mit grossen Kösten, gefahr, Mühj, Sorg und Vertruss zu wegen gebracht. Dann die Sachen nun in Carolina in einem guten Stand, das Gouvernement besser eingerichtet, die wilden Indianer ausgereutet, Ein guter frieden gemacht, fornembsten Dificulteten aus dem weg geraumbt, das bequemste ohrt der Coloney gesäubret, hiemit gesunder und mit Einwohnern besetzt: So dass die Nachkommen Es


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weit besser finden werden, als wie dann alle anfäng schwär sind, thut mir im Herzen weeh ein solch gut und schön Land zu verlassen, allwo in so schöner prospect mit der Zeit procurieren und die Coloney in Ein Nahmhaftes aufzubringen.,--

        Weilen die fortun in dieser Welt mir nicht günstiger seyn wollen, nichts bessres ist als zu verlassen alles was der Welt ist, und die schätz suchen, die im Himmel, welche die Schaben noch der Rost fressen, und die Dieben nicht nachgraben können.55--

        Hatte hierby ein ordentliche Beschreibung der Englischen provintzen, im Continuierten america welche durch reisen machen können: weilen aber hierüber unterschiedliche authous geschrieben, lass ich darbey bewenden, können hierüber gelesen werden. P. Henepin, Bloms Englisch America, Baron de la Honten Fischers gross Brittania Americe, und Von Carolina inspecié H: Ochsen Neustes Tacktätli Vishers Translation Lawsons Journal und Description Carolina.

Copey deren von H: Eduart Hide Goub: in
Nord Carolina den 23. Oktober 1711 überschriebenen
relation betrefend meine wunderbahre
Errettung von den Wilden./.

Hochgeehrter Herr!

        Durch die wunderbahre und gnädige Fürsehung und Hülf des Allerhöchsten, bin ich entlichen aus den barbarischen Henden dieser wilden Tuscoraro Nation Entrunnen, und in meiner kleinen Behausung zu New Bern angelanget, aber halb Tod, weilen Zwey ganzen Tag allein durch die Welder gegen Catechna aus zu fuess so starck und vast immer könnte marchieren musste, gezwungen mein Quartier bey Einem Erschröcklichen wilden graben, alwo ein tiefes Wasser, weilen die Nacht mich übernommen, und vor müde nicht weiters könnte, zu nehmen, wie ich diese Nacht zugebracht ist wohl zu denken, nicht in geringen forchten von den wilden oder fremden Indianeren, Erdappet zu werden, und von einer Menge Beren so die ganze Nacht ganz nach bey mir herumb brumelten, zerrissen zu werden: Zu deme wahre ganz lam von gehen, ohne Gewehr, ja nur nicht ein Messer bey mir etwas feur zu schlagen und weilen der Nordwind vast blies ward es ein Kalte Nacht. Des Morgens da der Tag anbrach und ich aufstehen wolte, von dem Kalten und harten liegn, waren meine beyn so steif und geschwollen, dass ich kein Drit gehen könnte, weilen es aber doch sein musste, suchte mir zwey Stöck aus, daran ich mit grosser Mühj und Schmerzen gehen, hätte genug zu thun, mich über diss Wasser zu machen, welches mit Schnagen, über einen langen ast aus geschache, Entlichen kame nacher Haus, da eine kleine Distanz darvon Eine Behausung Ins


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G'sicht bekomen, befestiget und voller Leuth, wahre ich um Etwas getröstet, weilen vermeinte es wäre alles von den Indianern abgebrunnen und verderbt, so wohl als der Colonier Häuser, ja dass auch wenig meiner Leuthen antreffen wurde, indeme mir der wilden grausame expedition nur zu wohl bekannt, so sie den rivieren nach von Pamtego Neuws und Trent gebrandt, gemort und geblündret was sie angetrofen, auch resolviert das ganze Land zu verderben, da meine guten Leuth mich erblickt aussehend und schwarz wie ein Indianer, dennoch meine Statur und blauwen Rock betreffend, wussten sie nicht was zu gedencken, sondren der Meinung gentzlichen ich wäre Tod, Steiffe sie vielmehr ein Indianischer Späch der meinen Rock angethan, wolte dan etwas heraus Spächen, so dass die Mantschaff ins gewehr sich stelte, da ich aber nacher Haus kam, an Zweyen Stöcken ganz lam gehend, sahen sie bey meiner Continentz und postur dass ich kein Indianer oder Wilder wahre, doch kannten sie mich nicht, bis dass etliche voraus giengen, mich besser zu recognoscieren, da ich sie in ängsten sahe, finge von weitem zwar mit einer gantz brochnen Stimm an zu reden, welche so bestürzte, dass sie etliche schrit zuruck giengen, zu den übrigen Schreyend, sie solten nur hervorkommen, es seye ihr vermeinter Ermörter H: so kam alles übern haufen Mann und Weib und Kinder gelofen, mit Starcken exclamationen theils weinend, theils ganz stumm vor bestürzung, mich Salutierend, als ein wunderbahres Spectacul, da ward trauern, Freud und bestürzung vermischt, und gieng mir solches zu Hertzen, dass es mir gute tränen heraus presseten: Nachdeme mich nun, obwohlen sehr müd, mit diesem Volck, so mich umringte etwas verweilet, mieche mich entlichen in mein altes quartier, verschloss meine Kammer und thate mein Hertzliches Gebet der Danksagung, zu dem gütigen Gott für solche gnädige und wunderbahre Errettung; die dieser Zeiten wohl für ein Miraculum passieren mag./.

        Den nechsten Tag fragte ich was in meiner abwesenheit sich zugetragen, kam aber so viel vertriessliches herfür, dass mir im Hertzen weh thut, das böste wahr, dass neben dem Verlust 60 oder 70. Pfeltzer so ermördet worden, die übrigen so sich Salvieren können, geblündert,: und von diesen restierenden Mein Haus, worin Ihre Eigne güter wahren, und das Stetli verlassen, welche ein gewüsser Viliam Brice undankbahrer mann deme viel gutes erwiesen, ja welchem mein und der armen Colonisten gelt und gut von der Armuht ausgesetzt von mir abgezogen, Sie durch allerley Verheissung und List auf die Trent Rivier zu sich gebracht, womit er sambt noch Etlichen Englischen planters oder Einwohnern, Eine garnison zu wegen gebracht, sein Haus zu defendieren, so musste ich zu frieden seyn, mit einem haufen Weib und Kindern, an bewehrter Mannschaft wahren nicht mehr dann 40


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Dieses Musste ich alles Erhalten, Zwei und Zwanzig wochen lang, so ist all mein getreid so zu allem glück in Vorrath hatte, mein Vich gross und klein dahin, wann wir nicht fürderlich die Nohtwendigkeiten bekommen, müssten wir Nohtwendig verderben, oder den platz und posten verlassen: desswegen hochgeEhrter H. wir inständig bitten, verlangte provision, Munition und bewehrte Mannschahft so bald immer möglich und aller Eyl zu senden, damit wir diese Barbarische Mörder zurück treiben können sonsten wurd das übel je grösser und ist zu beförchten das ganze Land würde zu grunde gehen: Ist nicht genugsam zu verwundren, ja Ergerlich eine solche Kaltsinnigkeit und so wenig Liebe bey den Einwohnern der Grafschaft Albemarle zu sehen, dass sie so mit gebogenen Armen zusehen können, wie ihre nächste Brüder schröcklich von dieser Barbarischer Nation Ermordet werden,: ja sie selbsten nicht eines bessern zu erwarten, sollen sich wohl schämen und eines Immerwehrendes Verwisses wehrt. Ist sich auch nicht minder zu verwundern, über eine so schlechte Policey und ordres der Vorgesetzten, exceptieren aber hier in bester Vorm eure herlichkeit, Vergwüsseret dass meine HochwohlgeEhrteste H. alle Nohtwendige befelchen und anstalten gethan, solches aber schlecht oder gar nicht exequiert, welches zu bedauren.--

        HochgeEhrter H. obiges nur zum bericht, wie ich nacher Haus kam, zu meiner entladnus und justification aber wird nötig sein zu vermelden, wie ich unter diese Barbarische Nation gerahten.--

        Bey diesem Schönen und Scheinbahren beständigen Wetter kame der General Feldmesser Lauson mich zu Infitieren die Neusrivier hinaufzufahren, seyen da ein quantitet guter wilden Trauben, konnten uns ein wenig darmit ergetzen, das war aber nicht gnug, mich dahin zu persuadieren, so kam ermelter Mons: Lauson bald wider, gabe mir bessre gründ vor, namlich dass wir zugleich sehen könnten, wie weit hinauf die rivier Schifbaar, dass da ein kurzer weg nach Virginien einzurichten, anstatt dass der ordinari Weg weit und beschwerlich, Item zugleich zu sehen, was für Land dahinauf: dieses und wie weit es zu den bergen, hätte schon längst gern gewust, und selbsten gesehen. So resolvierte mich hiermit zu dieser kleinen reis, und nahme alles Nohtwendige sambt provision, für 14. Tag mit, fragte aber insbesonders H. Lauson ob gefahr wegen den Indianern sonderlich deren, mit welchen wir nicht bekannt, gabe mir zur antwort, hätte nichts zu bedeuten, Er habe diese reis schon gethan, und das ganz sicher, kannten auch an diesem arm der Rivier keine Wilden, sondern währen zimlich abgelegen, damit wir aber desto Sicherer gehen könnten, so nahme ich neben Zweyen Negers zum Rudern, noch Zwey bekannte nachtbahre Indianer, welchen viel guts erwiesen, und da einer die Englische Sprach verstund, gedachte wann wir diese Zwey Indianer mit uns


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hätten, wir von andern nichts zu beförchten; So fuhren wir ordentlich hinauf, hatte lang nicht geregnet, das Wasser wahre nicht dief, der Strohm oder Lauf des Wassers ward nicht starck, den ganzen Tag wahren wir auf der Rivier, des Nachts Spannten wir unsre Zelten auf dem Land nach beim Wasser, und Ruheten, dess Morgens früh fuhren wir wider fort.--

