Populist Party (N.C.). State Executive Committee. People's Party Hand-Book of Facts. Campaign of 1898

People's Party Hand-Book of Facts. Campaign of 1898:
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Populist Party (N.C.). State Executive Committee

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(title page) People's Party Hand-Book of Facts. Campaign of 1898.
State Executive Committee of the People's Party of North Carolina.
96 p.
Raleigh, N. C.
Capital Printing Company, Printers and Binders
1898
Call number C329 P42 1898 c.4 (North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill)

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[Title Page Image]

PEOPLE'S PARTY
HAND-BOOK
OF
FACTS. CAMPAIGN OF 1898.

ISSUED BY THE
STATE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE PEOPLE'S PARTY
OF NORTH CAROLINA.

RALEIGH:
CAPITAL PRINTING COMPANY, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
1898.

Page 3

FACTS.

The People's Party State's Central Committee recently issued a little pamphlet headed by the question, "Is the Democratic Party Honest?" The contents of that pamphlet have convinced those who have read it that the Democratic machine is thoroughly dishonest in its professions, and this pamphlet will establish the fact that the same party machine is unqualifiedly dishonest in its practice. It will show that the accession to power of the Democratic party, as at present organized, managed and controlled, is fraught with danger, dishonor and degradation to the people of the State, and will convince every honest citizen who reviews the statements herein made, that it is his duty to bend his efforts and energies in every honorable and legitimate way to save the State from such disastrous conditions.

This assertion may appear to be violent, and it may appear to show evidence of a spiteful, partisan spirit, but all such appearances will be removed by a review of the statements set forth.

It is but fair and just to say in the outset, that the masses of voters who have been affiliating with the Democratic party have always been deceived by their party machine in two ways, viz.: The failure of the Democratic press to tell the truth, and its persistency in inventing and circulating the most outrageous and villainous lies that the genius of an organized liar can invent. There has never been any adequate means in North Carolina for exposing its general, fraudulent, lying character, but the truth has been gradually forcing its way to the front for nearly six years, and as fast as it has dawned on the honest voters, they have denounced and deserted the Democratic party until there is nothing left of it but its plundering machine and those who have not yet seen the light. The people are to be congratulated that the number that has "not yet seen the light" is growing beautifully less every day. For this number there is hope and sympathy, and at no time are these to be regarded as subjects of the criticism which will appear in this pamphlet against the Democratic machine. The fraud, dishonesty and low scoundrelism of this machine are what deserve denunciation. Nothing can justly be said against the voter who has been deceived and blinded up to this time, even though it may appear that he is to blame for being so stupid as to permit himself to be deceived and blinded for so long. It is certain, however, that when the trickery and knavery of the machine shall appear to him, he will quickly follow those who have spurned it and left it.

THE "ISSUE" RAISED BY THE DEMOCRATIC MACHINE.

An elaborate and detailed review of the action and procedure of the Democratic party would be more voluminous than it is proposed to make this little document. It can be asserted, however, that for the present campaign, the Democratic manipulators, who have, through their National and State Conventions, made vociferous declarations and professions in favor of various reforms, have, as the initial movement of their campaign for 1898, completely and entirely ignored every profession heretofore made, have abandoned all discussion of every principle heretofore declared for, and have taken as a basis for their every action the old cry of "nigger."

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This party has lost all hope of ever being able to convince the intelligent citizen and virtuous voter that there is any truthfulness or honesty in it, and as a last, desperate resort and despairing effort, has undertaken to arouse the wildest prejudice and fiercest passions of men and citizens toward one another, with the hope that they may gain by lying, lawlessness and riot, what they can never attain by argument, reason, record and truth.

In a State populated by two races, there is a possibility of some success in an effort to incite lawlessness and riot, not so much by making appeals for it as by a cowardly, sneaky, secret procedure of hiring individuals or sets of individuals to begin such riots. In the Staie of North Carolina the relations between the races populating it are always rational and amicable unless inflamed by just such a vicious and infamous course as is now being pursued by the Democratic press and the managers of the Democratic party. It is safe to say that there has never been in the State of North Carolina an instance of racial antagonism, unless it was inspired by these last named agencies, and it may be asserted with all safety, that in nearly all cases in which a negro has made assumptions, either politically or socially, in such way as to be repulsive to the Caucasian race, it has been at the instigation of some low, venal, white wretch, acting as the tool of Democratic party wire-pullers.

Does this appear to be a violent or exaggerated statement? Well, do not take anything for granted. Has there been an unduly offensive case of this kind in your vicinity? If there has, first take down the name of the offender. Then find out who is talking to him and who he is talking to. Then find out what business they have to talk about, and you will then be right where you can tree the scoundrels and smoke them out. Rumors and reports of just such rascality as this are too common to permit the supposition that there is nothing to base them upon. Smoke the rascals out!

It is a fact so well known as to make it superfluous to repeat it, that wherever the Caucasian race dwells it rules. It is a work of supererogation to declare that it will always rule in this State. The cry of "negro supremacy" and "negro domination" is as absurd as a discussion of racial amalgamation. Neither is possible. No person or organization can more fully appreciate and understand this statement than the editors of Democratic papers and the Democratic party itself. At no time of its history has the Democratic party feared or apprehended what they are now pretending to cry against. During a period of twenty years in which that party swayed overwhelming power in North Carolina, it never passed a law nor made an effort to disfranchise or take from the negro the power of the ballot which they now declare they so mortally dread. On the other hand, if there has been any positive course of procedure with reference to the matter at all on the part of the Democratic party, such procedure has been a covert, sneaking retention of the power of the ballot to the negro, in order that that party might fatten on the prejudice it could raise against the very power it established.

In nearly every Southern State except North Carolina, the negro is disfranchised, with the result that racial antagonism cannot be aroused, because of the absence of a basis on which to proceed. The same power that disfranchised the negro in these Southern States has been wielded by the Democratic party in North Carolina for twenty years, and yet no advantage whatever has ever been taken of that power. This can be nothing less than conclusive evidence that the Democratic party experienced no terror, and did not even feel any very serious concern over the bugaboo of "negro domination." The truth is, the only thing that has preserved to the Democratic party in this State any life at all, is what is left of the prejudice that

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has heretofore been aroused over the "race question." On any issue of economics, or any question of political principle, that party has always been wanting in competency and honesty. Its fraudulent and hypocritical character was fully exposed in the campaigns of 1894 and 1896, when such matters were discussed, and the people promptly and vigorously repudiated it. And now, in the campaign of 1898, this Democratic party no longer attempts a discussion of issues of political and economic significance, but flies back to its old cry of "nigger" on which it managed to exist so long, with the insane and drivelling hope that such a cry will resuscitate it, and give it a few more years of license to plunder the State in such a manner as the figures presented in this pamphlet show they have heretofore plundered and robbed and looted it.

The living fact is, that the Democratic party and its managers have preferred that the negro should be a voter; but when the Democratic party was in power that vote was either purchased, coerced, manipulated or stolen in such manner as to always inure to the advantage of that party. Numerous rich instances of this fact might be cited.

For example, take the county of Halifax, which is known to be a county in which the negro voters outnumber the white voters very largely. Under a Democratic regime and manipulation that county was made to show, in 1892, a Democratic plurality of about 2,000. Under an anti-Democratic regime, with an honest election law and a count of votes as cast, this same county shows an anti-Democratic plurality of about 2,000.

When the Democratic party controlled the election machinery, the county of Edgecombe was made to show a Democratic plurality of about 700. Under an honest count in 1896, the anti-Democratic plurality was about 1,000.

Democratic regime made Anson county give a Democratic majority of about 1,000. Under an honest election law the same county goes anti-Democratic by about 100.

Democratic regime made New Hanover county give a Democratic plurality of over 1,000. Under an honest election law, the same county gave an anti-Democratic plurality of about 1,000.

Democratic regime made Northampton county give a Democratic plurality of about 1,400, Under an honest election law and a count of the ballot as cast, this county gives an anti-Democratic plurality of more than 700.

Democratic regime made Richmond county give a Democratic plurality of about 1 700. Under an honest election law and a count of the ballot as cast, this county gives an anti-Democratic plurality of more than 600.

Numerous other instances of the same kind might be cited, but those here presented are sufficient for the illustration desired. Anyone desiring further information may send to the Secretary of State for a copy of the comparative vote of 1892 and 1896, from which the above figures are taken, a study of which will bring some astonishing revelations.

These illustrations show the sneaking character of Democrats, who, being too weak or too cowardly to stand up as men and enact laws disfranchising the negro vote, which laws would have been constitutional, and which would have removed forever such a thing as a basis of discussion as to "negro domination," which they now profess to fear, pursued the course of pretending to give the negro population the right to vote, and then counted that vote as they chose, without regard to how it was cast. In this way only has the Democratic machine been able at any time to preserve life in what it calls the Democratic party.

Under the Democratic regime it was common for that machine to appoint

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numerous negroes as poll-holders at election times, and to appoint the most ignorant and most easily purchasable negroes that could be found, despite the protest of people who demanded intelligent election officers. This was called giving representation to a certain party, but it amounted to nothing less than a plan to return the vote cast at the polls where these poll-holders were appointed, just as the Democratic machine, or parts of it, decided that it should be returned.

It must not be supposed that the Democratic machine confined its election machinations to such counties as it thought it could manipulate, and did manipulate, on account of the presence of the negro vote. Encouraged and emboldened by its success in such counties, it enlarged its field of operations; and along in 1888, 1890 and 1892 it embraced in its plan of campaign a considerable number of Western counties, in which there is a large number of white voters who have never had the best educational advantages. These the Democratic machine classified as THE ILLITERATE WHITE VOTE, and according to the idea of the machine these white voters were there for the SAME PURPOSE that the negro vote existed in some of the Eastern counties, viz.: to be manipulated in the interest of what was called the Democratic party. A few illustrations will show that the ballots of the white voters of these Western counties were as successfully handled by the machine as the ballots of the negro voters in the Eastern counties.

Democratic regime made Davidson county show a Democratic plurality of about 100. Under an honest election and a count of the ballot as cast, this county shows an anti-Democratic plurality of about 500.

Democratic regime made Surry county show a Democratic plurality of about 300. Under an honest election law this county shows an anti-Democratic plurality of about 500.

Democratic regime made Watauga county show a Democratic plurality of about 100. Under an honest election law this county shows an anti-Democratic plurality of about 150.

Under a Democratic regime the county of Forsyth was made to show a Democratic plurality of about 600. Under the honest election law of 1896, the anti-Democratic plurality was more than 1,100.

Under Democratic regime Buncombe county went Democratic by about 400 plurality. Under an honest election law the same county went anti-Democratic by about 400 plurality.

Democratic regime made Guilford county go Democratic by about 300. Under an honest election law the same county went anti-Democratic in 1896 by nearly 1,000.

Let it be repeated again that these figures are taken from the official records of the vote for Governor in 1892 and 1896. They show conclusively that the Democratic machine fears the honesty and integrity of the ballot; that it fears the white vote as much as it professes to fear the negro vote, and that the only way it preserved life for itself for a number of years was by stealing and falsely counting the ballots of white and colored voters alike. Living figures attest the truth of this statement. A party that cannot face an honest ballot is a party to be both feared and despised by the people.

