Library of Congress Subject Headings, 21st edition, 1998

Languages Used:

• English

LC Subject Headings:

• North Carolina -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800.
  
• Schaw, Janet, ca. 1731-ca. 1801 -- Journeys.
  
• West Indies -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800.
  
• West Indies -- Social life and customs -- 18th century.
  
• North Carolina -- Social life and customs -- 18th century.
  
• Lisbon (Portugal) -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800.
  
• Lisbon (Portugal) -- Social life and customs -- 18th century.
  
• Voyages and travels -- Early works to 1800.
  

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JOURNAL
OF A
LADY OF QUALITY;
Being the Narrative of a
Journey from
SCOTLAND
to the West Indies, North Carolina,
and Portugal, in the years
1774 to 1776.

Edited by

EVANGELINE WALKER ANDREWS,
in Collaboration with
CHARLES MCLEAN ANDREWS,
Farnam Professor of American History in Yale University.

NEW HAVEN:
Yale University Press,
1921.LONDON:
Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press.

Copyright, 1921, by Yale University Press. Printed in the United States of America.

TO
JAMES SPRUNT,
Chronicler of the Cape Fear.

CONTENTS

• Introduction, 1
• Chapter I. The Voyage to the West Indies, 19
• Chapter II. Antigua and St. Christopher, 78
• Chapter III. Residence in North Carolina, 144
• Chapter IV. Sojourn in Lisbon, 216
• Appendices:
  • I. The Highland Emigration, 257
  • II. The Martin Family, 259
  • III. "Olivees" and the Hamiltons, 273
  • IV. Brunswick, 277
  • V. Description of North Carolina, 279
  • VI. Wilmington, 282
  • VII. James Innes and Francis Corbin, 285
  • VIII. James Murray and John Rutherfurd, 289
  • IX. The Rutherfurd Children, 299
  • X. The Children's Inheritance, 307
  • XI. A Group of Provincial Leaders, 313
  • XII. A Few North Carolina Loyalists, 319
  • XIII. Archibald Neilson, 328
  • XIV. Captain John Abraham Collet, 330

INTRODUCTION

        THE finding of an interesting manuscript is much like the sighting of an unexpected island by a mariner sailing in strange seas, for the exploration of either, whatever may be the ultimate value of the discovery, affords all the excitement that accompanies an adventure into the unknown. Nor has this "Journal of a Lady of Quality," stumbled upon accidentally in a search for other material, failed in any particular to fulfill the expectations of its discoverers or the promise of its charming title and opening pages; and one can only marvel that such a treasure should have lain so long unproclaimed.

        That an incredulous reader may not have to speculate regarding the genuineness of the Journal, the editors hasten to say that it is no twentieth century fabrication, but that the manuscript from which the present text is printed is known as Egerton, 2423, and is even now in the British Museum. It is a quarto volume labelled "Travels in the West Indies and South Carolina, 1774, '75"; and in the Museum Catalogue it is entered as a "Journal by a Lady, of a Voyage from Scotland to the West Indies and South Carolina, with an account of personal experiences during the War of Independence, and a visit to Lisbon on her return 25 October 1774--December 1775." Quite a long description that, but withal an inaccurate one; and surely he was a careless retainer of the British Museum who did the labelling, for even a cursory reading of the beautiful manuscript shows that

"North Carolina" should be substituted for "South Carolina," and that the narrative itself deals, at most, with only the preliminary events of the American War for Independence and continues nearly to the beginning of February, 1776.

        As a narrative, the Journal falls naturally into four parts, dealing respectively with the voyage from Scotland to the West Indies; with life and experiences in the West Indies at Antigua and St. Kitts, and the voyage from St. Kitts to the Cape Fear River; with life on the Cape Fear just before the American War of Independence; and, finally, with the various adventures and experiences of Miss Schaw and her companions in Portugal on her way back to Scotland. Nowhere in our manuscript does the name of the author occur, and, for the most part, the names of persons referred to are in blank; so that only after much following of clues and searching in the records of England, Scotland, Ireland, the West Indies, and America have the editors been able to trace the careers of those who play the leading parts in the story. With the blanks filled out as far as possible, with but few corrections in spelling and capitalization, and with here and there a change in the diverting, but somewhat erratic, punctuation, the Journal, in the form now presented, is the same as that of the British Museum manuscript.