        Es beliebe H. Goub: zu vernemen, dass ermelter Feldmesser Lauson, fast um meine pfert anhalten thäte, vorgebend, Er wolte ein wenig in die Wälder reiten, wann wir droben wären, um zu sehen wo der weg nacher Virginien am bequemsten könnte angefangen werden: wolte mich aber anfangs nicht darzu verstehen, doch entlichen hielte er nur um eines an, welches, ihme accordiert, der Einte Indianer Ritte per Land, musste aber an Einem Ohrt über die Rivier welches unser unglück, dann Er den Indianern, weiss nicht ob er Verirret oder verrähterischer weis, zu dem grossen Indianischen Dorf Catechna kam, wo allso bald gefragt was das Pferdt thäte, dann die Indianer der Enden keine gebrauchen, antwortete dass er das Pferdt uns führen müsste, wir aber fahrten indessen die rivier hinauf. diss allarmierte alsobald die Indianer insbesonders die Einwohner Catechna, so dass sie zusammen gerottet, in der ganzen Nachtbahrschaft, behielten das Pferdt, und sagten unsrem Indianer er solte alsbald zu uns gehen, und vermelden, sie wolten nicht gestatten, dass wir weiters hinauf durch Ihr Land fahren, aus befelche dess Königs der da residiere solten wir zurück, so gabe durch ein Schusz, den unser Indianer abliess, das Signal darmit wir still stunden, welches wir gethan, nachdem wir unsre flinten auch zum zeichen abgeschossen. Es ward schon Spaat, als er zu uns kam mit der bösen Zeitung, beim ersten Brunnen lendeten wir an unser nachquartier zu nemen, da trafen wir schon zwey bewehrte Indianer an, als Kamen sie vom Jagen, ich sagte hierauf diss gefiel mir nicht, wir wolten da nicht bleiben sonder zurückfahren, Er der Generalfeldmesser lachte meiner, aber Ehe wir uns umkehrten ward Ernst daraus, so dass ihme das Lachen Vergieng, augenblicklich kam aus allen Büschen und durch die rivier geschwummen eine solche menge Indianer und übernahmen uns, dass uns unmöglich zu Deffendieren: Wir wolten uns dann mutwilliger weis zu Tod schiessen lassen oder gar Erschröcklich Martren. wurden hiemit gefangen genommen, geblündret und weggeführt,: wir wahren schon 3 starcker Tagreisen hinauf gefahren, ohnweit von einem andren Indianischen Dorf, Zuruta genannt, die rivier ist da noch zimlich breit, aber nicht mehr als 2 oder 3 Schuh dief Wasser, und ist noch weit von den Bergen, wir verlangten dass man uns diese Nacht da lassen solte, mit einer wacht, wann sie an uns Zweifleten prextierend, ich könnt nicht so weit zu fuess gehen, wolte des Morgends früh per Wasser zum König nach.


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Catechna fahren, und uns da Versprechend, war aber nicht erheblich, eine so seltsame und Considerable Captur/: dann sie mich für den Goub: der ganzen Provintz hielten:/ Blaseten ihren barbahrischen Hochmuht dergestalten auf, dass wir gezwungen wurden die ganze Nacht durch Wälder gesteud und Morast mit ihnen zu laufen, bis dass wir gegen Morgen um 9. Uhr nacher Catechna kamen, wo der König Hencoex genannt in aller seiner Glori mit seinem Raht auf einem Erhabenen gerüst sassen, da sonsten die Heyden oder Wilden auf dem boden pflegen zu sitzen: Nach Einer Consultation und dess führers oder haubtmanns, unser Escorten gethaner scharfen red, brach der König mit seinem Raht auf, und kam mit dem Obrist Kriegshaubtmann zu uns ganz höflich, könnten aber mit uns nicht reden, wenig Zeit hernach gienge der König in sein Cabinet oder hütten, wir blieben bey einem feur mit 7 oder 8 Wilden bewachet, gegen 10 Uhr kam ein Wilder hier, der andere dort aus seiner Hütten heraus, da ward Raht gehalten, und ward fast disputiert ob wir solten als Criminalen gebunden werden oder nicht, ward geschlossen Neyn, weilen wir noch nicht Verhört wären. Gegen mitag brachte uns der König in einer Lausigen Pelzcappen, selbsten etwas Speis als ein gattung Brod von Indianischem Korn gemacht, pre um plins56 genannt, und gekochtes kalltes Willdbret, darvon Zwar mit Widerwillen weilen mich fast hungerte, ass ich, wir hatten die Freyheit in dem Dorf herumb zu spatzieren, gegen Abend ward ein grosses Vest oder Zusammenkunft von allen benachtbahrten Ohrten, diss wahre bestimmbt aus Zweyen Ursachen. 1./weil sie das böse Tractament etlicher böser und unwirschen Englischen Carolinern rechen wolten, so vom Pamtego Neuw und Trent rivier 2./ umb zu erfahren, was sie für hülf zu gewarten von Ihren benachtbarten Indianern. NB: hierbey ist zu observieren dass noch weder wir noch unser Coloney die Ursach dieses Erschröcklichen Mords und Indianischen Kriegs, wie zu sehen und mit mehrerem zu berechnen.--

        Dess abends kamen von aller ohrten her eine Menge Indianer, sambt den benachtbahrten Königen, um 10 Uhr nachts auf einem Schönen weiten Platz, insbesonders zu grossen Festiviteten oder executionen gerüstet und destiniert, wahre die Versammlung der grossen, wie sie es nennen, Verstehend in 40 aller Verständigster Indianer auf dem boden nach Ihrer art, und Manier Sitzend, in Einem Ring um ein grosses feur, König Hencox Presidiert, da war in dem Ring Platz für uns gelassen, wo Zwey Mats das ist gehürd von kleinen rohren geflochtene Bletzen, gelegt darauf zu sitzen, welches ein Zeichen grosser Defferentz und Ehr, so sassen wir nider, und unser Vorsprecher welches der Indianer ward, so mit uns gekommen, der gut Englisch konnte, an unsre linke Seiten, der König gab ein Zeichen dem Redner


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der Versammlung, welcher eine lange Red gantz grafitetischen thate, so wahre geordnet einer von den jüngsten der Versammlung dess Rahts oder Indianischer Nation interesse und sach zu representieren, und Defendieren, welches er so viel ich vermercken könnte in bester Form thäte, Sasse grad neben unsrem Dollmetscher und fürsprecher, der König formierte allezeit die questionen, das war dann pro et contra descutirt, hieruber alsobald consultiert und concludiert.--

        Die erste Question war, was die Ursach unsrer reis, unser antwort ward dass wir für unser Lust, da hinaufgefahren, drüben zu gewunnen, zugleich um zu Erfahren, ob die rivier bequem dass per Wasser wir ihnen wahren zuführen könnten, mit ihnen zu Negotcieren und gute Correspondentz zu halten, so befragte uns der König warum wir uns bey ihme nicht angemelt und unser Vorhaben Communiciert. Hernacher kam in question eine generals Klag, dass sie die Indianer sehr übel von den Einwohnern der Pamtego Neuws und Trent Rivier Tacktieret und gehalten worden, welches nicht mehr zu dulden, und Namseten in Specié die autores, so war unter andren der General-feldmesser auch angeklagt, welcher aber als gegenwertig bestmöglichst sich Verantwortet: Nach Zimlichen Desputieren und erfolgter Deliberation ward geschlossen, dass wir wohl könnten Liberieret werden, und ward der nechste Tag zu unsrer heim Reis ernamset.--

        Den andren Tag Verzug es sich zimlich, Eh wir konnten unser Canou oder Schiflein haben, Indessen kamen etliche ihrer Grandes und Zwey Könige, welche Curios zu wissen, was für Justificationsgründ wir hätten, so wahren wir noch einmal in dess Königs Hencok Cabinet Zwey Meyl vom Dorf examiniert, gaben gleiche Antwort zu allem unglück war da der König von Cartuca welcher Mons. Lauson etwas verwisse, so dass sie beyderseits in streit gerahten, und sich zimlich erhitzet, welches all unser sach verderbte,

        Und wie ich immer den Lauson von seinem Disputieren abzuhalten trachtete, könnte nichts erhalten: die Examination endete sich endlich, wir stunden alle auf, wir Zwey spatzierten mit einander, und that ich ihme sein unbehutsamkeit in solcher geferlichen Conjunctur starck verweisen, in allem deme kamen Einsmahls 3 oder 4 Grandes gantz erzürnt, Ergrifen uns hart bey den armen, führeten und setzten uns in das alte ohrt hart darunder wahren keine Mattes für uns gelegt, nahmen uns Hütt und Baruque warfen sie ins feur, darauf hin kamen junge böse gesellen, thaten uns zum andren mahl blündren, unsere Seck visitierend, welches zu vor nicht geschächen, dass sie sich im ersten mahl nur an die grossren Sachen hielten.--

        Hierauf wurde Kriegsraht gehalten und wahren wir beyde zum Tod verurtheilt, ohnwüssend was die ursach, so wahren wir die ganze nacht in gleicher postur auf dem Boden sitzend, bis am Morgen, da