A final total illustration of the fraud and manipulation of the ballot is that under Democratic regime the total ANTI-DEMOCRATIC VOTE EOR GOVERNOR (1892) WAS 142,000; while in 1896, under an honest election law, the total ANTI-DEMOCRATIC VOTE FOR GOVERNOR WAS 184,000. This clearly shows that there had

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been, under the Democratic election law, a stealing or manipulation of from 30,000 to 40,000 votes by the machine, and until an outraged people defied and dared that machine to tamper with their votes any further.

The appointment of ignorant poll-holders is not the only instance of official preferment given to the negro by the Democratic party. It set the precedent for appointing negro Justices of the Peace. A Democratic Legislature appointed and elected a large number of negroes as magistrates in many of the Eastern counties of the State in 1876-77. It is true that this course was opposed by nine members of the Legislature, who entered a protest against it. But the fact remains that the Legislature, being Democratic, made the appointments and thus established a course of procedure which the Democratic machine and press now think it a winning policy to denounce. It may be of interest to present here some record of this action. When the Legislature of 1876-'77, which was largely Democratic, decided to appoint these negro magistrates, and they were probably as numerous as they have been under any party administration, a protest was formally entered by some of the Democratic members. That protest appears in the House Journal of 1876-'77, and is as follows:

FROM HOUSE JOURNAL 1876-'77.

Mr. Moseley, by consent, presented the following protest against the policy of a majority of the General Assembly, pursued in the election of Magistrates yesterday, and it was ordered to be spread upon the Journals of the House:

A PROTEST.

"The undersigned, respectfully but earnestly, protest against the policy, which appears to have been approved by a majority of the Democratic members of this General Assembly in the election of colored magistrates in and for certain counties of this State. We believe that in the said election of magistrates by the General Assembly, a record, to some extent, has been made for the Democratic-Conservative party of North Carolina, inconsistent with the principles and purposes of the party as expressed during the recent and previous campaigns, in its party platform, and as expressed by its thousands of speakers upon the stump, who asserted the superiority both by nature and education of the white race over the colored, and the consequent greater fitness of the former for public office as rulers and dispensers of justice--aye, more than that, who maintained unhesitatingly, freely and repeatedly, that the colored people, especially as citizens in the same county and government with white people, were absolutely unfit for these public positions. We believe that in the late campaign the appeals made by the press and speakers of the Democratic-Conservative party to the pride and sympathy of the white race in behalf of its own color, to secure its rescue from negro domination, was in every part of this State, one of the strongest and most effective means used for obtaining the success of our cause.

"We express the belief now, that these principles and opinions asserted by our party, and the grounds upon which we based our appeals to our white brethren, all being in harmony, are just and reasonable and true, and that if the Democratic-Conservative party varies from its position in behalf of white supremacy, it will, to some extent at least, lose that strength, solidity and unity of purpose resulting from devotion to principle. We believe that in the black Republican counties of the eastern portion of this State, or wherever they may be found in the State, the fidelity of the white people to their political principles, and the material aid they give in swelling the aggregate vote for all officers elected by the State at large, and the high taxes they pay to carry on the State government, and for other purposes which we forbear to mention, entitle them to the same consideration from their party friends in the General Assembly which Democratic counties receive through their members elect.

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"While we would exercise and advocate the right and practice of choosing white men for office in preference to colored men, we hereby distinctly disclaim any desire to deny the colored race the equal rights before the law guaranteed to them by the 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution of the United States.

"Our feelings toward the colored people are kind and humane in every particular, and we believe the ultimate effect of the course we advocate, if pursued by our party, will be best for the country, for the people, both white and black, and if the latter are not flattered and blinded by advocates of the mistaken policy we oppose, we believe many of them will be able to see the situation as we do, and that thus, by their better understanding, we may hope the antagonism between the white and colored races will subside, and their difference will be settled upon a somewhat reliable basis, with less prospect of disturbance than if we abandon the principles and policy which our party has heretofore maintained.

"If Democrats do what they have persistently abused and condemned Republicans for doing, how can they hope to escape just censure?

"We protest in sorrow rather than in anger, against the action of our political associates, who we believe, with pure motives, have acted unwisely, nor are we without hope of a change of views on their part at some day in the future, however remote, and an acknowledgment by them of the correctness of the position we have in this protest assumed, with due respect, personally, for both our Democratic and Republican fellow-citizens.

(Signed) "A. G. MOSELEY,

A. C. SHARPE,

N. H. FENNELL,

JAMES G. KENAN,

R. W. SINGLETARY,

WALTER W. KING,

R. JAS. POWELL,

JOHN M. HOUK,

J. E. HARTSELL,"

It should be recalled, with some significance, that the bill appointing these negro magistrates, against which this protest was entered, passed the Democratic Senate of which Thomas J. Jarvis was the President, and yet, there is the spectacle of this same Jarvis to-day joining in the cry of "Nigger."

There are still further evidences of Democratic preferment for the negro official. People who have lived long enough to remember the instance, easily recall the contests for the position of Assistant Door-keeper in 1870-'71 and 1872. Democrats were in control of the State Senate in both these sessions of the Legislature, and in both instances they elected, by a large majority, a negro named Guilford Christmas, of Warren couty, as Assistant Door-keeper.

It is recalled by some that at one of these sessions, when the Democratic caucus for selecting candidates for this position was held, a crippled Confederate soldier named Webster, from Chatham county, was a candidate before the caucus for this office. But the Democratic majority, in its vast wisdom, expressed an overwhelming preferment for the negro candidate. The negro candidate received the caucus nomination and consequently was elected. But when a similar action is taken by another party the Democratlc party inaugurates and incessantly vociferates the cry of "negro domination." It is easy to conclude that this cry is raised simply and solely for the purposes already mentioned--that is, to incite ill feeling, prejudice and viciousness, and to try, by appealing to the lowest passions, to accomplish what common sense and reason and a reference to Democratic records would never permit.

The Democratic machine has so long been, and is now so determined, that the cry of "Nigger" shall be its campaign slogan, that when no real instance or circumstance can be found on which to base that cry, they are manufactured for special use. Here is an illustration:

Several years ago the Democrats raised a wail of woe over the report that in

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some Eastern county a white woman, a pauper, had been let by the county to a negro to keep because the negro had made the lowest bid to the county. Flaming cartoons and wild pictures were scattered over the State showing the horrors of the scene. There was truth in the report, but investigation showed that this white woman (if she was white), was the MOTHER OF THE NEGRO TO WHOM SHE HAD BEEN FARMED OUT. But, nevertheless, the Democratic machine made this incident the chief basis of its campaign.

To-day, in the year or grace 1898, the State is being flooded with Democratic cartoons showing white girls and white ladies subjecting themselves and their private apartments to the private inspection of a negro, the ladies being represented as pupils or teachers in a State institution. A more villainous and vile slander was never perpetrated against the white women of North Carolina by any scoundrelly biped claiming to be a white man. Anyone with the least instinct of common decency knows that such a proceeding would not be submitted to by the white women of this State. They would unhesitatingly and with inexpressible indignation leave any institution on earth sooner than endure even the mere suggestion of such a procedure.

The cartoons, with the comments under them, attempt to leave the impression that the negro man is chairman of and controls the Board of Trustees of the State Institution for the Blind, and that in the capacity of "boss" and member of the Board he goes officially and alone through the private apartments of the Institution on visits of inspection. All this is intended to fool the people--to deceive them--to make them believe what is pictured actually occurs, and is intended to make the public believe that such proceedings are sanctioned by the present anti-Democratic administration. Well, a meaner, baser, more contemptible falsehood and slander on white women was never spawned by the low-born, sneaking, cowardly defamer who invented it and circulated it. No negro has ever been chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Institution, and there was no negro member of the Board when these cartoons were sent out. But this makes no difference to the Democratic machine and its minions. An organized liar will not stop lying simply because it cannot FIND something to lie about. It will invent something.

There are some instances which the Democratic machine press might embellish and put forth, greatly to the edification of its readers, if it chose to do so, but in these particular instances that same Democratic press is deathly silent.

It might tell that the Democratic Board of County Commissioners of Warren county did actually farm out a poor white woman to a negro named Fleming. This is a fact of record. Why not "horrify" over it?

It might tell that the Democratic Board of County Commissioners of Mitchell county bound out two helpless little white orphans to a negro. This is a fact of record. Why not "horrify" over it?

It might tell that M. F. Thornton, the negro Register of Deeds of Warren county has been bonded by such Democrats as O. T. Powell, Robt. B. Thornton and Sol. Buxton Williams, and that some of these Democrats have acted as Thornton's deputies. This is a fact of record. Why not raise the cry of Democrats aiding and abetting "negro domination?"

The foregoing figures and illustrations are presented as object-lessons only. They are no argument, and do not constitute a discussion as to the right of the negro race to rule. Such questions are invariably settled when a settlement is needed. But what has been shown and recited is an argument to the effect that the course of the Democratic machine is of a low, hypocritical and sneaking character.

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It has failed to command the respect and support of the people by its record, and now seeks to gain support solely and only by efforts to inflame the evil natures of men to such an extent as to result in political anarchy and civil riot.

For such a course as this there is no necessity, nor is there any sort of reason. Neither this State nor any other State will ever be governed and controlled by any but the Anglo-Saxon race as long as that race shall dwell in it. Powers, both moral and physical, sustain the statement. The moral power is the innate consciousness of superiority on the part of the Anglo-Saxon, which will forever keep him in the ascendancy and a recognition by all other races of that superiority.

The physical power is the great disparity of numbers between the races, especially in North Carolina, where, according to the census of 1890, the population is as follows:

Total population 1,617,000

Colored 562,000

White 1,055,000

These facts alone make the hysterical cry of "nigger supremacy" by the Democratic party sink into an absurdity and farce too pronounced to permit faithful description.

And now note carefully.

When the Democratic machine was manipulating and stealing the ballots of both white and colored voters alike, as shown in the foregoing pages, that same machine was squalling "nigger" for the purpose of trying to divert the attention of the people from its DIRTY WORK. DO YOU SEE?

SMOKE THE RASCALS OUT.

It was remarked in the beginning of this chapter "that in nearly all cases in which a negro has made assumptions, either politically or socially, in such a way as to be repulsive to the Caucasian race it has been at the instigation of some low, venal, white wretch, acting as the tool of Democratic party wire-pullers." This statement needs no proof to observant men, but for the benefit of anyone who may read this pamphlet, and may refuse to believe any unsupported assertion on account of his partisan prejudices and blindness, a few illustrations are given. They could be multiplied almost indefinitely.

A DEMOCRAT HIRES A NEGRO TO BREAK THE LAW.

[CAUCASIAN.]

The following communication appeared in the Winston Republican. We did not publish it at the time, but have waited and taken the time to ascertain whether or not the statements made were facts. We have found that they are true. But even if we had published it then and had afterwards learned that it was a lie we would have been fair, honest and decent enough to have made the corrections. The communication in full is as follows:

Editor Winston Republican:--The Democratic press have been profuse in their lies about Republicans; what will they have to say about these facts from Johnston?

At the last September term of Johnston Court, Rufus Parker, a white man and a leading Democrat, was convicted for having hired a negro, Ben Bunn, to cowhide

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E. W. Boyd, a white man, who was also a Democrat. Parker sent the negro to tell Boyd he wanted him at his house, and when the latter came he sent him to his barn lot and Parker went and stood by while the negro whipped Boyd with a horse whip, cutting him severely.