        But of more importance than these slight changes in form is the fact that two other copies of the Journal are known to exist, one of which, the Vetch manuscript, owned by a descendant of the Schaws and recently bequeathed to a descendant of the Rutherfurds,--the two families that play the chief rôles in the Journal,--we have not been allowed to examine, even for purposes of textual comparison. The other, now in the possession of Mr. Vere Langford Oliver, the distinguished author of a history of Antigua, was purchased by him a few years ago in the belief that it was unique; and although this is not the case, it is of particular value in that

it gives the name of the author and is dedicated to Alexander Schaw, "the Brother, Friend, and fellow traveller of the Author, his truly affect. Jen. Schaw, St. Andrews Square, Mar. 10, 1778." Mr. Oliver, who has compared his copy with that in the British Museum, says that although there are differences in binding and pagination, the two manuscripts are in the same handwriting and are apparently identical, word for word. Our belief is that both are copies of the same manuscript, which, in turn, may have been the original; for these letters, written to a dear friend, probably a woman back in Scotland, by this same "Jen. Schaw" while on her eventful journey to the West Indies and North Carolina, were probably copied many times for circulation among relatives and friends. Thus, from 1904, when the editors of the present volume came upon the British Museum manuscript, these other manuscripts have been appearing, first Colonel Vetch's and later Mr. Oliver's, to claim the title for the only and original; and almost comically, have been masquerading, like three Dromios, somewhat to the confusion and dismay, but also to the amusement, of some of the discoverers of the prize.

        If further proof were needed, both of the authenticity of the Journal and also of the accuracy and truthfulness of the author in describing places, events, and individuals, that is supplied by the notes and appendices of this volume, in which Professor Andrews has checked up or amplified each point of personal and historical interest. Scholarly research has been applied to the work of this delightful "Lady of Quality," but she holds her ground firmly and ably, as with ease and fluency she discusses manners and customs, climate and scenery, sugar-culture and farming, friends,--their houses, amusements, recreations, and sorrows,--and, fortunately for posterity, happenings and human beings as she saw both in the West Indies and North Carolina just before the American War for Independence. Rarely is she caught

napping, and with her enthusiasm and humour, her ability to make us see and feel with her, she carries us to a triumphant end. Reluctantly we close the volume, for we would know all her story; but she leaves us abruptly in Portugal, with never a hint as to how she got back to Scotland or how and where she spent the later years of her life: and we ask ourselves, Who was this "affect. Jen. Schaw," where did she come from and whither did she go, this vivacious, adventurous, aristocratic lady, this devoted sister, who willingly faced great discomfort and hardships in order to accompany one dear brother to his new home in the West Indies and to visit another in the far distant British colony of North Carolina? What manner of woman is this who suddenly appears on our field of vision, leaves an unforgettable account of herself and her relatives and friends, and vanishes as suddenly as she came? What is her achievement, and what is the significance for us of this Journal of hers? It is in the search for answers to these questions that one begins a real voyage of adventure.

        The Journal relates that there sailed from the Firth of Forth on October 25, 1774, a small craft, the Jamaica Packet, bound for the West Indies and North Carolina, the chief passengers of which were a young Scotsman and his sister, the author of the Journal, who from other sources we discover were Alexander and Janet Schaw of Edinburgh. Travelling with them were Fanny, an attractive girl of eighteen or nineteen, John, Jr., or Jack, a lad of eleven, and William Gordon, the nine-year-old "Billie" of the Journal, connections of the Schaws, and children of John Rutherfurd, a prominent resident of the colony of North Carolina. Besides these five, there were also Mrs. Mary Miller, Miss Schaw's maid, whom she called her Abigail, and who is a comic figure in the story; and the faithful, efficient Robert, Mr. Schaw's grave East Indian servant, who almost magically made up for deficiencies in the menu when live stock