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bey anbrechendem Tag wir von dannen weg, wiederum auf den grossen richt und Sammelplatz geführt wurden; böses Omen für uns kehrte mich umb gegen Mon. Lauson ihme bitter klagend wie dass seine Unfürsichtigkeit unser Ruin ein ursach, währe geschächen um uns, nichts bessres den frieden mit Gott zu machen, und uns zum Tod bezeiten zurüsten, welches ich in grösster Andacht thate, da wir an Gemelten ohrt angelanget, wahre der grosse Raht schon beysammen, ohngefehrt seche ich Ein Indianer wie ein Christ gekleidt, Ehe wir in den Ring beruefen, welcher Englisch reden könnte, befrieg ihn ob er nicht sagen könnte, was die Ursach unserer Condemnation welcher mir mit einem Sauren gesicht geantwortet, worum Lauson sich so mit Cortom gezankt und worumb wir getreut wir wolten uns an den Indianern rächen, auf das nahme ich den Indianer auf die Seiten Ihme alles was ich könnte versprächend, so Er mich anhören wolte und hernach meine Unschuld Etlichen der grandes erzellen, hatte genug zu thun, ihne nur dehin zu persuadieren, entlich gabe er mir gehör, so erzellt ich ihme, dass mir leid, dass Mon. Lauson so unfürsichtig mit Cortom Disputiert, es haben die Räht ja selbsten mögen sehen, dass ich dem Mon. Lauson mehrmahls abgemahnt, so dass ich hierzu kein Schuld, und was das bedräuwen währe, dessen nicht das minste nur gedenkt worden, were ein Missverstand oder Lauson sich über mein Negers beklagend dass sie ihne in der ersten Nacht von seiner Ruh verstört, hierüber Bedreute ich die Negers starck wegen ihrer Unverschandheit und diss wahre alles, nachdem mich der Indianer angehöret, gieng er von mir, ich hielte Ihme meine Versprächung: Ob nun dieser Sehr zu meinen gunsten geredt, kann ich nicht wissen, aber eine Viertelstund hernach kamen die alten grandes, führten uns auf den Richtplatz, und Bunden uns da an arm und beynen, darzu noch den grössern von meinen Negers, aldann finge an unser traurige Tragedie welche erzellen wolte, so Euer Lieb nicht zu lang und vertrüssig, dennoch weilen bereits schon angefangen will ich Continuieren.--

        In der mite dieses grossen platzes sassen wir neben einander gebunden, auf dem Boden Sitzend, der Generalfeldmesser und ich, die Röck ausgezogen mit blossem haubt, hinder mir mein grosser Neger, vor uns ward ein grosses Feur umb das Feur herum miecht der Conjurer/: das ist ein alter grauwer Indianer als ein priester unter ihnen welcher insgemein Ein Schwarzkünstler ja der Teufel selbsten beschweret:/ Zwey weise Ring ob von Mehl oder gar weisen reinem Sand Kries weis ich nicht grad, vor unsren fuessen lag eine Wolfshaut, ein wenig besser vornen stunde ein Indianer in der allerhöflichsten und erschröcklichsten Postur, als könnte Erdenckt werden; Welcher nicht von dem Platz wiche, mit Einem Beil in der Hand, wahre dem Ansehen nach


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der Scharfrichter: Weiter vor uns jenseit dem feur wahre ein grosser Haufen Indianer Gesind durchmist mit jungen Gesellen, Weib und Kindern, diese Tanzeten alle in abscheulichen Posturen. In der Mitte war der Priester, oder Beschwerer./ Welcher wann im Tanzen Ein Pausen war, seine Beschwerung und Treuwungen mieche, um den Tantz oder Ring an vier Eggen, stunden ein Gattung officier, mit Flinten, welche mit den Fuessen Trapeten, und die übrigen Dänzer anjourierten, und wann ein Tanz aus ward, Ihre Flinten abschussen, in Einem Eggen des Rings wahren noch 2 Indianer am boden Sitzend, welche auf einem kleinen Trumlin Schlugen und sangen, und sangen darzu so wunderlich in eine solchen Melodey die Eher Zorn und Traurigkeit provizierte, als aber freud, ja den Indianern selbsten nach dem sie müd wurden, vom Danzen, Laufen Sie alle Einsmahls darvon in einen Wald, mit erschröcklichem Geschrey und Heulen, kamen bald wider aus dem Wald mit schwarz, weiss und Rohtangestrichenen gesichtern, theils noch mit aufgethanen haaren, voller Federflaum, theils in allerley Thier Bälgen, Summa in solchen ungeheuren Posturen, dass Sie mehr einer Truppen Teuflen gleichsahen, als aber andren Creaturen, wann man je den Teufel in der apscheulichstern Postur als kan Erdenk werden representierend, Laufend und Tanzend, aus dem Wald rangierten sie sich wiederum an den Alten Platz, und Tantzten um das Feur: Indessen wahren hinder uns 2 Reyen Bewehrter Indianer als Wacht, nicht von Ihrem Posten weichend, bis alles aus ward, hinder dieser Wacht wahre der Kriegs Raht in Einem Ring am Boden Sitzend, im Consultieren vast beschäftiget, gegen Abend da die Sonnen untergieng liess das vorrige gesind von Tanzen ab, und gienge in den Wald Holz zu holen, das Feur an Eint und andern ohrt zu erhalten insbesonders aber miechen sie Eines etwas weit im Wald so die gantze Nacht währte, und so gross dass ich vermeinte der ganze Wald wäre in einem feur.--

        Es gedencke Mons: Goubernat. was Traurigen und Schröcklichen Spektacul mir das ward zu sterben, dennoch ward ich ganz resolviert, so wahre ich in einer Starcken Devotion den ganzen Tag und nacht, ach was hatte ich für allerly Gedancken, alles kam mir für was immer in Meinem Leben, sich mit mir zugetragen, so weit ich mich erinnern könnte, thäte mir alles aplicieren und zu Nutzen machen, was immer aus der Heiligen Schrift denn Psalmen und andren guten Büchern gelesen, kurz rüstete mich so gut ich könnte zu einem guten und Seligen End, ja der gütige Gott verliche mir so viel Gnad, dass unerschrocken gelassenlich alle augenblick Erwartete solte nach ausgestandener Seelen Angst mehr als Todesforcht, dennoch blieb in mir weiss nicht was für eine Hofnung, ungeachtet kein Zeichen Einicher Errettung Sahe, ob ich wie hievor meine Sünden vor mir Schwebten,


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so funde hernacher grossen Trost in Betrachtung der Wunderbahren so der H. Jesus in seinen Zeiten auf der Erden gethan, diss erweckt in mir ein solches Zutrauwen, dass hierauf mein Einbrünstiges Gebett zu meinem Heyland Rüstende, dess starcken Zutrauwens, Es wurd mein Gebett erhört, und diese Wilde gemühter, steinerne und Barbarische Hertzen etwan endren, so dass auf mein anhalten und representieren, sie Gedancken Endren, zur Gnad geleitet und bewogen wurden, welches auch durch Gottes wunderbahre Fürsehung geschächen ist. Dann da die Sonne vast undergieng, so versammlet sich der Raht noch einmahl, ohne Zeifel ein End dieser vatalen, erschröcklichen und traurigen Ceremoney zu machen, ich kehrte mich etwas hinderwehrts ungeachtet gebunden, wüssend dass Einer unter Ihnen die Englische Sprach zimlich wohl verstunde, und thate eine kurze Red, representierend meine unschuld, und wie so sie mir nicht verschonten, die grosse und mächtige Königin von Engelland, mein Blut rechen würde: Weillen aus Ihrem Befelch diese Coloney in dis Land gebracht, nicht ihnen einichen Schaden zuzufügen, sondren mit ihnen wohl zu leben, und was weitres gut funde zu sagen, sie zu einer Miltrung zu engagieren, mit anerbieten meiner Diensten und allerley gutes so ich liberiert wurd: Nachdeme nun ausgeret, observierte dass einer der fürnemsten, der auch zuvor mir ganz genigt Schine, ja mir auch einmahls Speis gebracht, und der des Königs Taylors/: deme das Land wo das Stettlin Neuw Bern abgekauf:/ Verwundert ganz ernsthaft rette, nicht zweifelnd seye zu meinen gunsten, welches auch also wahre, dann hierauf resolvieret worden, alsobald etliche ihrer Glieder zu denn benachtbarten Touscarusco Dörfern zu senden, und bey inhen der resulat kam heraus dass ich solte bey leben bleiben, der Arme Generalfeldmesser Lauson aber exequiert werden: Zwüschen Leben und Tod brachte die Nacht durch alle Zeit gebunden, an gleichem Ohrt in Continuirlichem Gebett und Seufzen zu, Examinierte indessen auch meinen armen Negers und Sprach Ihme zu, So gut ich könnte, welcher mir mehr Satisfaction gab als Verhofete, H: General Feldmesser aber als ein Mann von Verstamd nicht aber von Conduite liess ich sein Devotion thun, dess Morgends ohngefehrt um 3. oder 4. Uhr kamen die Precatierten von Ihrer Comission zurück, mit Bescheyd von Ihrer Negotion aber sehr geheim, einer von ihnen kam Einsmahls mich loszumachen, von meinen Banden nicht wüssend was das zu bedeuten, Ergab ich mich gedultig in den Willen dess H: dess allerhöchsten, stunde auf und folgete: ach wie Bestürtz wann etlich Schrit vom alten Ohrt, der Indianer mir ins Ohr auf ein gebrochen Englisch sagte, ich solte mich nicht förchten, man wurde mich nicht töden, wohl aber den General Lauson, welches mir sehr zu Herzen gieng, ungefehr 20. Schritt von dem Platz wo ich gebunden wahre, brachte


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mich der Indianer gegen dem Cabinett oder Hütten und gab mir Speis zu essen, ich aber hatte kein apetit, Es kamen alsbald ein grosser Haufen Indianisch Gesind um mich herr, welche insgesambt grosse freudt erzeigten meiner Erlösung, eben derselbe Mann brachte mich wieder auf den Platz aber ein wenig weiter hervor wo der ganze Raht sich gelegret mir auf Ihre Manier gratulierend, Lächlend, indessen ward mir verboten Mon. Lauson das minste zu sagen, ja auch kein Wort mit ihme zu reden, mein Neger Liessen sie auch loos, sahe ihn aber nimmermehr, der amre Lauson im alten Platz bleibend, könnte liechtlich Errahten, dass es aus und keine Gnad für ihne, nahme Abschied von mir mich ersuchend in dieser gefahr zu sehen, und nit dörfen mit ihme reden noch ihm den minsten Trost gebend, bedeutete mein Mitleiden mit etwelchen Zeichen, so ich ihm gab.--