Parker's brother was a Democratic Justice of the Peace and he issued a warrant against the negro immediately and fined him one penny and costs. In the face of all these facts a host of Democrats testified in court to the good character of Parker, some of whom testified to the bad character of Boyd, though some of them gave him a good character, and all who knew him testified that he was a sickly fellow with but little sense.

After the jury convicted Parker and the court ordered him in custody of the Sheriff, his hosts of admiring friends implored the court not to send him to jail for the night as he could give bond in any amount for his appearance the next morning, but he went to jail.

The next morning the "Nancy Hanks" of the Democratic party, C. B. Aycock, appeared in behalf of Parker, but the Court was inexorable, and sent him to jail for six months.

The Democratic constable at Selma was also convicted for getting a drunken white man in the back yard of a bar-room at Selma, to be horse-whipped by one Preston Blackman and Jas. Parker. This Democratic official was sent to jail for twelve months, and Blackman, who was a Democratic local heeler, was at the same term convicted of stealing an ox, the property of Dr. Vick, and sent to the Penitentiary for one year. Jas. Parker, who is the nephew of a New York banker, has sufficient political pull to get into the lunatic asylum until after Court adjourns.

This is the way things are worked in the banner Democractic county of Johnston.

More anon.

JOHNSTON.

Smithfield, N. C., Nov. 29, 1897.

DEMOCRATS HELP TO ELECT NEGRO POLICEMEN.

[For The Caucasian.]

WELDON, N C., December 1, 1897.

Noticing the comment of your paper on the Chappell incident, I wish to state that recently in this town, in which a majority of the commissioners are Democrats, and the mayor a Democrat, with several negroes on the Board, all elected by Democrats and negroes fusing, there is a chief of police and one other white policeman, with several negro policemen, elected by the aid of white Democrats. I saw recently a travelling photographer arrested by a negro policeman on a warrant from a Democratic magistrate, and marched along the street under this colored guard. I have seen such things before, and there has been no comment. I believe in fair play. They talk so much about fusion, yet they fuse with the negro in nearly every town in the county.

"X."

DEMOCRATS WANT NEGRO POSTMASTERS.

KINSTON, N. C., November 9, 1897.

Editor Caucasian:--I have noticed that the railroad and monopoly organs and politicians are having a good deal to say about the negro postmasters which McKinley has appointed to fill offices in North Carolina. They brazenly charge that the People's party is responsible for McKinley appointing these negro postmasters, ignoring the fact that if it had not been for the People's party Bryan could not have carried this State in the last campaign. In fact it is noticeable that the papers and politicians who are loudest mouthed in their denunciation of our party as being responsible for the evil of negro domination, under which they allege the State is now suffering, are the very same papers and politicians who, in the last campaign, did all in thier power to turn the State over to McKinley.

But it is not my purpose to review their past conduct. Their present effort to make political capital out of negro postmasters makes the trick which is now being worked by so-called leading Democrats in this town, suggestive. I therefore address you this communication to inform you of it, and I hope you will publish it in your paper for I have no doubt the same thing is being done under cover in other towns in the State.

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The case briefly stated is this: There is a negro here, J. C. Hargett, who is an applicant for the post-office at this place. The Democrats, thinking that if he is appointed, it will make political capital for them and will enable them to easily carry the county Democratic, are not content with secretly wishing him appointed but have actually begun, under cover, an active work in his interest. They have circulated a petition setting out the fact that Hargett is a negro of good character, and that he would make a good postmaster. They have done this notwithstanding the fact that Hargett at one time was guilty of raising the amount of a check that was given him and was obliged to skip to keep from being prosecuted. They will, no doubt, circulate this information after he is appointed.

Yes sir, it is a fact that so called leading Democrats of this town have signed this negro Hargett's petition for the post-office at this place. I have the names of these Democrats, and if my statement is denied or questioned I will publish their names and prove that they were on the petition by the affidavits of persons who saw them there.

Now, is not this a pretty spectacle? These are the class of men, the State over, who, on the street corners, in their places of business, and in their homes express such horror of negro domination, of negroes being elevated to positions of trust over whites, and say what a shame it is for negroes to be put in post-offices where their wives and daughters have to go to call for their mail; and yet they, at heart, care so little for this that they are secretly doing all that they can in this town (and I have no doubt it is so in others) to put negroes in post-offices simply because they think it will give them party advantage. It is such things as these which prove the hypocrisy of these so-called Democrats in their loud professions for white supremacy, and make clear their object. Honest men are disgusted with their trickery and deceit.

The writer is a Populist and is in favor of white supremacy, but he believes that the line of fight which the Caucasian is making is the fight to win true white supremacy and to defeat monopoly rule and corrupt machine politicians.

Yours truly,

LEWIS GRADY.

A COLORED DEMOCRATIC DEPUTY SHERIFF.

[CHATHAM COUNTY CITIZEN, AUGUST, 1898.]

Mr. R. H. Hayes was around recently inquiring how many negro constables there are in the county. He was told that there are none. However, there has been one in the county who acted as constable or deputy sheriff--possibly that will answer their purpose. There is a paper on file in the office of the Clerk of Superior Court here, on the back of which is the following return:

"I hereby deputize Jordan Bray to serve the within subpoena. This Feb. 15th, 1892.

SPENCE TAYLOR, Sheriff.

"Rec'd Feb. 15th, 1892. Served Feb. 17th, 1892, by reading the within subpoena to the witness.

SPENCE TAYLOR, Sheriff.
by Jordan Bray, D. S."

This paper was served on five white men--Frank Fields, Bud Lane, Wm. Ellis, E. W. Phillips and Wm. Welch--and one colored man, Tod Forrester. Jordan Bray, who acted Deputy Sheriff under Spence Taylor, Democratic Sheriff, is a colored man; furthermore, at that time an ex-convict just from the penitentiary, we are reliably informed, not having been restored to citizenship and was, therefore, not a citizen when he acted as D. S. for the Democratic sheriff.

And it may be of interest to our readers to know that "Deputy Sheriff" Jordan, Bray voted the Democratic ticket when a citizen.

As Democrats are hunting for negro officers and favors shown ex-convicts, this may be of service to them.

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DEMOCRATS ELECT NEGRO SCHOOL COMMITTEEMEN.

WILSON, N. C., November 17, 1897.

Editor Caucasian:--In the "nigger racket" campaign, which the Ransom machine has begun, our Democratic brethren in Wilson county find themselves very much handicapped by their own action. They are out of the band-wagon entirely, and the attitude in which they have placed themselves is a ridiculous one, to say the least, and it is all on account of being too previous. The trouble is this: Before the fiat had gone forth from the Democratic machine that Bryan and the reform issues for which he fought should be relegated to the rear, and that the State campaign must be fought on the race question, the Democrats of Wilson fused. Yes sir, they fused, but that is not all of the painful truth. They fused with the Republicans! Think of it! Fused with the party that stands for negro domination and control of our State institutions!! But this is not all yet. They fused to put negroes in office. I would that the Democratic papers had relieved me of the painful duty of unfolding this tale, which is indeed enough to harrow up the very soul of the monopoly organs and politicians, but as they have not, it must be told. It runs thusly:

On the first Monday in June, the time provided by law for the election of a county board of education, J. T. Sharp, Republican Senator from this district, in the interest of his Republican friends, made a fusion proposition to the Democratic Clerk of the Court, two Democrats, who claimed to be Commissioners by virtue of appointment (who were not elected by the people), and the Republican Register of Deeds, to co-operate and take charge of the schools of the county. The Democrats, knowing that unless there was a fusion between them and the Republicans to control the schools, the management of the schools of Wilson would fall into the hands of the Populist county commissioners who were duly elected by the people, immediately accepted the Republican proposition. (You know that as much as the Democrats are opposed to fusion between Republicans and Populists, they love to take a hand at it themselves when it promises them power). This "unholy" alliance of Democrats and Republicans at once proceeded to elect George W. Connor, Democrat, Nathan Bass, Democrat, and S. H. Vick, Republican, and a negro to boot, as a Board of Education for the county, ignoring entirely the Populist Board of County Commissioners, who were elected by a large majority of the qualified voters of the county, and who had appointed a County Board of Education composed of white men entirely. I hope this starting statement will not be too much of a strain upon our naturally credulous people of North Carolina. I confess I would not have believed it myself if I did not know it to be true. And if they had only stopped at putting a negro (who, by the way, was postmaster of Wilson under Harrison's administration, and who was Congressman White's man for the same position this time, and who would have gotten it if the Democratic incumbent had not been confirmed before the expiration of Cleveland's term,) on the Board of Education, it would not have been so bad; but they even went further and appointed at least one negro school committeeman for each township in the county. They have done this, too, in spite of their allegation that these negro school committeemen control the white schools of the different townships.

Mr. Editor, were I to follow my own inclination I would stop here, but the worst is yet to be told. The News and Observer heartily applauded the action of the Democrats of Wilson county and said that they had acted right, which meant that they did right to put negroes on the County Board of Education when they had the opportunity of accepting a board composed entirely of white men, and men, every one of them, in whom there is no guile, and who are distinguished for a life-long devotion to right and an uncompromising condemnation and opposition to wrong; that they did right in placing at least one negro on the school committee in every township.

We think we remember to have seen somewhere in some Democratic papers that all this was wrong, but I guess my memory is either at fault or the elastic conscience of Democrats will permit them to do anything that will suit their purposes, and it will still be right. You know they always do right?

Yours truly,

A BRYAN POPULIST.

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AN ACT WHICH BURNS THE BRAND OF HYPOCRITE AND LIAR
ON THE DEMOCRATIC MACHINE.

In 1889 and 1890 there was a considerable movement of negroes from the State, which was referred to as "the exodus." It was largely promoted by persons known as emigrant agents. The mortal dread of "negro domination" on the part of the Democratic machine ought to have inspired that machine to hail with delight these emigrant agents as the saviors of the State. Did they do that? Not much. The machine elected a Legislature in 1891, and here is one of its laws--

The General Assembly of North Carolina do enact:

"SECTION I. That from and after the ratification of this act no person shall carry on the business of an emigrant agent in this State without having first obtained a license therefor from the State Treasurer.

SEC. 2. That the term "emigrant agent," as contemplated in this act, shall be construed to mean any person engaged in hiring laborers in this State to be employed beyond the limits of the same.

"SEC. 3. That any person shall be entitled to a license, which shall be good for one year, upon the payment into the State Treasury, for the the use of the State, of one thousand dollars in each county in which he operates or solicits emigrants for each year so engaged.

"SEC. 4. That any person doing the business of an emigrant agent without having first obtained such license shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction shall be punished by fine not less than five hundred dollars and not more than five thousand dollars, or may be imprisoned in the county jail not less than four months, or confined in the State prison at hard labor not exceeding two years for each and every offence, within the discretion of the court.

"SEC. 5. That this act shall not apply to any county west of the line as at present established by law for the receiving of patients by the North Carolina Insane Asylum, except the counties of Mecklenburg, Moore, Anson, Richmond, Cleveland, Gaston, Lincoln and Catawba.

"SEC. 6. That this act shall be in force from and after its ratification.

"Ratified the 6th day of February, A. D. 1891."

And thus it appears that the machine invoked the majesty of the law to keep within the State something against which it now professes to view with horror.

AN AGGRAVATED AND INFAMOUS CASE.

One of the most aggravated and infamous cases of Democratic tool instigation of meanness for political ends occurred at Wilmington since the 15th of August, 1898. A negro named Manly conducts a paper in that city and has, beyond doubt, been made the scapegoat of the vile meanness of some Democratic machine touter. He recently published the following impudent and villainous editorial:

"Poor white men are careless in the matter of protecting their women; especially on farms, they are careless of their conduct toward them, and our experience among poor white people in the country teaches us that the women of that race are not any more particular in the matter of clandestine meetings with the colored men than are the white men with colored women. Meetings of this kind go on for some time until the woman's infatuation or the man's boldness bring attention to them, and the man is lynched for rape. Every negro lynched is called a 'big, burly, black brute,' when in fact many of those who have thus been dealt with had white men for their fathers, and were not only not 'black' and 'burly,' but were sufficiently attractive for white girls of culture and refinement to fall in love with them, as is well known to all."

The insufferable and infamous slander continued in this utterance is sufficient to madden anybody, but the well-founded suspicion of the main cause and instigation

Page 15

of it is worse. This negro makes no sort of pretence of belonging to the People's Party. He is officially repudiated and condemned by the Republican Party, and the unavoidable conclusion is that he is a tool and scapegoat of the Democratic machine. And this does not appear to be all. The Democratic machine papers, of course, gobbled up this editorial, and are trying to make political "nigger question" campaign thunder of it from one end of the State to the other. And in addition to this, it seems that another low, vile, Democratic machine tool wrote an anonymous note to the negro, stating that he must leave the town in twenty-four hours, or caused a spreading of the report that such a note had been written. This was for the evident purpose of instigating a race riot, over which more campaign thunder would have been made, but it failed.

The Republican County Committee of New Hanover county thus officially repudiates both the negro and the slander, as follows:

"Whereas, A little paper published in this city (Wilmington), called The Daily Record, printed in its issue of a recent date (August 18, 1898), an article which is a base and vile libel upon countless thousands of good people, 'poor white people in the country' especially; and,

"Whereas, The Democratic papers here have copied said article, and given it prominence, and are seeking to place the responsibility of its composition and publication upon the Republican party, for political purposes, declaring that said paper (The Daily Record), is 'the organ of the Republican-Populist fusion political crowd,' etc., and,

"Whereas, In truth and in fact, the said Daily Record is not now nor never has been the Republican or fusion organ, and is not even regarded by our party as a Republican or fusion paper, but is generally classed and regarded as a kicking, disorganizing concern, being published by a few individuals who seem to think of nothing but their own importance and aggrandizement, and edited by an irresponsible upstart, who represents only himself and his own views in what he writes, now,

"Resolved, That we denounce the article referred to as a base libel; we repudiate and denounce the writer of it as a michief-making simpleton, and declare that he represents and expresses only his own views and sentiments in said article, and we urge any and all Republicans who are now taking The Record to discontinue it, and leave it to be supported by the Democrats, whose interest it is now serving and advancing by its foolish and reprehensible conduct.

"Resolved, further, That we denounce and condemn the course and action of the Democratic papers in trying to place the responsibility of the libelous article upon the Republican party, when they either know, or could easily have ascertained, that our party not only did not endorse the article, but condemned it equally as strongly as they did."

And so it appears that the Republican party denounces the odious editorial and plainly says that it is designed to serve the interests of the Democratic party.

Some Populists are publicly quoted as saying that the negro defamer and slanderer ought to be asked to leave the State.

But nothing of this kind comes from the Democratic machine or its press. Their tool is too valuable to them, in their own estimation, to be repudiated or denounced or asked to leave the State. Their only course is to manifest the greatest glee over their success in securing so much to talk about, and to roll the editorial as a sweet morsel under their tongues!!!

In all the history of newspaperdom in this State there has been only one instance of vile slander that can parallel this. That instance is the editorials and column articles of the News and Observer in malevolently and malignantly charging that the daughter of Sheriff Aldridge, of Pamlico county, was the victim and paramour of a negro man, with wretched results. This disreputable, lying sheet thus perpetrated

Page 16

a slander on the white women of the State far more foul and villianous, if possible, than anything contained in the base editorial of the negro paper; and it is possible that the machine press, or a part of it at least, aided and abetted the News and Observer in its immeasurable infamy. The two papers--the negro paper and the News and Observer--thus appear to be TWO OF A KIND--GROSS, INDECENT, FOUL-MOUTHED SLANDERERS. Both are the agents and tools of a satanic machination. The same genius of low, opprobrious slander that inspired one inspired the other to the utterances made. An equality of damnable insolence is clearly shown by the two, and they are simply twins in defamation.

These parallel cases bring up a reflection. When the News and Observer uttered its unrestrained and barbarous slander on the white women, why did not the Democratic machine press arise and pour out its vials of wrath and condemnation on that sheet? Ah! The purposes of the machine could not have been subserved by such a course. And so it seems that a white man may, by grace of the machine press, go uncondemned and unscathed for attempting to calumniate and dishonor white women! This goes to a point of baseness and depravity beyond which there is no descent. What wolfish, devilish, fiendish hypocrisy is portrayed by such a course!!

DEMOCRATS ELECT NEGRO ALDERMEN IN PLYMOUTH.

PLYMOUTH, N. C., August 31, 1898.

For many years the municipal elections for the town of Plymouth have been held with party lines entirely ignored--the temperance people on one side and anti-temperance on the other. Some Democrats have, and continue to vote for the anti-temperance negroes in the fourth ward, and always succeed in electing them.

Yours truly,

J. M. BATEMAN.

DEMOCRATS ACCEPT A NEGRO AGAINST A WHITE MAN.

TILLERY, N C., August 25, 1892.

In 1892 the Populists of Darden and Jamesville townships, Martin county, nominated Joe Swinson, a white man, for township counstable, while the Democrats nominated Joe Ray, a colored man. Swinson polled 128 more votes than Ray, and went up with his bond. The Democratic Commissioners refused to accept his bond, but did accept Ray's bond and put him in office over his victorious opponent.

T. E. McCASKEY.

NOTE.--Three Democrats signed the negro's bond.

DEMOCRATS ELECT SCHOOL COMMITTEEMEN IN CRAVEN COUNTY.

The records of the Board of County Commissioners of Craven county show the following:

"AFTERNOON SESSION."

Board met pursuant to adjournment at 3 o'clock for the purpose of electing a Board of Education. Present, Commissioners E. G. Hill, J. A. Bryan, E. W. Smallwood, R. G. Moseley, R. P. Williams.

"Mr. Jas. A. Bryan (Democrat) placed in nomination for the Board of Education the following named persons, viz: E. H. Meadows, S. W. Latham and C. E. Palmer."

The proceedings go on to show that these three men were elected. They were nominated by Jas. A. Bryan, Democrat. Two of them, E. H. Meadows and Samuel Latham, are Democrats. C. E. Palmer is a colored Republican, and these two Democrats and one Republican elected every colored school committeeman in Craven county, over whom the Democratic machine is now attempting to raise such a sensation.

Page 17

DEMOCRATS ELECT NEGROES IN NEW BERNE.

Democratic boards in the city of New Berne have appointed at various times the following negroes as policemen: T. R. Richardson, J. J. Moseley, Charley Richardson, Jas. Dudley, Alph Ward, Caesar Lewis, Virgil Windley, George Richardson. The Democratic board also appointed J. Stamps, colored, as overseer of the street hands, and white men worked under him.

The last Democratic board of New Berne voted for and elected to the Board of City Council the following negroes: Cicero Robbins, V. A. Crawford and Wm. James

DEMOCRATS APPOINT NEGROES AS NOTARIES PUBLIC.

Douglass Williams, a negro of Warren county, was appointed a Notary Public by Governor A. M. Scales, February 8th, 1887. There is on record in that county, in Book 55, page 348, a mortgage deed executed by W. W. Long. The record shows that the acknowledgement and PRIVY EXAMINATION of the wife of W. W. Long was taken before Douglass Williams as Notary Public.

DEMOCRATS ELECT MORE DEPUTY SHERIFFS.

Nathaniel R. Jones, Democratic Sheriff of Warren county, had as his jailor Geo. Johnson, colored. In 1884, Geo. Fitts, Democrat, was elected Sheriff of the same county, and his jailors and deputy sheriffs, Cad Alston and James Pennington. J. R. Rodwell, another Democratic Sheriff of the same county, succeeding Fitts, had a colored jailor all the time named Ferry Johnson. All these negroes are DEMOCRATS.

DEMOCRATS ELECT NEGRO COUNTY COMMISIONERS.

In 1878 the Democratic Board of Justices of the Peace of Warren county, which had been elected by the Democratic Legislature, met to elect County Commissioners, and elected a colored man named William Alexander Boyd.

DEMOCRATS ELECT SCHOOL COMMITTEEMEN GALORE IN WARREN
COUNTY.

In 1879 the Board of County Commissioners of Warren county was Democratic, (having one colored Republican upon it who was elected by the Democratic Board of Justices of the Peace appointed by the Legislature) viz: B. D. Williams, R. W. Alston, M. J. Hawkins, (who is still a member and being one of the "overseer appointees") Samuel Bobbitt and W. A. Boyd (the colored member). At that time each school district had a board of three commissioners, and there were thirty school districts in the county. On February 3d, of that year, their record shows the following named colored men appointed by the Board as School Committeemen, viz: Peter Kearney in No. 27, in place of Albert Hawkins (col.) resigned. Dallas Williams in No. 15, George Eaton in No. 12, Charles Watson in No. 20, and Richard Boyd in No. 17; the other two in each of the districts being white men, and Caesar Crossman (col.), was appointed on a committee in No. 16 to locate and condemn a site.

On August 11, 1879, the following named colored men were appointed as school committeemen in the school districts, as named, viz: No. 1, Jack Hicks; No. 2, William Russell; No. 3, W. P. Wright; No. 4, Henry Blanche; No. 5, Jerre R.

Page 18

Wright; No. 6, Buckner Falkner; No. 7, Cyrus Hunt; No. 8, James Plummer; No. 9, Armistead Falkner; No. 10, John Shearin; No. 11, Henry Hardy; No. 12, George Eaton; No. 13, George Vanlandingham; No. 14, Reuben Hawkins; No. 15, Dallas Williams; No. 16, Sprigg Brehon; No. 17, Richard Boyd; No. 18, L. C. Johnson; No. 19, Cambridge Hawkins; No. 20, Charles Watson; No. 21, C. C. Christmas; No. 22, H. W. Carter and Isaac Alston; No. 23, Ben Powell; No. 24, Alfred Taylor; No. 25, Ben Cheek; No. 26, Joe Southerland; No. 27, Gus Falkner; No. 28, Corbin Boyd; No. 29, James H. Alston; No. 30, Alfred Richardson; the other members being white men.

February 2, 1880, H. W. Carter (col.) was appointed a committeeman in No. 22 in place of Thomas Carter (col.) resigned; May 3, 1880, H. H. Plummer (col.) was appointed on a committee to locate site in No. 16; July 5th, Jerre White (col.) was appointed committeeman in place of Haywood Shearin, resigned, in No. 5; November 2d, James H. Alston (col.) was appointed in No. 29 in place of Ben Powell, resigned.