        Eine Kleine Zeit hernacher nahme mich der so im Raht für mich gerett, und fürte mich in sein Gabinet wo ich mich still halten solte, bis auf weitere Ordres: Indessen ward der Unglückhaftige Lauson exequiert: was Todes weis ich nicht eigendtlich, wohl hatte ich hiervor von etlichen Wilden gehört, dass ihme gedreut worden Es Müsse ihme die Gurgel mit dem rasierMesser so in seinem Sack gefunden worden, abgehauwen werden, welches auch der kleinere Neger so bim Leben bliebe, bezeuget, etliche aber sagten er wäre gehänckt worden, andere er wahre verbränt die Wilden hielten es fast geheim wie er getödet worden, Gott erbarme sich seiner Seele.--

        Den andren Tag nach des Feldmessers Lauson Execution kamen zu mir der fürnimsten des Dorfs mich berichtend dass sie gesinnet Nord Carolinam zu bekriegen: Insbesonders aber wollen sie hinder die von Pam Tego Neus Trent rivier und Corsund, so dass sie aus guten ursachen mich nicht könnten gehen lassen, bis sie mit dieser expedition fertig währen, was wolt ich thun: Musste gedult tragen, dann alle meine gründ da nichts hulfen, Ein hartes, dass ich so böse Zeitung anhören musste, und doch nicht helfen könnte, noch diese arme Leuth das minste wüssen lassen, mir zwar versprachen sie, Es solte in Caduca/: welches der alte Nahmen des stettlin Neu Bern/: kein Schaden geschächen, die von der Coloney aber solten alle hinuter in das Stettlin sonst wolten sie nicht gut sprechen für den Schaaden, diss wahren gute Wort, wie wolt ich es aber den armen Leuthen zu wissen thun, weillen kein Wilder die Avisen bringen wolte, musste es also dem allerhöchsten überlassen. Bey 500. Streitbahren und wohlbewehrten Mannschaft so wahren, Ein zusammengerottetes Volck, theils Tuscaruscos doch wahren die Haubtflecken oder Dörfer dieser Nation nicht mitbegrifen die andern Marmusiken Bay, Rivier Weitoc, Pamtego, Neuws und Cor Indiens fiengen diss mörden und Blündern an auf einmahl zugleich abgetheilt in kleine Plutons thäten diese Barbaren die armen Leuth


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zu Pamtego Neus und Trent blündren und Ermorden, in wenig Tagen hernach kamen diese Mörder mit ihrer Beudte beladen, ach was trauriges Spectacul solches und die armen Weib und Kinder gefangen zu sehen, das Hertz möchte mir zerbrechen, könte zwar mit ihnen reden aber mit grosser Behutsamkeit: Die Ersten kamen, von Pamtego die andren von Neuws und Trent, grad eben der Indianer bey welchem Logierte, brachte mit sich ein jungen Knaben, Einer von meinen Lechen Leuthen, viel Kleyder und Hausrath, das ich kannte. ach wie gieng mir ein stich durchs Hertz in forchten meine Coloney wahre alle dehin: sonderlich wann da ich den jungen fragte, was da geschächen und Vorgangen were, Er mir bitter weinend erzellte dass von eben den Wilden wie obvermelt sein Vater, Mutter und Bruder ja ganze famillen ermördt, bey diesem allem dörfte nur nicht dergleichen thun, als thäte ich solches empfinden: bey 6. Wochen musste ich da gefangen bleiben in diesem beschwerlichen ohrt Catechna, Eh ich nacher Haus könnte, in was gefahr, schrecken, Schimpf und Vertruss ist liecht zu gedenken,: da Truge sich in der Zeit allerley zu, Einmahls war ich in grosser perplexitet, die Mannschaft wahre alle in dieser Mörder expedition die weiber alle zimlich weit vom Dorf Kirsen zu gewinnen andre Batatos, eine Gattung gelbe sehr gute und angeneme Wurzel zu graben, so dass ich mich ganz allein selbigen Tags im Dorf befund, da Stritte es mit mir, ob mich darvon und nach Haus machen wolte, studierte lang hierüber, in diesem Zweifel funde das beste meinen Gott um beystand anzurufen, dass er mir in Sinn geben wolte, was in solchen gefährlichen umstand zu thun, nach verrichtetem Gebett examinierte und betrachtete den Handel pro et contra befunde endlich das bessere zu bleiben, mich tröstend dass der mich aus erster gefahr Errettet mir noch ferners helfen würde. Dann wann mich Einicher Indianer angetrofen oder gesehen, ich des Todes, da dan kein Gnad ward zu hofen, zu demen wehren sie verbittret worden, dass sie Eheich zu Haus in deme die wägen nicht wohl wusste in das Stettlin kommen, wahre alles geblündret, verbrannt und ermordt, die erfahrung hat es hernach Erwiesen, dass ich das bessere erwehlte.--

        Nachdeme nun diese Heiden das meiste von ihrer barbarischen expedition gethan, kamen sie nacher Haus und Ruheten aus für eine Zeit lang, da nahm ich die gelgenheit in acht, und wann ich die vornemsten des Dorfs in guter Humor antraf, fragte ob nun nicht bald nacher Haus könnte: Sie zu Einer günstigen Disposition zu bringen, proponiere ein particularfrieden mit ihnen zu machen, versprach zu gleich einem jeden grandes der 10 Dörfer ein Tuchener Rock, etwas noch für mein Rantzion, dem König 2. Buteillen Pulver, 500. Schrött, 2. Bouteille Raum, Prantenwein von Zucker gemacht: Die Indianer


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wolten aber vielmehr haben, als Flinten, mehr Pulver und bley oder Schrot, ich aber representierte dass dieses Contrebande, das ist wahre, welche Sie bey Häncken verboten, sie zu verkaufen zu geben, dass ich müsse aufs minst Neutral sein, und noch dem Eint, noch andren beystehen, sonsten gebe es nichts aus unsrem frieden, diese und mehrere Gründ nahmen sie an, so verglichen wir uns wie Euwer Herrlichkeit, Es im beyliegenden Tractat und articlen sehen wird.--

        Aber obwohlen wir uns Verglichen so wolten diese Misstreuwige Gesellen, mich doch nicht lassen gehen, ohne Sichere und gewüssere precautionen wolten haben, dass ich mein Kleinern Neger hinunter sandte nacher Neuw Bern, dass alles was ich versprochen nacher Catechna hinauf geführt werden solte, doch wolte kein Wilder mitgehen, obwohlen ein passport oder sicher geleit mitgeben wolte, representierte dass von meinen Leuthen so noch übrig als erschrocken über die räubereyen und Mortthaten, wohl keiner hinauf fahren, und mein Neger allein nicht könnte gegen dem Strohm, mit einem geladnen Schif fahren, da wir uns nicht vergleichen könnten, remetierte ich dem Indianer wo ich logierte, welcher eine Vernünftige Decision unsres Streits herausgabe, so dass wir beyderseits zufrieden.--

        Grad eben an dem Tag dass ich den Neger nacher Neu Bern senden wolte, mit einem Brief an den so zu meinem Haus sorg hatte, dass er halben wex die Obermelte Güter senden solte beyderseyts Sicherheit, kamen frömde Indianer zu Pferdt von H. Goub. von Virginien mit einem Brief wie beyliegende Copey ausweisst: Niemand könnte den Brief lesen als ich, der Brief wahre sehr scharpf, wusste nicht was für Continentz haltend, Endlich dachte die Boten wüssten dessen inhalt wohl, so las ich den Brief, denn Vornemsten des Dorfs vor, da ich ausgelesen observierte etwas In ihren Gesichteren, so nicht beliebig, dass sie mich angesicht des Briefs alsobald sicher solten nacher Haus liefern: Wo aber nicht und mir das minste Leyd von Ihnen wiederfuhre: Wolte und wahre er H. Goub: parat mich zu rächen, ja alles exterminieren noch weib und Kinder verschonen, hierauf hielten sie Raht, und ward geschlossen mich zu dem Dorf lassen gehen, bey den Touscaruscos wo der Indianische Negotiant von Virginien war, welcher grad zuvor da Mon. Lauson exequiert in selbigem Dorf sich aufhielte, und ihm zurückreissen H. Goub: unsere traurige avanture erzellet, worauf alsbald dieser generose H. Goub. Spotswood diesen Virginischen Kaufmann, der mit den Indianern handlete und Ihre Sprach ger wohl verstund und redete, mit obigem Brief zu den Touscaruscos gesendt, Er aber H. Goub. Selbstem im Ersten Indianischen Dorf Natoway genannt indessen mit einer starcken escorten wartend, mit ordres an die benachtbarten Militen sich parat zu halten, grad zu agieren, wann nicht beliebige antwort ankomme: So mieche mich des


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Morgends früh zu Pferdt, Mit den Indianern Botten auf den weg, und kamen viel von den Vornemsten Indianern von Catechna mit mir gegen den Haubt Dorf genannt Tasky zu, welche so g'schwind Marchierten als ich zu Pferdt, des Abends zwischen Tag und Nacht langten wir an, wo sich der Virginische Kaufmann auch aufhielt, diss Dorf ward befestiget mit Balisaden, und wahren die Häuser oder Cabinet so artig von Binden allein gemacht, in einem Cirkel oder Ring herumb gesetzt: so dass ein grosses Feur, der Raht so von den Vornemsten des Touscarusco Nation bestund, auf dem Boden herum sitzend, da ward platz gelassen, für obgemelten Kaufmann, für mich und die Indianer so mit mir kamen, nachdem ich diese H. Salutiert sassen wir auch hernieder, bey diesem allem wahre ich schon in einer heimlichen Freud, der Hofnung nacher Natoway zu gehen, H: Goub: von Virginien auf mich wartete, und so dermahlen eins von dieser Wilden gefangenschaft, erlöset zu werden, gienge mir aber leyder nicht an. Der Redner der Versammlung fing eine lange Red an, befragte die 4. Indianer so mit mir kamen, was die ursach meiner Detention und Verbrechen nach Verhör, wahre unschuldig erfunden worden, und erkannt: dass H: Goub: von Virginien nach begehren solte entsprochen werden, bedeutend was für gefahr aus dem Abschlag entstehen würde.--