Now came a new board as follows, viz: W. G. Plummer, Chairman; Samuel Bobbitt, M. J. Hawkins, R. W. Alston, B. D. Williams; all Democrats. December 6, 1881, they appointed as appears upon their record, the following named colored men upon the school committees of the county, viz: In district No. 1, Jack Hicks; No. 2, William Russell; No. 3, W. P. Wright; No. 4, Reuben Palmer; No. 5, Jerre Wright; No. 6, Alex. Wright; No. 7, Jas. Somerville; No. 8, T. M. Garnes; No. 9, Armistead Falkner; No. 10, John Shearin; No. 11; Henry Hardy; No. 12, Alpheus Williams; No. 13, Reuben Hawkins; No. 14, Dallas Williams; No. 15, Sprigg Brehon; No. 16, Solon Brown; No. 17, L. C. Johnson; No. 18, Ossian Kearney; No. 19, C. C. Christmas; No. 20, H. W. Carter; No. 21, Ben Powell; No. 22, Alfred Taylor; No. 23, Phil Townes; No. 24, Gus Falkner; No. 25, Arthur Williams; No. 26, Jas. H. Alston; No. 27, Alfred Richardson; No. 28, Silas Millin; No. 30, John Mitchell.

Robt. Russell was appointed on the committee to locate site in. No. 2. January 2, 1882, Arthur Williams was appointed in place of Corbin Boyd in No. 25, and such has been the Democratic record in Warren, while similar procedure was going on elsewhere. But then there was no cry of "nigger" by the Democratic machine. Why?

DEMOCRATS ELECT MORE NEGRO SCHOOL COMMITTEEMEN.

When the Board of Education for Warren county was organized under the present law, there was a contest for a place on the board by Rev. T. J. Taylor, minister of the white Baptist church at Warrenton. He was defeated by Messrs. Marmaduke J Hawkins and Peter Hawkins Allen, who are both Democrats. They are the two "additional commissioners" put on by Democratic petition, and both voted for Jno. P. Williams, a colored man, against Rev. Mr. Taylor, thus electing Williams a member of the board.

SAME SORT OF THING IN PENDER.

The Board of Education of Pender county is composed of J. B. Davis, F. P. Flynn and J. R. James. They are Democrats, and they elected a negro on every school committee in the county, in some cases supplanting white men of sterling worth and standing in their communities.

Page 19

DEMOCRATS KEEP UP THE RACKET IN BLADEN.

NORTH CAROLINA--Bladen County.

I, Hays Monroe, colored, a citizen of Bladen county, do hereby certify that during the year 1886 I acted as jailor for L. J. Hall, Democratic Sheriff of Bladen. That L. J. Hall, Sheriff, had as his jailor, before he employed me, one Robert McDowell, who was also a colored man and who remained with him until his death. That during the time the said late McDowell was jailor and deputy sheriff there were several white prisoners, among whom was one Mr. Swain, from Brunswick county. That after said Hall's time expired as Sheriff, I remained jailor for Sheriff W. S. Clark, a Democrat, and that during my stay with Sheriff Hall and Sheriff Clark, I had full control of all prisoners both white and black, a few of whose names I can now call to memory. Among the whites, viz.: J. J. E. Lucas, Benjamin Thompson, Charles Jordan, Charles Chancey, Joseph Merritt, Owen Register, Oliver Sutton, a man Webb whose given name I do not now recall; Bill Davis, John Hart, Frank Mears, John M. Benson, M. R. Hester, and many others, whose names I cannot now recall. The names of the Sheriffs and their postoffice, are as follows, viz: L. J. Hall, Elizabethtown; W. S. Clark, White Hall.

HAYS MONROE.

Sworn to and subscribed before me September 1st, 1898.

W. J. SUTTON, C. S. C. Bladen County.

DEMOCRATS APPOINT MORE MAGISTRATES.

NORTH CAROLINA--Bladen County.

I, J. M. Bryan, a citizen of Bladen county, N. C., do say that Enoch W. Easters, a colored Republican politician, was appointed a Justice of the Peace in the county and State aforesaid, in the year 1877, and that I heard John H. Clark, Esquire, the Democratic Representative from said county at that time, say that he had him, the said Easters, appointed.

J. M. BRYAN.

Sworn to and subscribed before me September 2, 1898.

W. J. SUTTON, C. S. C.

NEGRO POSTMASTER AT FAYETTEVILLE UNDER DEMOCRATS.

It is well known and remembered that during all of the Cleveland Democratic administration, there was a negro postmaster at Fayetteville, one of the most important offices in the State.

COLORED POSTMISTRESS BONDED BY A DEMOCRAT.

The postoffice at Arcola, Warren county, is now held by a colored girl, and she is bonded by Geo. W. Davis, a white man and uncompromising Democrat.

THE "BOSS WHITE LEAGUER'S" ROSY LETTER TO A NEGRO.

Mr. Francis D. Winston is now a member of the Democratic machine, and the machine has put him in the ring as the "Boss" organizer of what it calls the White League. Geo. H. White is now a negro Congressman and the machine is circulating his picture far and wide over the State.

Here is a copy of a letter written by "Boss White Leaguer" Winston to Negro Congressman White:

WINDSOR, N. C., June, 1890.

Hon. Geo. H. White, Rocky Mount, N. C.:

MY DEAR SIR:--I regret that I can not attend the Judicial

Page 20

Convention on account of pressing engagements. Please put in a word to secure my nomination for Judge. While there is not much hope for an election, still the remote possibility of riding the District with you is a GREAT PLEASURE. Wishing you success,

I am yours very truly,

(Signed) FRANCIS D. WINSTON.

When this letter was written Winston was a candidate for Judge and was nominated, and White was nominated for Solicitor by the same convention.

It is useless and unnecessary to extend this list. Similar cases could be given in such numbers as to fill an entire pamphlet of this size.

And now note carefully:

While all this is going on the Democratic machine is squalling "nigger," with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.

DO YOU SEE?

Page 21

CHAPTER TWO.
LAWYERS LIVED AT THE TREASURY TROUGH WHEN
DEMOCRATS WERE IN.

NEARLY FIFTY THOUSAND DOLLARS FOR LEGAL ADVICE TO THREE
DEMOCRATIC ATTORNEY-GENERALS.

Among the "issues" which Democratic machine journalism has tried to raise during the past two years is one about the payment of fees to attorneys who have been employed by the Governor to represent the State in certain cases. Of course it is clear that nearly all the services rendered to the present State administration, by attorneys, have been in connection with the effort of the administration to compel foreign corporations doing business in the State to become amenable to State laws, to modify or nullify the terms of the "fraudulent 99-year lease," and to prevent exorbitant charges and extortion by railroad combines and monopolies. There has been nothing else, of consequence, before the present administration that required legal advice and counsel to any great extent.

The employment of counsel in these cases has been made the "basis" of a great cry by the Democratic machine journalism, of extravagance--of spending the people's money in employing "rabbit hunting" lawyers--and all other kinds of spiteful and false comment in an effort to make political capital out of paying attorneys for services, &c.

As a matter of fact, this Democratic machine journalism doesn't care about the expense in these matters. It is mad because something like a genuine, honest fight is being made by Governor Russell against that big fraud--viz: "the Democratic 99-year lease," and unjust charges by foreign railroad combines and other corporations. The Democratic press is the servant of these combines, and a part of its business and service is to fight and denounce any man or men who oppose the encroachments and oppression of said combines and corporations.

Let this matter be made clear. It is stated above that the Democratic machine journalism does not care anything about the "expense" of employing attorneys. If it DID CARE for the expense--for the squandering of the people's money, as it is pleased to term it--it would not confine its comment to what is being done now. If it had the least shade of honesty in the matter it would discuss the expense of "extra counsel" heretofore made in cases not half so important to the people as those cases now pending.

Did you ever see or hear of a Democratic machine paper making any criticism of any fee heretofore paid to attorneys and lawyers? Did any one of them ever tell how much was being paid out by the Democratic administrations for extra legal counsel? No. They are too sneaky and cowardly for that.

Well, since they have raised the issue it is time that the people know something of the previous extravagance, squandering, &c., and below is given a partial record of how the public money has heretofore been given to lawyers for extra legal counsel. There is not space to enumerate the services for which this money was paid, but anybody who will make a full investigation can easily think that some pretty heavy fees have been paid for some very trival services.

But here are the figures:

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EXTRA LEGAL SERVICES TO THE ATTORNEY-GENERALS.

FISCAL YEAR ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, 1877.

1877.

Jan. Paid to R. F. Armfield $ 450 00

Jan. Paid to John H Dillard 100 00

Jan. Paid to W. N. H. Smith 100 00

Feb. Paid to Strong & Smith 1,500 00

July. Paid to D. G. Fowle 500 00

July. Paid to John Gatling 250 00

July. Paid to A. C. Avery 200 00

July. Paid to Thos. Ruffin 50 00

Amount for 1877 $ 3,150 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, 1878.

1877.

Dec. Paid D. G. Fowle $ 500 00

1878.

Jan. Paid to J. M. McCorkle 50 00

Jan. Paid to J. M. Leach 250 00

Jan. Paid to J. H. Merrimon 100 00

Amount for 1878 $ 900 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, 1879.

1879.

Jan. Paid to G. N. Folk & R. F. Armfield $ 200 00

Jan. Paid to Smith & Strong 200 00

Jan. Paid to Battle & Mordecai 250 00

Feb. Paid to Moore & Gatling 250 00

April Paid to T. P. Devereux 250 00

April Paid to Gilliam & Gatling 500 00

April Paid to A. M. Lewis 250 00

Paid to Thos. P. Devereux 250 00

June Paid to Thos. P. Devereux 100 00

June Paid to E. W. Thompson 50 00

July Paid to Thos. P. Devereux 150 00

Aug. Paid to Thos. P. Devereux 60 00

Amount for 1879 $ 2,510 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, 1880.

1879.

Oct. Paid to Thos. P. Devereux $ 100 00

Oct. Paid to Gilliam & Gatling 500 00

Dec. Paid to F. H. Busbee 30 00

Dec. Paid to W. S. Mason 150 00

1880.

Aug. Paid to W. W. Peebles 75 00

Aug. Paid to D G Fowle 250 00

Amount for 1880 $ 1,105 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, 1881.

1880.

Nov. Paid to A. M. Lewis $ 250 00

Nov. Paid to Mason & Devereux 150 00

Nov. Paid to R. T. Merrick 500 00

Dec. Paid to A. M. Lewis 100 00

1881.

Jan. Paid to Thos. Ruffin 100 00

Jan. Paid to Thomas N. Hill 75 00

Amount for 1881 $ 1,325 00

Page 23

FISCAL YEAR ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, 1882.

1881.

Oct. Paid to R. S. Davis $ 250 00

1882.

Jan. Paid to John W. Graham 250 00

Feb. Paid to Merrimon & Fuller 500 00

Mar. Paid to Daniel G. Fowle 300 00

April Paid to J. H. Dillard 200 00

May Paid to John W. Graham 500 00

Aug. Paid to F. H. Busbee 400 00

Amount for 1882 $ 2,400 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, 1883.

1882.

Dec. Paid to Dillard & Mordecai $ 200 00

1883.

Nov. Paid to Thos. Ruffin 250 00

Amount for 1883 $ 450 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1884.

1884.

June Paid to W. S. Mason $ 300 00

June Paid to Thos. Ruffin 250 00

Nov. Paid to Pace & Holding 150 00

Amount for 1884 $ 700 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1885.

June Paid to Battle & Mordecai $ 500 00

Paid to Graham & Ruffin 500 00

Aug. Paid to W. A. Gash 100 00

Amount for 1885 $ 1,100 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1886.

Feb. Paid to John Gatling $ 100 00

Paid to Battle & Mordecai 150 00

May Paid to Battle & Mordecai 300 00

May Paid to Graham & Ruffin 300 00

June Paid to Battle & Mordecai 500 00

Oct. Paid to Reade, Busbee & Busbee 100 00

Amount for 1886 $ 1,450 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1887.

1886.

Dec. Paid to Ruffin & Graham $ 500 00

Dec. Paid to Battle & Mordecai 500 00

1887.

Mar. Paid to C. M. Busbee 120 00

June Paid to R. Z. Linney 25 00

July Paid to E. F. Lovill 25 00

July Paid to Battle & Mordecai 200 00

July Paid to Battle & Ruffin 200 00

Aug. Paid to Battle & Mordecai 222 80

Aug. Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 228 30

Aug. Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 30 00

Aug. Paid to R. F. Armfield 25 00

Oct. Paid to C. M. Cooke 20 00

Amount for 1887 $ 2,096 10

Page 24

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1888.

1887.

Dec. Paid to Howard & Martin $ 50 00

Dec. Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 25 00

1888.

Mar. Paid to Graham & Ruffin 100 00

Mar. Paid to Battle & Mordecai 100 00

June Paid to C. M. Busbee 200 00

Aug. Paid to R. H. Battle 25 00

Amount for 1888 $ 500 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1889.

1888.

Dec. Paid to C. H. Armfield $ 50 00

Dec. Paid to Battle & Mordecai 50 00

1889.

April Paid to F. H. Busbee 35 00

April Paid to W. A. Dunn 50 00

Oct. Paid to F. H. Busbee 20 00

Nov. Paid to R. H. Battle 281 00

Nov. Paid to Reade, Busbee & Busbee 400 00

Nov. Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 100 00

Nov. Amount for 1889 $ 986 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1890.

1889.

Dec. Paid to Spier Whitaker $ 200 00

Dec. Paid to Armfield & Turner 100 00

Dec. Paid to S. G. Ryan 100 00

1890.

Mar. Paid to F. H. Busbee 10 00

Mar. Paid to F. H. Busbee 15 00

Mar. Paid to S. G. Ryan 150 00

Mar. Paid to Battle & Mordecai 2,000 00

Mar. Paid to Graham & Ruffin 2,000 00

April Paid to S. G. Ryan 57 00

July Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 35 00

July Paid to Fuller & Snow 50 00

Aug. Paid to Battle & Mordecai 101 39

Aug. Paid to Armfield & Turner 125 00

Oct. Paid to Fuller & Snow 215 00

Oct. Paid to N. J. Rouse 25 00

Nov. Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 100 00

Nov. Amount for 1890 $ 5,283 39

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1891.

1890.

Dec. Paid to Battle & Mordecai $ 100 00

1891.

Mar. Paid to R. T. Gray 150 00

Mar. Paid to Thos. H. Sutton 100 00

Apr. Paid to F. H. Busbee 60 00

June Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 100 00

July Paid to Battle & Mordecai 40 00

Aug. Paid to A. M. Waddell 300 00

Aug. Paid to John Devereux 75 00

Aug. Paid to Armistead Jones 25 00

Sept. Paid to S. G. Ryan 100 00

Sept. Paid to A. M. Waddell 100 00

Oct. Paid to S. G. Ryan 200 00

Nov. Paid to Geo. V. Strong 61 00

Nov. Paid to S. G. Ryan 100 00

Amount for 1891 $ 1,711 00

Page 25

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1892.

1891.

Dec. Paid to Armfield & Turner 50 00

1892.

Jan. Paid to Thomas W. Strange 100 00

Jan. Paid to John Devereux 25 00

Jan. Paid to S. G. Ryan 65 00

Feb. Paid to S. G. Ryan 35 00

Mar. Paid to Battle & Devereux 50 00

June R. O. Burton 100 00

July Paid to John D. Bellamy 250 00

Aug. Paid to S. G. Ryan 150 00

Sept. Paid Batchelor & Devereux 20 00

Oct. Paid to Armistead Jones 2,500 00

Oct. Paid to Busbee & Busbee 2,500 00

Oct. Paid to Busbee & Busbee 100 00

Amount for 1892 $ 5,945 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1893.

1892.

Dec. Paid to A. W. Haywood $ 100 00

1893.

Jan. Paid to John H. Small 50 00

May Paid to R. O. Burton 3,925 02

June Paid to C. M. Busbee 500 00

Sept. Paid to S. G. Ryan 3,000 00

Oct. Paid to F. H. Busbee 28 75

Oct. Amount for 1893 $ 7,603 77

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1894.

1893.

Dec. Paid to A. W. Haywood $ 75 00

1894.

Mar. Paid to W. W. Zachary & J. C. Pritchard 50 00

Sept. Paid to W. R. Allen 100 00

Sept. Paid to F. H. Busbee 250 00

Amount for 1894 $ 475 00

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1895.

1895.

Jan. Paid to W. R. Allen $ 150 00

Mar. Paid to R. O. Burton 963 68

Mar. Paid S. G. Ryan 963 68

Mar. Paid to Jos. B. Batchelor 50 00

Mar. Paid to William A. Guthrie 25 00

Mar. Paid to Armistead Jones 50 00

Mar. Paid to Armistead Jones 50 00

June Paid to Jos. B. Batchelor 50 00

June Paid to W. A. Guthrie 125 00

July Paid to W. A. Guthrie 150 00

Oct. Paid to W. A. Guthrie 100 00

Nov. Paid to W. A. Guthrie 75 00

Amount for 1895 $ 2,732 00

Page 26

FISCAL YEAR ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1896.

1895.

Dec. Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd $ 75 00

1896.

Jan. Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd 290 00

Mar. Paid to W. A. Guthrie 100 00

April Paid to Battle & Mordecai 311 00

April Paid to Shepherd & Busbee 2,500 00

April Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd 75 00

April Paid to C. M. Busbee 85 00

April Paid to Winstead & Brooks 50 00

April Paid to W. A. Guthrie 100 00

April Paid to Osborne, Maxwell & Co 50 00

June Paid to R. L. Bynum 25 00

June Paid to Battle & Thorn 25 00

June Paid to Battle & Mordecai 90 55

June Paid to Shepherd & Busbee 25 00

Sept. Paid to W. R. Allen 100 00

Sept. Paid to F. H. Busbee 250 00

Nov. Paid to R. P. Buxtou 25 00

Amount for 1896 $ 4,041 00

Grand total $ 45,138 26

It is more than probable that the above figures do not include ALL the money paid out for extra legal counsel, for it is easy, in glancing through a long series of reports, to overlook items. But it is certain that there is no over-statement of the amount, for the items are given and show for themselves. The figures do not include a number of items charged as incidental expenses for the different Attorney Generals in making special trips. If these items were included, together with such as may have been overlooked, the grand total would undoubtedly closely approximate $50,000.

Now, let the "issue" be continued and let the Democratic machine journalists tell the people, if they dare, that it has been necessary to pay out about FIFTY THOUSAND DOLLARS for extra legal counsel for only THREE Democratic Attorney Generals. Whether necessary or not, it has been paid out.

And now note carefully:

When this immense amount of money was being distributed among the "faithful" Democratic lawyers, the Democratic machine was squalling "nigger," for the purpose of trying to divert the attention of the people from what was being done.

DO YOU SEE?

Page 27

CHAPTER THREE.
DEMOCRATIC SCANDAL IN THE PUBLIC PRINTING.

Perhaps one of the most flagrantly outrageous and scandalous jobs which characterized the administration of the Democratic party in this State was in connection with the State Printing. There has never been any explicit knowledge or familiarity on the part of the public in connection with this job, because it has always been to the interest of the Democratic press, as well as the party, to say nothing about it. It can be explained in this way: For many years it was customary for the Legislature to elect a State Printer. The State Printer was not a man supposed to have any knowledge of printing, but was one who was rewarded simply and solely for party service. The State prescribed a price for Public Printing to be paid to the State Printer. The State Printer always sublet the work to some printing house, and the printing house would pay to the State Printer fifteen per cent. of the gross amount of the price for the work done. All the State Printer ever did in connection with the work was to receipt his bills and pocket the fifteen per cent. bonus.

Among the State Printers have been P. M. Hale, Capt. S. A. Ashe and Josephus Daniels. It is unnecessary to mention the number of years during which this jobbery prevailed, but it certainly came in with the advent to power of the Democratic party.

Some knowedge of the scheme can be had by reference to a period of years. Take the period of time from 1883 to 1893. The gross amount of State Printing for those years, according to the Auditors' Reports, was $188,332.47. Fifteen per cent. of this amount went into the pockets of the men known as State Printers, and this fifteen per cent. on the gross amount just stated is $28,249.87. This much money was simply looted from the Treasury and given to the favored supporters of the Democratic party. These favored supporters never rendered a single act of service to the State in consideration of this princely pay.

Nor is this all. The term "State Printing" does not include the printing done for a considerable number of the public institutions of the State. For instance, the Agricultural Department has an immense amount of printing done every year, but it is paid for out of the special fund provided for the support of the Department, and while the cost of the printing for that Department is shown in its reports, that cost is not included in the amount shown to be spent for Public Printing in the Auditors' Reports. This same rule applies to the Insane Asylums of the State, the Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institutions and about all other State institutions. The State makes annual appropriations for these institutions, and they pay for their printing out of their special appropriations. But the Democratic State Printer never failed to get his fifteen per cent. on every job of work done for every public institution.

It is not easy to estimate the cost of the printing for these institutions for a long term of years, but it is very reasonable to say that it amounted to $12,000 from 1883 to 1893. So it easily appears that the amount paid for Public Printing from 1883 to 1893, will equal, if not exceed, two hundred thousand dollars ($200,000). Fifteen per cent. of this amount is thirty thousand dollars ($30,000), and this has gone into the pockets of the great Democratic "State Printers" from 1883 to 1893.

Page 28

The same rule prevailed from 1876 to 1883, and during these years the amount of looting and boodle must have equalled what the Democratic party took from 1883 to 1893, because the jobbery was worse during those years than during the later period.

Of course there were aspirants at every session of the Legislature for the office of Public Printer. The job was so easy and the pay so munificent that the struggle among the Democratic spoilsmen was always tricky, vindictive, fierce and especially scandalous. This struggle finally reached the point at which cowhiding, cane thrashing and fisticuffs in the Capitol itself occurred among the candidates, and the jobbery became so openly vile and scandalous, that even a Democratic Legislature concluded it best to temporarily eliminate the jobbery feature of it, and this was done for two years of the Democratic adminisiration.

For seven of the years from 1883 to 1893, Josephus Daniels was State Printer. He was elected to that "high office" by manipulating a deal with the independent members of the Legislature of 1887, when John R. Webster was speaker. The cost of Public Printing during these seven years amounted to $125,024.91. The work was usually done by printing houses in Raleigh, which houses turned over to Josephus Daniels, State Printer, fifteen per cent. on the gross amount. Daniels' share of this job, therefore, for the seven years of his occupancy of the office, was $18,753.73. And if to this be added the fifteen per cent. on the work done for the various public institutions during that time, the amount of boodle pocketed by him will easily amount to twenty thousand dollars ($20,000).