        Der Virginische Kaufmann als Dollmetsch redte was er könnte zu meinen gunsten, die 4. Indianer von Catechna wolten sich aber darzu nicht verstehen, aus forcht es wurde alsdann keine rantion erfolgen, obwohlen der virginische Kaufmann sicherheit darfür versprache, pretexierend, sie därfen nicht ohne Consens der übrigen Vorgesetzten und des Königs thun, doch versprechend mich los zu lassen, sobald der König und Raht wurden bey einander sein, wolten aber mein Neger zur sicherheit behalten, bis die rantion ausgericht, den tag hernach gentzlichen meiner Hofnung frustriert, nahme von dem Virginischen Kaufmann mein Abschied, welchen dieser Wilden unfründl: Manier sehr vertross, so Marchierte ich ganz trauring wiederumb zurück, da wir 3. oder 4. Meilen nach bey Henecon Town oder Catechna kamen, hörten wir ein gross geschrey und rufens dort herumb, und kamen hier etliche dorten andre Wilden aus den Büschen hervor, welches mir nicht ohne ursach etwas Forcht einjagte, sondern wann sie gleichsam ganz aus dem atem und erschröcklichem _ _ _ die Englischen und Pfälzer wahren nächer bey Insbesonders aber deuten sie mit einem sauren gesicht die Pfelzer mit retirirenden ja, ja, verspotten, zu bedeuten darmit, dass eben auch meine Leuth als find sich da mercken liessen, und miechen mich ein abweg zu nemen, durch einen wüsten graben, da ich von ferne ein feur sache, da fieng es mir an lang zu werden, in forcht sie wolten mich da in geheim Ermorden: Studierte wie Sie zu bereden, dass die Pfelzer gar nicht mit den Englischen Conjugiert,


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bedeutet dass diese Wort ja, ja, nicht Teutsch wären, sondern eiu Rauches Englisches Wort ay ay welches sonst in gut Englisch yess Heyst, das ist ja, behielte sie also in der Meinung so gut ich könnte: wann wir an das ohrt wo das feur ware kommen, sache mit bestürtzung alle das gesind, von Catechna wo ich gefangen ward, sambt ihrem Hausgeräht wenig Lebens Mittel in einem schönen kornfeld, wo ein Jed: Ind. mitten in einem Swamp, das ist einem Wilden Ohrt einem Stuck Waldes im Morast und Wasser einerseits, anderseits neben diesem Fluss:57 alle nemlich die Alten ohnvermöglichen Menner, Weiber, Kinder, und Junges underjähriges Gesind vast erschrocken mich beliebt zu machen, und sie meinerseits in Sicherheit zu halten, ermanglete nicht Ihnen allen Trost zu geben, Sie versichernd so lang ich bey Ihnen, nichts Böses widerfahren wurde, representierte auf den Kriegs Leuthen, so kamen das Gesind aufzuMuntren, Sie solten mich Vornenherbey, und mit Ihrer Mannschaft gehen lassen, wolte trachten die Engellander zum frieden zu bereden, wolten mich aber nicht gehen lassen.--

        Denn Tag hernach all die umliegende Indianer in der Zahl 300 Tapfere Kerl, kamen zusammen, stossten sich zu den übrigen, und suchten die Christen auf, welche nicht mehr als 60. an der Zahl, und nur 4. Meillen das ist 3. Viertel stund ohngefehrt, von unsrem Dorf wahren, die Pfelzer aber, so nicht wussten wie mit den wilden Indianern zu kriegen, als nur bloss sich zu zeigen, wahren meist alle verwündt, und ein Engelländer zu Tod geschossen, da sie von den Wilden übermeistret, kehrten den rücken, und Eylten nach Haus, welchen die Wilden nachjagten, thaten aber nicht grossen Schaden, als das sie etwas erbeuteten, so kamen die Wilden Zwey Tag hernach zurück nacher Catechna mit Pferdten, Lebens Mittlen mit hüten, stieflen, auch etwelchen Röcken, da ich dis alles sahe, insbesonders ein sauber Barboutine mit Silbernem Carniture, mir zugehörig, war ich ganz bestürtzt und in grossen forchten, sie hätten mein Haus und Magazin geblündret, war aber kein schaaden gethan, worumb von meinen Sachen darunter ist weilen sie namlich meine Leuth sich der sachen bedienten, was sie zu dieser expedition vonnöhten wahren: So kamen diese Wilde Kriegs Leuth oder Mörder welcher in grosser glori und Triumph heim, und giengen wir also aus dem Verborgenen ohrt, alle wiederumb in unser altes Quartier nacher Catechna dess abends und die ganze Nacht durch, miechen sie grosse Freudenfeur, insbesonders eins in dem grossen Richtplatz, wobey sie 3. Wolfs Heut steckten, So viel protectores oder Götter vepresentierend, darbey die Weiber von Ihren Zierden oferten, als Halsbänder von Vampon, welches wie eine Gattung Corallen von Calinierten Muschlen, weiss, braun, und Goldfarb, in der Mitte des Rings, wahre ein Conjurer als ihr Priester,


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welcher allerley seltsame posturen und bedeurungen miech, und die übrigen danzten in einem Ring umb das feur und obvermelte Hüet.--

        Nachdeme dieses Indianische Vest verbey, fieng ich an ungedultig zu werden, fragte Etliche der grossen, ob sie mich jetzunder nicht wolten nacher Haus gehen lassen, in deme Sie Victorios villicht alle meine Leuth zu Tod geschlagen haben, einer aus den Truppen antworteten lachend, Sie wolten sehen was zu thun, den König und seine Räht berufend.--

        Zwey Tag hernach Morgends früh brachten sie mir ein Pferdt, Zwey der Vornemsten begleiteten mich bewehrt aber zu fuess, bis ungefehrt 2. Stund weit vom Dorf Catechna da gaben sie mir ein stuck Indianisch Brodt und Verliessen mich, da ich einen langen weg vor mir sahe, Ersuchte ich Sie mir das Pferdt zu lassen, wolte es ohne fehlen zuruck senden, oder solten mit mir etwas nächer zu meinem Quartier gehen, könnte aber nichts erhalten, blieben an dem Ohrt wo ich sie verlassen, und miechen ein grosses feur mir bedeutend, es seyen in dem Wald främde Indianer, solte eilen und wacker gehen, ja für Zwey stund laufen so vast immer möglich, welches ich auch gethan, bis die Nacht mich übernahm, und ich zu meinem erschröcklichen wüsten Graben kam, uber welchen wegen diefen Wasser im Finstren nicht könnte, sondern da ich übernachtet bis Morgends. Das übrige von dieser Reis habe schon meinem H. Goub: Erzelt, ist Zeit abzubinden.

        Etwelche Anotationes, dess was ich in meiner Touscarusco, und wehrender Gefangenschaft bey den Indianern observiert nur wie es mir in Sinn Kommen, ohne sonderbahre Ordnung, was unterzeichnet mit Littres a. b. c. zu finden./

        Etlich Jalouse und indiscreten Einwohner Caroliné haben fürgeben als wär ich oder meine Leuth der Coloney die Ursach, dieses Indianischen Kriegs und Mördens. Zu meiner Justification konnte wohl viel Gründ dargeben, will aber desshalben nicht vast bemühen, weilen meine Unschuld gnugsam bekannt, doch kann ich mich nicht enthalten, diese Gründ hier anzubringen. 1./So ich die Ursach, worumb haben die Wilden mich nicht sowohl als den Generalfeldmesser Lauson hingerichtet und getödet, 2./hab ich das Land oder Stuck Erdtrich so die Wilden Catouca nennen dreyfach bezahlt den Lord proprietarys, dem Generalfeldmesser, dem Indianisch König Taylor.--Dieser Indianer König wohnte mit seinem Volck an solchem ohrt, wo jetzund mein Haus und das Stättlin Neu Bern angefangen worden, mit welchen Indianern ich und die Meinigen fründlich und wohl gelebt, das übrige Land, hate auch bezahlt so Etwas gefordret worden,. 3./wahre kein Klag, noch wieder mich noch die Coloney, Zeugen dessen die grosse Versammlung der Touscarouscos wo dis in Question kommen, in beysein dess Virginischen Kaufmanns, und da sind die autores dieser


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Troublen mit Nahmen angegeben worden,: Will sie aber aus Christlicher Liebe nicht namsen, beyde H. Goub: von Virginien und Carolina sind in diesem berichtet.--

        Habe viel Notable Versammlungen gesehen, auch etlichen selbsten beygewohnt, habe mich aber verwundert, über dieser Heyden gravitet und ordnung, Ihr Stillschweigen, gehorsam, Respect gegen den Vorgesetzten, keine Einred als in einem Kehr, und das nur einmahl mit grosser Decentz, keine passion könnte man nicht im geringsten Vermercken, und wahre Zeit gnug geben, zu replicieren, Summa alles in solcher anständigkeit zur überzeugung und beschämung vieler Christlichen Oberkeiten. Der Process wahre auch so ordentlich geführt, als immer bey Christl: Richtern seyen könnte, und habe ich solche schöne Vernünftige Gründ gehört, von diesen Wilden und Heyden die mich bestürzt.--

        Da wahren Sieben Dörfer der Tuscoruscos Nation welche sich vast inocentieren wollen, als hatten sie mit diesem Indianischen Krieg und Massacre gantz nichts zu thun, und mit übrigen Indianern, deswegen kein Verständnuss, diese sind etwas weiter abgelegen, mehr hinter virginien, und auch in ihrer Devotion wegen der Handlung, diss noch haltend, diese 7. Townes oder Dörfer, die übrigen in dieser Gegend in gewüssen Schranken und Soumission dieser Tom Blount ist ein König oder Führer, eines Considerable Haufens Wilder Indianer, hat sehr guten Verstand, ist gantz wohl der Englischen Nation geneigt, und hat nicht wenig zu einem guten Frieden Contribuirt: ja es um mich zu thun, viel zu meinem besten gerett.--