For this snug little fortune, grabbed from the treasury of the people and passed into the pockets of the "State Printer," not a single act of service was ever done for the State. This was his pay for the same work he is now doing, and that work, on the one hand, was to declare to the public, through the papers which he edited, that the Democratic party was honest, while it was looting the treasury and stealing the public fund in the various ways illustrated in this pamphlet, and on the other hand, attempting to villify gentlemen of integrity and character, and everybody who ventured to raise a voice against the rascality and scandalous jobbery of the Democratic machine.

Such facts as these clearly explain why the Democratic press and machine is so wildly and desperately trying to arouse the prejudice and inflame the passions of the people by crying "nigger." Of all the purposes of this machine, the greatest purpose is to divert the attention of the people from the facts of a Democratic record. No record made by that party in this State will stand the clear light of day, or survive the condemnation of honesty and reason.

A COMPARISON OF WHAT HAS BEEN DONE AND OF WHAT IS
BEING DONE.

The Legislature of 1897 provided that the Public Printing should be done under the supervision and management of the Council of State of the present administration, and the management of the printing was begun by the Council of State on July 1st, 1897. The general result shows that there must have been jobbery in this work in addition to the bonus paid to whoever held the soft chair of the great magnificent office of Public Printer. This can be illustrated by a comparison of the figures for some previous years.

For instance, the cost of Public Printing for the first twelve months under the management of the Council of State, the period being from July 1st, 1897, to July

Page 29

1st, 1898, was $10,280.72. For the six years prior, for the same months, the cost of public printing, was as follows:

July 1891 to 1892 $ 15,196 68

July 1892 to 1893 16,796 46

July 1893 to 1894 14,509 19

July 1894 to 1895 19,481 52

July 1895 to 1896 16,699 87

July 1896 to 1897 24,713 58

This shows that for six years past under Democratic regime, the lowest cost of Public Printing for any one twelve months, from July to July, was $4,228 47 MORE than the cost has been for the first twelve months under the supervision of the present administration, and it shows an average saving for the past six years of more than $7,000 per year.

This does not include a large saving made on the Public Printing for the various State institutions, which institutions pay for their printing out of their regular annual appropriations.

These are facts and figures from the official records--they are carefully compiled and cannot be disputed. No fifteen per cent. bonus has found its way to the pocket of any Democratic party heeler. The money has been paid for service rendered and work done. And now note carefully:

When the Democratic machine was looting the public treasury as above shown, that same machine was squalling "nigger." And while the present anti-Democratic administration is saving the people's money and repudiating jobbery, as above shown, that same Democratic machine is squalling "nigger!"

DO YOU SEE?

Page 30

CHAPTER FOUR.
RECKLESSNESS, NEGLIGENCE, INCOMPETENCE AND
LOSS IN THE STATE DEPARTMENT.

A vivid and characteristic illustration of the general recklessness, carelessness and incompetence of Democratic machine administration is afforded by the office of Secretary of State under that regime. The people of the State would be loth to believe a true description--if, indeed, one could be given--of the chaos discovered there by the present State government, and this even after some effort was apparently made to "straighten matters out" before the time for the inauguration of the present administration.

When Secretary Thompson went into the office he proceeded to overhaul things and some of his discoveries were simply amazing! He found letters of old dates--several years back--containing checks, postal notes, postal money orders, greenbacks and specie stuck away here and there. Some of these letters were found in a great pile of waste that had been carelessly dumped into a brick building which was rented by the Democratic machine and called a "warehouse." All these letters were concerning public business, and should have had prompt attention at the time they were received. The checks, money, post-office orders and postal notes should have been promptly accounted for to the State Treasurer. Secretary Thompson, as soon as he could, opened correspondence with the writers of these letters with a view to adjusting the business on which they were written. Some of the writers were thus reached, and the money or checks either returned to them, or the business for which they were forwarded was attended to after a lapse of years. In the old "warehouse" were stowed a lot of book paper, many volumes of Supreme Court Reports, Laws, Journals, etc, bound and unbound, and in the waste was found a tremendous amount of stationery which might have been easily and advantageously used years ago. But a large proportion of it was spoiled and damaged beyond the point of utility. Some "leaks" in the "warehouse" roof let water on the paper stock, Supreme Court Reports and other volumes, and a large portion of all were rotten--not even salable as old waste. A considerable number of the "stray" money-orders and postal notes were sent on to Washington and redeemed by the government, and the amount thus realized promptly turned into the State Treasury, after first having made an effort to find the parties who wrote the letters enclosing them. Some illustrations of the foregoing statement are here presented.

In June, 1891, Mrs. T. C. Green, of Judson, Swain county, wrote to the Secretary of State, inclosing a grant, in which she desired a correction to be made, and sent the money to pay the fee. The letter and money were laid aside and entirely forgotten until Dr. Thompson found them, where they had been placed six years ago.

Mr. George Holmes, of Bowman's Bluff, on December 28, 1892, sent a letter, with papers for land grant, and check for $19.23; the grant was issued in January, 1893, but the check had been pigeon-holed, and there remained until found by Dr. Thompson, in the original envelope. He wrote to Mr. Holmes, and by his direction deposited the check in the bank for collection October 3, 1897.

Mr. Nathan D. Hart, of Bryson City, sent papers for land grant in 1891, together with $6 in money; the papers were out of date and grant could not be issued. The

Page 31

proper thing for the Secretary of State at that time to have done was to notify Mr. Hart that the grant could not be issued and return the money, but instead, it was pigeon-holed, and six years after found by the present Secretary of State. He corresponded with Mr. D. Hart, and after proper investigation returned him the money by registered letter.

Mr. Wm. H. Oliver, an insurance agent at New Berne, in a letter, dated April 12, 1894, sent to the Secretary of State a check for $25, in payment for an insurance company license for three months. As a license could not be issued for three months, the check should have been returned to Mr. Oliver, with information to that effect. But neither was done until Dr. Thompson found the check and letter, corresponded with Mr. Oliver in regard to the matter and then returned the check to him.

Mr. T. S. McClure, of Shooting Creek, Clay county, sent papers for a grant, enclosing fifty cents in silver. The papers were out of date and grant could not be issued. Mr. McClure should have been notified of this fact, but instead, his letter was thrown aside with money. Dr. Thompson returned Mr. McClure's money October 27, 1897.

A letter dated October 24, 1894, from an insurance man in Virginia, enclosing a check for $45.00 in payment of insurance taxes, was received at the Secretary's office. Both were laid aside and neglected until Dr. Thompson discovered them in a pigeon hole of the Secretary's desk. The check was considered uncollectible. This was a loss to the State, and while the amount in itself is seemingly small, it reveals the carelessness and negligence of the conduct of that office.

In another place a check was found drawn in favor of Mr. H. M. Ramseur, by Mr. A. B. Fortune, on the Western Carolina Savings Bank, dated March 19, 1889, and endorsed on the back by H. M. Ramseur. This check had evidently been sent in payment of some license or fee. It was laid aside and never saw the light of day since that date until found by Dr. Thompson. The check is now considered worthless.

On January 22, 1895, Mr. W. B. Copeland, of Big Oak, Moore county, sent papers for land grant enclosing $3.00 in cash to cover expenses of having the grant properly recorded. This letter was also unearthed, and the Secretary wrote to Mr. Copeland for some information in regard to the matter. The following is Mr. Copeland's reply:

BIG OAK, N. C., Oct. 6, 1897.

Mr. Cyrus Thompson, Secretary of State.

DEAR SIR:--In reply to yours of the 5th inst., I will say that I sent those plots and $3.00 and got Coke's registered receipt for same; that is the last I ever heard of it until to-day. I wrote enclosing stamp for answer, but never heard anything from money or papers. I would say to you, that I want my grant as soon as possible. If there is anything wrong or anything lacking, let me hear at once. Please let me hear from you as soon as this comes to hand, as I am anxious to know.

Respectfully yours,

W. B. COPELAND.

In May, 1895, Mr. Turner Turpin, of Whittier, N. C., mailed a letter to the Secretary of State containing some papers for a land grant, and also a money-order for $4.63, the necessary fee to cover the cost. This letter was thrown in the "scatter" and forgotten. About a year later the post-office authorities called the Secretary's attention to the fact that an unpaid money-order was in the post-office, whereupon the Secretary had a duplicate money-order issued and received the money in April, 1896. The original letter, with order, was found by Dr. Thompson, who wrote to the sender, and, after full investigation, learning that no service had been performed by his predecessor, he returned the money to Mr. Turpin.

Page 32

On January, 26, 1895, Mr. D. Stradley, entry-taker of Henderson county, sent to the Secretary of State, for Mr. J. J. McCall, papers for grant for forty-four acres of land, inclosing a post-office order for $7.50 The original letter, with papers and money-order, were found in the general "scatter." Dr. Thompson finally effected an adjustment of this matter.

Among other things that Dr. Thompson found in overhauling his office were postal notes to the amount of $16.86; a post-office order from Kinston, but he was unable to learn what this money was sent for or to what fund it should be credited. He also found a post-office order for $3.43 from Mr. W. A. Hendricks, of Mocksville, in May, 1893. A duplicate was issued and paid to the Secretary of State.

The above are a few samples taken at random, of the carelessness with which the business of one of the most important offices of the State has been conducted under Democratic management. It is not necessary to use space in extending the illustrations, though they are not wanting in number. There are enough to fill a book. By such negligence both the State and public have suffered. But this is not all of the misdoings under Democratic administration of the Secretary of State's office. The foregoing are not the only evidences that can be shown of carelessness, irregularity and incompetence in the conduct of this department of State under Democratic rule.

Section 3070 of the Code plainly lays down a rule and requirement which should always be observed. That requirement is as follows:

"Sec. 3070. The Secretary of State shall furnish to the Auditor, on the first of each month, a statement in detail of the taxes and license fees received by him under this chapter during the previous month, and shall pay to the Treasurer the amount in full of such taxes and license fees."

Was this law complied with under Democratic regime?

The Democratic records of the office of Secretary of State are so incomplete as to make it impossible to get from that office any accurate information for any considerable length of time back, but the records there, together with the records of other departments, afford an illustration of how loosely the law was followed by Secretary Cooke.

Mr. Cooke was inaugurated on September 2, 1895. The accounts upon which he made returns into the Treasury are: "Fees," "Seal Tax," "Insurance Tax," "Insurance License," "Sale of Laws and Journals," and "Sale of Supreme Court Reports." On these accounts he collected and paid into the State Treasury as follows:

Page 33

Feb. 29, 1896. Collected to this date $ 21,643 76

Feb. 29, 1896. Paid State Treasurer today 3,392 68

April 29, 1896. Leaving in hand $ 18,251 08

April 29, 1896. Collected since February 29th 28,896 69

April 29, 1896. Making total amount on hand $ 47,147 77

April 29, 1896. Paid to State Treasurer to-day 35,517 22

July 31, 1896. Leaving in Secretary's hands $ 11,630 55

July 31, 1896. Collected since April 29, 1896 7,755 70

July 31, 1896. Making total amount in hand $ 19,386 25

July 31, 1896. Paid Treasurer to-day 14,200 02

Nov. 30, 1896. Leaving in Secretary's hands $ 5,186 23

Nov. 30, 1896. Collected since July 31 7,762 69

Nov. 30, 1896. Making total in hand $ 12,948 92

Nov. 30, 1896. Paid into Treasury to-day 10,400 83

Feb. 12, 1897. Leaving in hands of Secretary $ 3,542 09

Feb. 12, 1897. Collected since November 30, 1896 962 27

Feb. 12, 1897. Making a total of $ 3,504 36

Feb. 12, 1897. Turned over to successor this day 3,504 36

The Secretary of State collected on account of "Redemption of Land sold for Taxes," as follows: November 9th, 1895, $63.17; August 18th, 1896, $13.04; September 10th, 1896, $310.37; making a total of $386.58 received on this account, none of which was turned into the Treasury until after the inauguration of Secretary Thompson.