        Ich kann hier auch nicht vergessen, der generosität und Mitleydens Einer guten Wittfrauwen, welche mir grad anfangs meiner ankunft und Inwehrender meiner Gefangenschaft allezeit Speis gebracht, so dass mir an Nahrung nicht gefehlt, was aber das bedencklichste, so bald sie gesehen, dass da ich gegebunden wurd, Junge Gesellen mich geblündret under andren sachen meine Silbernen ringen, von den Schuhen genommen, und selbe nur mit einem kleinen Seil gebunden, hat sie von ihrer Saubren Mäschenen Schnallen dardurch ihr Harband an der Stirnen gezogen, genommen, und sie an meine Schuh gethan, hat keine Ruhj bis sie entdeckt, welcher Indianer meine Schnallen genommen, selbige von Ihme erhandlet, voller Freuden zurück gelofen kommen, und die Silbernen Schnallen an meine Schuh gethan: Diss wahre ja von einer Wilden Eine grosse gütigkeit, zur überzeugung manches Christen, muss hier zur Beschämung der Christen sagen, dass insgesambt die Indianer viel freygebiger, habe unter ihnen viel gute sachen observiert, als dass sie nicht Schweren, ihr Wort exact halten was sie versprechen, im Spielen nicht bald hadren, nicht so vast gizen, nicht so viel Hoch Muht unter jungen


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Leuthen auch nichts ungebührliches observiert, obwohlen sie vast nackend, so halten sie sich Decenter als viele Christen. Das böse unter ihnen ist dass ihr Zorn furios.--

        Hier ist zu observieren dass wan diese Barbarische Mörder nacher Haus kammen, So wüssen Ihre Weiber zuvor durch botten, Rüsten sie Sich zu Einem Fest in der Nacht, jede Haushaltung rüstet sich die besten Speise nach Ihrer Art, bringen dieselben auf ihren grossen Richtplatz wo sie auch Ihre Täntz halten, Jede Haushaltung miech eine kleine Brüge, vor deren im Feur so rings umbher und in der mitten dess grossen Platzes ein grosses feur wobey der Priester Stund, die Weiber nahmen sich alle Ihre Zierden, so bestunden in gehäncken dieser Wampan und gleserne Corallen, da nahmen sie weise Stöckli oder dicklächte Ruthen, Stückli, sie grad als ein opfer in der mitten im Ring, alwo auch drey Hirschen-Heut auf gesteckt, als eine Gattung abgötter die Sie verEhrten, die Königin oder die erste nach ihr in Abwesenheit fienge zuerst an, die andren alle nach Einander allezeit singend, wann der Ring voll ward, dann danzten sie alle umb dieses Feur, und die drey heut bis sie Müd wurden, deme gienge eine jede zu Ihrem Stand oder Brüge mit ihren Männern Mahlzeit zu halten,: wann sie fertig, nahmen sie weise Ruhten, Schwarz geringlet und miechen gleiche Ceremoney wie zuvor, nahmen die Ersten stöcklein oder Ruhten, Garniert mit Corallen wider, und steckten die Geringleten an Ihren Platz, so kehrten sie widrum zu Ihren Ständen, Indessen that der Priester sein officieren, die Finde betreuwend Ihn allerley der apscheuwlichsten posturen, hingegen seine Kriegs Leuth erhebend, und zur Dapferkeit ferners anstrengend, hernach gienge das junge gesind nahmen grüne Est von Laub, ferbten Ihre Gesichter mit Schwarz, weis und Roht, liessen ihre Haar hinunter mit Gensen Fläumen so sahen sie abscheuwlich mehr Teuflen als Menschen gleich und Lufen dem grossen Platz zu, mit einem abscheuwlichen geschrey und tantzten wie obgemelt, hier ist zu observieren, von obermelte Wilden Kriegs Leuth oder vielmehr Mörder, einkamen mit ihrer beut und den gefangenen, der Priester und die Vornemsten Frauwen nahmen die armen gefangenen, zwungen sie zum Tantz, und so sie nicht tanzen wolten, nahmen sie sie unter den armen und schlepten sie auf und Nider zum Zeichen, dass diese Christen nun nach Ihrer Music tantzten, und in ihrer Subjection wahren.--

        Können also diese Heidnische Ceremoneyen für ihren Cantum Divinum: oder abgöttischen andachten passieren,: dess morgens habe bis weilen Observiert dass sie ein Serioses Kurzes Liedlein gesungen, anstatt dess gebets, und wann sie in gar grosser gefahr dess gleichen.--

        Zu Neu Bern wo ich mich gesetzt und das Stettlin angefangen, hab ich unter den Indianern die zuvor da wohnten, eine andre Manier die


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da etwas nächer dem Christlichen Gottesdienst observiert: Da hatten sie eine gattung altar gar artig unt könstlich mit stecken geflochten und gewelbten Dome an einem ohrt, wahre eine öfnung als gerüst zu einer kleiner Thüren dardurch mann das opfer ein legt, in der Mitten dieser Heydnischen Cappellen, wahren kleine Hölen, worin sie dann hiengen Corallen und auch Wanpom opferten: gegen Sonnenaufgang wahre gesetzt ein Hölzernes Bild, zielmich wohl geschnitzt.--Der Figur wie neben verzeichnet, geferbt halb roht, halb weiss, vor deme gesteckt ein langer staab, oben Truf ein kleine Cron der Stab geringlet, Roht und weiss gegen Mitternacht oder viel Eher gegen Abend wahre oposité Ein ander Bild mit einem hässlichen gesicht, Schwarz und Roht geferbt, so representierten Sie durch das erste Bild, eine gute Divinitet und durch das ander der Teufel, welchen sie besser kennes.--

        Hier kann ich nicht für über zu erzellen, was sich mit einem Meiner Lechen Leuth zugetragen, Ein starker lustiger Mann, da Er da vorbey gieng, diese Zwey Bilder betrachtend, mieche alsbald ein Unterscheid dessen, so den guten Gott und des andern so den bösen representierte, weilen dieses mit schwarz und Roht gefärbt welches Just die farb des cantons von Bern, ward er so erbittret, hierüber dass er mit seiner ax oder Biel dis wüste Bild Entzwey schnitte, da er wider nacher Haus kam Rühmete er es als eine wackere That, als hätte er den Teufel in einem Striech entzwey gespalten, welches zwar anfangs nur ein kleines Lachen provociert, aber die Sach dennoch nicht abrobiert. Bald hernach kam der Indianer König gantz vertrüssig dieses für ein Sacrilegium und grossen affront nemend, klagte, sich bitter, deme zwar ein Schertz bedeutete, nur ihr böser Abgott were beschädiget und dahin, Sey kein grosser schaden, wans aber der gute währe, so wolte ich es fast abstrafen: Werde aber hinfuhro solche anstalten thun, dass dergleichen Vertriesslichkeiten, Ihnen nicht mehr wider-fahren solten. Obwohlen der Indianer König sache, dass ich diss wesen in Vexaats zog, so gefiel ihme solches nicht, sondern ward ganz serios: So bezeuget ich ihme auch im Ernst dass mir dieses Manns action ganz nicht gefiel, so Er mir den Mann Zeigen konnte, der solches gethan solte er dafür abgestraft werden: Mieche den König und die bey Ihm wahren Raum zu trincken, welches eine gattung Prantenwein so von distiliertem Zucker Truesse gemacht, der Enden ganz gemein und gesundt, so man es mit Moderation trinckt, wahre zu dem gantz fründl: mit ihnen, so dass sie ganz wohl zufrieden, und vergnügt von mir giengen, Bey ihren Begrebnussen miechen sie mehr Ceremoney als an Hochzeiten oder Heurathen, und hab ich in der Begrebnuss einer verstorbnen Witfrauen etwas sonderbahres observiert, will mich dennoch hier nicht fast extendieren, weilen Viellerley


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gedruckte relationes der Indianer Lebwesen und Manier betrefend, nur im fürbeygang was ich an wunderbahrstem gefunden, und vornemlich wann ein Indianer kranck oder sterbend, so kommen Ihre Priester ins Haus, machen allerley viguren und posturen thun allerley beschwerungen, und geben den Krancken auch allerley artzneyen, so das nicht hilft, blasen sie dem Krancken durch den Mund Ihren atem ein, mit einem Erschröcklichen Rurren, weiss nicht mit was Segnerey, kombt der Kranken auf, ist ein unbeschreibliches Frolocken, stirb er aber ist ein trauriges Heulen, ja sogar, dass es einem grauset: Sie machen Ihre Gräber mit grossem Fleiss, sind gewelbt mit rinden, wann der Verstorbene Ins Grab getragen wird, da standen zwey Priester die Lamentien und machen auf ihr ahrt ein Leichbredig, ist da etwas zu erholen, extollieren sie dess Verstorbemen Thaten, oder dessen Verwanten Trösten Sie, und machen weiss nicht was für allerley abenteurliche beschwerungen: Summa da ist viel Tuhns und Schwetzens, so dass sich die Conjurer, oder Priester ganz in Schweiss gesehen, aber diss geschicht ein gut present zu erwarten, wann alles vorbey, so geben die Erben etliche gehenck vom Wampon oder aus Calcimierten Muscheln gemacht, sind kleine Dinger als Corallen wie obgemelt weiss, purper und gelb, diesen Priestren und diss ist ihr Lohn: NB: Es pflegen die Indianer aus diesen Dingern Hosen und Halsband zu machen, und wüssens so artig und ingenios durch Einander zu Stricken und zu flechten, mit allerley viguren dass sich zu verwundren. Wann alles vorbey und das grab gedeckt, so hat sich etwas zu meiner Zeit wunderbahrs zugetragen, welches selbsten gesehen, Ein artiges feur oder Flammen ohngefehrt Zweyer Kerzen Liechter gross, fuhr grad auf von dem grab in die Höche, als wohl der Lengste und Höchste baum, fuhr wider in grader Lingien über der Verstorbenen Cabinet und so weiter über eine grosse Heyd wohl eine halbstund lang bis es in Einem Wald Verschwunden, da ich solches sahe und meine Verunderung bezeugte, lachten die Wilden mich aus, als wolt ich wüssen, dass dieses bey Ihnen nichts Neuwes, wolten mir doch nichts sagen, was es wäre, habe hernach etliche gefragt, Niemand könnte mir positive sagen, aber sie halten viel darauf, und wird für ein sonderbahr gut Zeichen für den Toden geachtet. Ein artivitial feur könnte es nicht seyn wegen der Lenge und weiten Distanz visicalisch könnte es wohl zugehen als Schwefliechte Dunst aus der Erden, aber diese Lange regularitet übernimbt mich.--

        Da ich einsmahls in H: Goub: Hidens Haus mich befand, presentz dess Rahts und Vielen andren, da wir wegen dess Friedens mit den Indianern beschäftiget nahm ich in acht eines alten Indianers der mir als ein Conjurer oder Priester vorkam, so fragt ich Ihne was das währe was ich hier oben erzelt, gesehen, unter 25 Indianern die da wahren


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könnte nur dieser alte neben noch einem andren bericht hierüber geben, welches mir aber als ein Fabel vorkam;.--

        So sagten diese dass solches nur grosse Männer, alte erfahrene priester, sehen und thun könnten, da ich sie weiters befragte was das würe, gaben sie mir zur antwort, dass dis feurlein die Seel dess Verstorbenen Seye, so In Ein andere gute Creatur fahre, so die persohn wohl gelebt, und sich wohl verhalten, habe sie sich nicht wohl verhalten, so fahr sie in einen wüsten rauchen und in ein Hässliche ungluckhaftige Creatur, diese Priester aber komen auf folgende Manier zu ihren kunst, nämlich es trage sich zu dass ein Subtiles Fuerlein oder Flämmlin von Einem Baum in den andren schiesse, aber gar selten, und wann ein Indianer solches sicht, muss er so vast möglich laufen solches zu fassen, und so er es fasset gehets grad an und wird zu einer kleinen Baum-spinnen, welche so Zableten und geschwind in und umb die Hand erwimslete, dass sie schier mit der andren Hand zu ergreifen, so ers aber Endlichen Ergreift, wascht diese Spinnen und wird wie ein Maus, also dass der wo solches wunderding ergreift, hernacher der beste Conjurer oder Schwarz-Künstler wird, und kann allerely Wunder thun,. NB: diese Künstler oder Beschwerer wie sie auf Englich genent werden, haben auch die facultet den Teufel hervorzubringen, und ihne wieder abzufergen;--

        Es hat mir ein Schif Patron bedeuret dass er Einsmahls etliche Indianer in seinem Nachen oder kleinen Schifli geführt, und da in dem Caroliner Sund eine solche Stille ward, dass sie Nirgends hinkommen könnten, einer unter den Indianern gesagt, dass er wohl Einen guten Wind verschaffen könnte und wolte: Der Steur Mann so nicht viel proviant bey sich hatte, und gern weiter rucken möchte, liess es an den Indianer, bald hernach kam ein so Starcker Wind, dass ihme grausete, und hätte er gern minder Windes gehabt, allein es musste dadurch, So kamen Sie zu Einer gar kurzen Zeit an das Verlangte Ohrt: Ermelter Schif Patron aber bezeugte mir, dass Er desshalben in Eine so grosse forcht gerahten, dass er sein Lebtag sich solcher Hülf nicht mehr bedienen wolte.--

        Diss und obiges mag glauben wer da will, ist gewüss, dass der Sathan viel Illusionen mit den armen Creaturen thut, doch wann solches unglaublich wäre es nicht in einer so ansehnlichen Gesellschaft repassieret und geredt worden: hätte mich auch nicht erkühnt solche fabulose sachen hier beyzubringen.--

        Habe viellerley sachen mehr gehört und unter den Indianern observiert, weillen aber schon so viel autors hierüber geschrieben, dass meine remarque nur für repeditionen passierten, sonsten betrefend die Ruhe und Barbarische Manier der Heyden, Indianern und von hiervor Ermelten so sage, dass ja selbe furios wann sie erzürnt, aber so man


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sie im frieden lasst, ihnen nicht leidts thut, und sie nach Ihrer arth fründlich und gutthatig tractiert,--werden selten die Christen beleydigen, man habe ihnen dann die Ursach darzu gegeben: werden aber bissweillen hart und übel von den Christen, tractiert: habe mit manchem Indianer wegen Ihrer Grausamkeit geredt, es hat mir aber ein verständiger König geantwortet, und Ein artig exempel dargeben von einer Schlangen, so man sie in Ihrem Ring unbedastet ruhwig und unverletzt lasse, werde sie keiner Creatur Leids thun, aber wann man sie Distourbieren und verletze, so stech sie, sonderlich die Spanier seyen mit ihren Vor Eltern gar zu hart, ja vast unmenschlich umbgangen: betrefend ihr der Indianer Morden und hinderrucks fechten, müssten sie wohl sich Ihres Vortheils bedienen, sonsten könnten sie nicht bestehen, sie seyen nicht so starck an der Zahl, und seyen nicht so versehen, mit Stucken, Flinten, Schwertren und allerley andren Verrähterischen Inventionen von Pulver gemacht, die Menschen zu Destrouieren, Item haben sie noch Pulver noch Bley, oder sie bekommen solches von den Christen Selbsten, So dass unsere Weg viel betrieglicher Välscher und Schädlicher Seyen, sonst wir nicht mit ihnen so grausam umgehen würden, sonder unter uns selbsten die grösste Tiraney und grausamkeit verüben,: diss hab ich wohl selbsten erfahren.--

TRACTAT./.

        So mit den Indianern gemacht Worden aus dem Englischen Translatiert.-/.

        Zu wissen seye hiermit Mäniglichem, dass im Octob: 1711. Zwischen Baron und LandGrafen von Grafenried, Goubernatorem der Teutschen Coloney in Nord Carolina und denen Indianern der Touscarusco Nation Sambt Ihren Nachtbahren von Cor WilkilSons point, König Taylor denen von Pamtego und anderen der gegend Verglichen worden wie folget./.

        1./Dass beyde Parteyen das Vergangene Vergessen, und fürrohin gute fründ sein sollend;.

        2./Soll der unterschriebene Goubernator der Teuschen Coloney, in Zeiten die Engellender und Indianer im streit, findschaft und Krieg gegen Einander seyen werden, gantz Neutral seyn, Item soll er sich in seinem Haus und Stätlin still halten, Noch Engellander, noch Indianer, da passieren lassen noch keinem Indianer was Leids thun, dessgleichen Sie auch Versprächen gegen den unsrigen: Im fahl sich Etwas Streit ErEugnete unter Vermelten Partheyen, sollen sie sich selbsten nicht Recht schaffen, sonder an gebühreten Ohrt Erklagen, namlich wie Bey Beyderseits Vorgesetzten.


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        3./Verspricht Ermelter H: Goub: der Teuschen Coloney bey seinen Grenzen zuverbleiben, und kein Erdtrich mehr gegen ihnen hinauf zu nemen, den König und Nation unbegrüsst,./

        4./Verspricht er ferners für vier Tag stillstand der Waafen zu procourieren, damit innert dieser Zeit Tüchtige persohnen, Erwehlt und Verornet wurden, heilsame Friedensprojecten zu proponieren, die da wo möglich bey den Streiteten Parteyen müssten angenem und gefällig seyn./.

        5./Soll den Indianern Erlaubt seyn zu jagen, wo beliebig ohne Einiche Hindernuss, Es wäre dann sach, dass Sie So nach unsren Plantationen kamen, dass das fich verjagt oder beschädiget wurde, oder gefahr dess feurs zu beförchten.--

        6./Soll Ihnen denn Indianern die Waahren und provision in einem raisonable und wohlfeillen preyss zu kommen Lassen,: weiters ist verglichen dass wo die hier unterzeichneten Marques seyn werden, an den Thoren unseren Häusern, dass da kein Leyd noch Schaden soll zugefügt werden.--

        So sollen hiermit die hier gemelte Conditiones und Clausullen exacte Observiert werden.--Dessen zu wahrer Urkund wir beyderseits uns unterschreiben, die angewohnte Pittschaft und Zeichen Beygesetzt.--

Zeichen von Neuws. N. Graffenried Gouber: der Teuschen Coloney--

Touscoruscos Zeichen Touscoruscos Ind:
und Nachtbahren.


        Herren Gubernator Von Virginien Mandat Translatiert aus dem Englischem Orriginal--

        Alexander Spootswood Goub: Staathalter und Commandant der Coloneyen und Provintz Virginien, als im Nahmen Ihr Königlichen Mayestet von Gross Britagnien;--an die Indianer Nation so H: B: von Grafenried gefangen halten./.

        Nachdeme wir vernommen dass H. Baron von Grafenried Goub und das Haubt der Teuschen Coloney, in Nord Carolina unter Euch gefangen ist; Verlange und gebeute Euch, im Nahmen der Königin von Gross Brittanien deren Er ein Unthan ist, dass angesicht Ihr ihn frey und Losslassen sollend, und selbigen in unser Gouvernement senden.--

        Und hier habt ihr zu vernemmen, dass wo Ihr Ihne Tödend, oder willends Schaaden zuzufuegen Im Sinn hättet, Ich Sein Blut rechen werde, und noch Mann noch Weibspersohnen, noch Kindern verschonen werde.

Gegeben unter meinem grossen Sigel, d. 7. 8. bris 1711.

(L: S:)
A: Spotswood.



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Carolina New Bern den 6. May 1711.