This shows that the law requiring a detailed statement of receipts on the first of each month was utterly disregarded by the former official (Cooke), and yet his management seems to have been much better than that of preceding officials. Carelessness! Negligence!! Incompetence!!! Which? No such irregularity and confusion is possible in any State Department now.

Irregularity may be further illustrated by returns made of sales of Supreme Court Reports for a number of years back. These returns show the following:

1890 $1,966 27

1891 2,618 01

1892

1893 621 12

1894

1895 2,330 66

1896 3,686 23

1897, by Cooke 516 09

1897, by Thompson 2,617 45

1898, to July 31st 2,074 69

All these figures are taken from the books of the State Treasurer.

Well, what next? Besides the intelligence, competence and regularity of the reports now made monthly according to law, which characterize the present administration, it appears that the office of Secretary of State is turning into the State Treasury a vastly larger reveuue than ever before.

1877.
Jan.	Paid to R. F. Armfield	$ 450 00
Jan.	Paid to John H Dillard	100 00
Jan.	Paid to W. N. H. Smith	100 00
Feb.	Paid to Strong & Smith	1,500 00
July.	Paid to D. G. Fowle	500 00
July.	Paid to John Gatling	250 00
July.	Paid to A. C. Avery	200 00
July.	Paid to Thos. Ruffin	50 00
	Amount for 1877	$ 3,150 00

1877.
Dec.	Paid D. G. Fowle	$ 500 00
1878.
Jan.	Paid to J. M. McCorkle	50 00
Jan.	Paid to J. M. Leach	250 00
Jan.	Paid to J. H. Merrimon	100 00
	Amount for 1878	$ 900 00

1879.
Jan.	Paid to G. N. Folk & R. F. Armfield	$ 200 00
Jan.	Paid to Smith & Strong	200 00
Jan.	Paid to Battle & Mordecai	250 00
Feb.	Paid to Moore & Gatling	250 00
April	Paid to T. P. Devereux	250 00
April	Paid to Gilliam & Gatling	500 00
April	Paid to A. M. Lewis	250 00
	Paid to Thos. P. Devereux	250 00
June	Paid to Thos. P. Devereux	100 00
June	Paid to E. W. Thompson	50 00
July	Paid to Thos. P. Devereux	150 00
Aug.	Paid to Thos. P. Devereux	60 00
	Amount for 1879	$ 2,510 00

1879.
Oct.	Paid to Thos. P. Devereux	$ 100 00
Oct.	Paid to Gilliam & Gatling	500 00
Dec.	Paid to F. H. Busbee	30 00
Dec.	Paid to W. S. Mason	150 00
1880.
Aug.	Paid to W. W. Peebles	75 00
Aug.	Paid to D G Fowle	250 00
	Amount for 1880	$ 1,105 00

1880.
Nov.	Paid to A. M. Lewis	$ 250 00
Nov.	Paid to Mason & Devereux	150 00
Nov.	Paid to R. T. Merrick	500 00
Dec.	Paid to A. M. Lewis	100 00
1881.
Jan.	Paid to Thos. Ruffin	100 00
Jan.	Paid to Thomas N. Hill	75 00
	Amount for 1881	$ 1,325 00

1881.
Oct.	Paid to R. S. Davis	$ 250 00
1882.
Jan.	Paid to John W. Graham	250 00
Feb.	Paid to Merrimon & Fuller	500 00
Mar.	Paid to Daniel G. Fowle	300 00
April	Paid to J. H. Dillard	200 00
May	Paid to John W. Graham	500 00
Aug.	Paid to F. H. Busbee	400 00
	Amount for 1882	$ 2,400 00

1882.
Dec.	Paid to Dillard & Mordecai	$ 200 00
1883.
Nov.	Paid to Thos. Ruffin	250 00
	Amount for 1883	$ 450 00

1884.
June	Paid to W. S. Mason	$ 300 00
June	Paid to Thos. Ruffin	250 00
Nov.	Paid to Pace & Holding	150 00
	Amount for 1884	$ 700 00

1886.
Dec.	Paid to Ruffin & Graham	$ 500 00
Dec.	Paid to Battle & Mordecai	500 00
1887.
Mar.	Paid to C. M. Busbee	120 00
June	Paid to R. Z. Linney	25 00
July	Paid to E. F. Lovill	25 00
July	Paid to Battle & Mordecai	200 00
July	Paid to Battle & Ruffin	200 00
Aug.	Paid to Battle & Mordecai	222 80
Aug.	Paid to Batchelor & Devereux	228 30
Aug.	Paid to Batchelor & Devereux	30 00
Aug.	Paid to R. F. Armfield	25 00
Oct.	Paid to C. M. Cooke	20 00
	Amount for 1887	$ 2,096 10

1887.
Dec.	Paid to Howard & Martin	$ 50 00
Dec.	Paid to Batchelor & Devereux	25 00
1888.
Mar.	Paid to Graham & Ruffin	100 00
Mar.	Paid to Battle & Mordecai	100 00
June	Paid to C. M. Busbee	200 00
Aug.	Paid to R. H. Battle	25 00
	Amount for 1888	$ 500 00

1888.
Dec.	Paid to C. H. Armfield	$ 50 00
Dec.	Paid to Battle & Mordecai	50 00
1889.
April	Paid to F. H. Busbee	35 00
April	Paid to W. A. Dunn	50 00
Oct.	Paid to F. H. Busbee	20 00
Nov.	Paid to R. H. Battle	281 00
Nov.	Paid to Reade, Busbee & Busbee	400 00
Nov.	Paid to Batchelor & Devereux	100 00
Nov.	Amount for 1889	$ 986 00

1889.
Dec.	Paid to Spier Whitaker	$ 200 00
Dec.	Paid to Armfield & Turner	100 00
Dec.	Paid to S. G. Ryan	100 00
1890.
Mar.	Paid to F. H. Busbee	10 00
Mar.	Paid to F. H. Busbee	15 00
Mar.	Paid to S. G. Ryan	150 00
Mar.	Paid to Battle & Mordecai	2,000 00
Mar.	Paid to Graham & Ruffin	2,000 00
April	Paid to S. G. Ryan	57 00
July	Paid to Batchelor & Devereux	35 00
July	Paid to Fuller & Snow	50 00
Aug.	Paid to Battle & Mordecai	101 39
Aug.	Paid to Armfield & Turner	125 00
Oct.	Paid to Fuller & Snow	215 00
Oct.	Paid to N. J. Rouse	25 00
Nov.	Paid to Batchelor & Devereux	100 00
Nov.	Amount for 1890	$ 5,283 39

1891.
Dec.	Paid to Armfield & Turner	50 00
1892.
Jan.	Paid to Thomas W. Strange	100 00
Jan.	Paid to John Devereux	25 00
Jan.	Paid to S. G. Ryan	65 00
Feb.	Paid to S. G. Ryan	35 00
Mar.	Paid to Battle & Devereux	50 00
June	R. O. Burton	100 00
July	Paid to John D. Bellamy	250 00
Aug.	Paid to S. G. Ryan	150 00
Sept.	Paid Batchelor & Devereux	20 00
Oct.	Paid to Armistead Jones	2,500 00
Oct.	Paid to Busbee & Busbee	2,500 00
Oct.	Paid to Busbee & Busbee	100 00
	Amount for 1892	$ 5,945 00

1892.
Dec.	Paid to A. W. Haywood	$ 100 00
1893.
Jan.	Paid to John H. Small	50 00
May	Paid to R. O. Burton	3,925 02
June	Paid to C. M. Busbee	500 00
Sept.	Paid to S. G. Ryan	3,000 00
Oct.	Paid to F. H. Busbee	28 75
Oct.	Amount for 1893	$ 7,603 77

1895.
Jan.	Paid to W. R. Allen	$ 150 00
Mar.	Paid to R. O. Burton	963 68
Mar.	Paid S. G. Ryan	963 68
Mar.	Paid to Jos. B. Batchelor	50 00
Mar.	Paid to William A. Guthrie	25 00
Mar.	Paid to Armistead Jones	50 00
Mar.	Paid to Armistead Jones	50 00
June	Paid to Jos. B. Batchelor	50 00
June	Paid to W. A. Guthrie	125 00
July	Paid to W. A. Guthrie	150 00
Oct.	Paid to W. A. Guthrie	100 00
Nov.	Paid to W. A. Guthrie	75 00
	Amount for 1895	$ 2,732 00

1895.
Dec.	Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd	$ 75 00
1896.
Jan.	Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd	290 00
Mar.	Paid to W. A. Guthrie	100 00
April	Paid to Battle & Mordecai	311 00
April	Paid to Shepherd & Busbee	2,500 00
April	Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd	75 00
April	Paid to C. M. Busbee	85 00
April	Paid to Winstead & Brooks	50 00
April	Paid to W. A. Guthrie	100 00
April	Paid to Osborne, Maxwell & Co	50 00
June	Paid to R. L. Bynum	25 00
June	Paid to Battle & Thorn	25 00
June	Paid to Battle & Mordecai	90 55
June	Paid to Shepherd & Busbee	25 00
Sept.	Paid to W. R. Allen	100 00
Sept.	Paid to F. H. Busbee	250 00
Nov.	Paid to R. P. Buxtou	25 00
	Amount for 1896	$ 4,041 00
	Grand total	$ 45,138 26

July 1891 to 1892	$ 15,196 68
July 1892 to 1893	16,796 46
July 1893 to 1894	14,509 19
July 1894 to 1895	19,481 52
July 1895 to 1896	16,699 87
July 1896 to 1897	24,713 58

Feb. 29, 1896.	Collected to this date	$ 21,643 76
Feb. 29, 1896.	Paid State Treasurer today	3,392 68
April 29, 1896.	Leaving in hand	$ 18,251 08
April 29, 1896.	Collected since February 29th	28,896 69
April 29, 1896.	Making total amount on hand	$ 47,147 77
April 29, 1896.	Paid to State Treasurer to-day	35,517 22
July 31, 1896.	Leaving in Secretary's hands	$ 11,630 55
July 31, 1896.	Collected since April 29, 1896	7,755 70
July 31, 1896.	Making total amount in hand	$ 19,386 25
July 31, 1896.	Paid Treasurer to-day	14,200 02
Nov. 30, 1896.	Leaving in Secretary's hands	$ 5,186 23
Nov. 30, 1896.	Collected since July 31	7,762 69
Nov. 30, 1896.	Making total in hand	$ 12,948 92
Nov. 30, 1896.	Paid into Treasury to-day	10,400 83
Feb. 12, 1897.	Leaving in hands of Secretary	$ 3,542 09
Feb. 12, 1897.	Collected since November 30, 1896	962 27
Feb. 12, 1897.	Making a total of	$ 3,504 36
Feb. 12, 1897.	Turned over to successor this day	3,504 36

1890	$1,966 27
1891	2,618 01
1892
1893	621 12
1894
1895	2,330 66
1896	3,686 23
1897, by Cooke	516 09
1897, by Thompson	2,617 45
1898, to July 31st	2,074 69

People's Party Hand-Book of Facts. Campaign of 1898: Electronic Edition.