Messieurs:

        Hier übersende nochmahlen Eine Copey in antwort dero vom 23. Aug. an mich und an F. Michel abgelassenen Schreibens den 11. Aprillio hier Empfangen, aus forcht mein Voriges möchte etwan verlohren gehen, verdeute, dass was hier vor an die H: als Hh. Schultheiss von Grafenried geschrieben worden, wir darzu genug Ursach hätten, Solche grosse Unterfangen müssen mit Kraft unterstützt werden, mit so wenigem ist ohnmöglich fortzukommen, were bessre solches bleiben zu lassen, als sich in Gefahr zu begeben, reputation und Ehr so zu exponieren und allen Credit zu verlihren, wann ich aber vorsechen könen, was ich jetzunder weyss, hätte ganz andere Mensuren genommen, forchtsame Negotianten machen selten grossen fortun, und sind H. Ritter und H. von Grafenried ausgestanden, kann ich nicht helfen, werden sich wohl andere an Ihren Platz finden. Wäre es nicht aus Consideration H. J. Ritters und deren, so hiervor Fr. Michel vorgeschossen und an die Hand gegangen, so hätten wir uns mit einem Reichen Engelländer associeren können, wollte aber allein mit uns seyn, so sind nun hier etliche brave Männer, die auch Sinnes einzustehen, aber nur in der Handlung, in dem Sie land genug für das gegenwertige, ist aber uns mit diesem Nicht bedient, dann diese grosse Schuld muss bezahlt seyn: Fr. Michel so in Pensilvania, hat mir zwar vermeldet, er wolle dorten genug H. für Associerte finden, zweifle aber daran, die traurige Erfahrung lehret mich nicht allzufest zu trauwen, ist besser das gewüssere zu spihlen.

        Nimbt mich wunder, durch wen die 100£ Sterlin sollen zu Neuw-Castlen entrichtet worden seyn, weilen mir Monsr. Wrag nichts darvon Meldung thut./.

        Sie vermelden dass wir in Carolina solten trachten auf Credit etwas zu thun, ist schon genug geschächen, müssten wohl unsern Credit allen anwenden, die Nothwendigen Lebensmittel und Vich für ein Jahr lang zu verschaffen, wann wir nicht mit dem gantzen Volk wolten vor hunger verderben, dann das Unglück wollen, dass wir das Gouvernement wegen absterben des Goubernatoren in höchster Confusion bey unsrer ankunft gefunden, da ich den General-Einzieher zu Haltung dessjenigen, was die Lords-Proprietarys versprochen, treiben wollen, hat Er resignirt indem der Lieut. Gouv. und Obrist Cary noch weder den Neuwen Gouv: Hide noch einichen der Lords Prop.: Neuwen Officieren annehmen wollen, hab' also nicht die mindste assistence auf seiten der Lords Prop: und Gouvernement gefunden, were uns nicht ein Ehrlicher wohlbemitleter Mann, Oberst Pollock und ein anderer an die Hand gangen, hätten wir wie obgemelt vor Hunger verderben müssen. So wahr ich gezwungen bey ihm und andern alles


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auf Billets de Change zu nehmen und diese Provision musste für ein jahr lang seyn, das ist bis künftigen December, dann die Benachtbarten Insuln, so in grossen Mangel an Victualien, kaufen das Korn auf, ehe es zeitig wird auf dem Felde, braucht also dis geschäft gut Hertz, gute Fründ, und Credit, und wäre ich nicht Landgraf gewesen, so dass ich in dem Raath und Oberen Haus des Parlaments können sitzen, welches mir Autorität und Credit geben, so häten wir alle verderben müssen.--

        Sehet also Ihr H. per papant. dass die Jalousie in ansehen diesen Ehren Titlen, so zwar nichts ertragen, nicht wohl gegründet, sondern vielmehr der Colloney solch Ehrenstellen, Vortheil und Nutzen procourirt: Könnte villicht eingewendet werden, dass solches grosse Kosten und viel wesen verursachet, nichts minder, habe deshalb beim Train ja nicht einmahl ein Liverey Rock, halte mich so genauw als der minste Particular, wie Sie es dann von anderen wohl vernehmen werden.--

        Betreffend die Mines, so ist Wahr, dass Sie Fr. Michel für die aufsuchung und Entdeckung deren verpflichtet sind, wann ich aber nicht bey der ersten Handlung gewest, wäre nichts daraus worden, und wolte H. Penn nichts thun noch schliessen, es seye dann von mir unterschrieben.--

        Meine Beschwerlichkeiten und Mühwaltung betreffend, so ist darüber viel zu sagen, Melden von einer recompense, auch kann ich die Lebensgefahr, Verdruss, unsägliche Mühe und affrönte--die mir schon widerfahren, aus Mangel Erforderlicher assistence, und war ich wegen Protestation der wexel briefen zu gewarten, so ist wahrhaftig keine gross und gut genug für mich, thue besser keine zu Pretentiren, die beste recompense wird Seyn, mich aus diesem Schweren Labirinten förterlich zu ziechen, wird Ihr und mein Nutz seyn.--

        In deme Sie melden, dass Sie Villicht alle in diese Land kommen werden, freuwet mich, möchte erwünschen, Sie weren von anfang Hier gewesen und weren noch Hier, So könten Sie Sehen, ob alles so liecht hergehet und mit so wenigem zu machen, hätten auch Ihre Part an diesem so grossen Beschwerden; Mühe Kummer und Verdruss haben müssen, anstatt dass alles auf mir ligt:--

        Das Tage Buch von Begebenheiten zu machen wird nicht gar kurtzweilig seyn, weilen bis hieher wenig angehnemes, wohl aber viel Vertriessliches vorkombt; Ein Journal oder Verzeichnuss der Unkösten so Exact vom vergangenen, wird schwerlich zu machen seyn, Insbesonders wo Fr. Michel gehandlet, inskönftig aber wird mehr regularitet observiert werden, so Sie so bald nicht kämmen, were gut einen jungen treuwen Bürger, der die Buchhaltung versteht herzusenden, die Englishen sind gar zu thür, vordern 50£ Sterling zum


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Jahr. was aber andere anlangt sey selbsten Lechen oder Handwerks-Leut, so wird man warten, bis der general frieden gemacht, Ein Pfarrer und Buchhalter aber thut noht, könten könftigen Herbst; das ist im Octob. oder 9. ber mit der Virginischen Flotten komen. Muss auch wohl in acht genohmen werden, alles dorten zu Schliessen und zu Handlen, dann wann Sie Einmahlen hier, werden Sie grad aufgeblasen, und wollen selbst H. seyn. So ich viel gelt geben wolte, könte ich nicht einen Knecht noch Magt von der Coloney in mein Dienst bekommen, Lechenleuthe und Bediente werden zu Bern müssen bestelt werden, wie auch allerley Handwerk Leuth.--

        Hier ist nun die antwort über alle Articul des Schreibens, nun will ich ein wenig den Zustand Hiesiger Sachen, die Situation und Ertragenheit dess Lands mit wenigem berichten, das übrige referieren, bis mein Vertriessliches und Unruhwiges gemüht in einer Stilleren Situation. So übersende nun Ein Plan in der Eyl und Einfalt gemacht, die Situation der Stadt könte nicht Schöner, lustiger und bequemer seyn. So hanget auch die gantze Colloney daran alles beyeinander und am Wasser, von Einem Ort kann man von dem Mehr hinauf, und am anderen wider hinein, und nur 6. oder 8.--Meilen per Land, glaube nicht dass ein Schönere Colloney in der Welt gesetzt worden, nämlich die Situation betreffend, wird so Continuiert bis nach der Rivier Clarendon oder Cap. fare. ist sicher dass in wenig Jahren, unter dem Segen Gottes diese Colloney fast wird zunehmen. Das Land ist herrlich und gut. Korn, Reis, Hanf, Flachs, Rueben, Ruebli, Bonen, Erbs, allerey Gartengewechs und Baumfrücht, kombt alles wohl für, weyss wenig in unserem Land, das hier nicht auch man haben könne, Wilde Reben sind sehr viel und tragen überaus viel, zweifle nicht man köne sie auch zahm machen, und andere Pflantzen, wie dan schon angefangen, an getränk ob man schon zwar noch kein Wein hat, so macht man Generaliter ein sehr angehnemes gesundes und wohlfeyles Bier, von Malasis, welches ein Saft von Zucker und Sasafras, ein wenig gederrtes Weitzen, Korn oder nur Krüsch, andere machen Bier aus Fygen, Quitten, Maul Beer,--Einer gatung rother Neschflen und ander Sachen mehr. GeWild und Fisch, alles im Ueberfluss, allerley gutes Fleisch per sée,--das klein Vich vermehrt sich, kostet gar nichts zu erhalten, Winter und Sommer, so dass wan Einer nur ein wenig hat einzusetzen in wenig Jahren, viel Hundert besitzen kann, und gehet auch die Handlung darvon gar wohl ab.--Die General Handlung dan ist überaus gut, geht aber alles Tauschweis, Gelt ist keines vorhanden, als in den Süd Inselen, und den Landen so die Spanier und Holländer besitzen, zu Landen aber bekombt man es für die Waaren, die Waaren so dorthin abgehen, sind Indigo etwelche Spetzereyen, Zucker, Ruhm, Malasis, diese beyde von


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Zucker gemacht, macht uns ein köstlicher Brantenwein, Rysshut, und Fell,/: Weissgerber sehr vonnöhten:/Von wilden und zamen Thieren, Federn und Flum. NB. auf diesen Rivieren sind Schwanen, Gens und Enten Milionen weis, wilde welsche Hüner grosse menge.--

        Das Climat betrefend ist ziemlich gut und gesund, nicht so gar warm wie vermeint, Junius, Jullius und august: sind heiss, dennoch geht bisweilen ein kühler Wind, die übrige Zeit des Jahres ist zimlich temperat, im anfang muss man den Tribut mit Einem Fieber zahlen.--

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