and food had been swept overboard and the passengers were facing possible starvation. And that the Journal might lack no element of romance, there were the fine English sailors, the honest mate, the subservient supercargo, hand in glove with the unscrupulous captain; the pitiful emigrants smuggled aboard and treated like slaves; frightful storms and rumours of pirates; and hovering in the background, always the sinister figure of Parker, the rascally owner of the vessel, whose evil deeds constantly came to light during the perilous voyage on which the Schaws were embarked. Nowhere, we think, does our author display so well her own sterling qualities of character and charming personality, as in this, the opening chapter of the Journal. From the start she captures our interest for herself and for her companions of what she picturesquely calls her "little wooden kingdom," and with a real sense of climax, sustains it at high pitch, until she and they, after a stormy passage of seven weeks, from which they but barely escape with their lives, sail safely into the beautiful harbour of St. John's at Antigua. For months, off and on, regardless of storms, severe cold, intense heat, or the distractions of travel, Miss Schaw wrote her journal-letters, describing, as the case might be, the tropical and almost Oriental luxury of the West Indies, the exciting and interesting events of our pre-revolutionary history, or the details of her amusing experiences in Setubal and Lisbon, never forgetting her promise to the fortunate and adored friend in Scotland who was her inspiration. Dating her first letter "9 o'clock evening, October 25, 1774," Miss Schaw says: "I propose writing you every day, but you must not expect a regular journal. I will not fail to write whatever can amuse myself; and whether you find it entertaining or not, I know you will not refuse it a reading. As every subject will be guided by my own immediate feelings, my opinions and descriptions will depend on the health and humour of the moment in which I write; from which cause my sentiments

will often appear to differ on the same subject." It is not surprising that the journal of such a delightfully whimsical and candid author as this letter shows Miss Schaw to be, should be both accurate and refreshing, and that its author should win for herself at the outset the affectionate interest of her readers. Fortunately for us she was blessedly unaware, as she jotted down her opinions and descriptions according to the "humour of the moment" that she was writing for posterity a document of rare interest and importance, one which, as far as we know, and especially as it bears on the Scottish phase of American colonial history, is unique. Little did she suspect that she was to be caught in the net of the future historian and labelled as a valuable specimen of those Scots who figured in the colonization movements of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

        In the lowlands of Scotland, amid the hills and valleys and along the rivers and firths from the Grampians to the Tweed and the Clyde, were scores of Scottish families of old-time stock whose attention was attracted early to the islands and mainland of the New World. Even before the end of the seventeenth century, young Scotsmen had begun to wander across the seas, either to fill civil offices in the colonies, to find cheap land upon which to set up farms and plantations, or to serve in regiments, stationed for longer or shorter periods in Boston, New York, or some one of the island colonies. As lands in the West Indies became more difficult to obtain, because of the growth of the sugar industry, many of the settlers turned to the mainland of America, to North Carolina in particular, and after the opening of the Cape Fear section, colonized there in great numbers--Hamiltons, Martins, Mackinnens, Hallidays, Murrays, Duncans, Rutherfurds, Pringles, and Schaws--all of whom figure in this Journal. Before the end of the colonial period both Lowland and Highland Scots were to be found in North Carolina, Georgia, New York, and Nova Scotia, with

a few in Maryland and Virginia as well; and some of them, men of the old covenanting blood and spirit, alive to the opportunities offered by commerce or the development of large plantations, became important officials or planters and tradesmen of prominence and influence. Wherever these Scotsmen found themselves, whether in the West Indies or on the American Continent, in Oporto or in Lisbon--Portuguese cities where treaty relations with Great Britain made it possible for English and Scottish merchants to monopolize commerce--there they established homes and places of business, and retaining their devotion to their mother-country, their king, and their traditions, created centres of Scottish life that became in reality little Scotlands. Mutual affection and devotion characterized these Scottish families, wherever their members settled. Eager for news from home, those in the colonies extended generous hospitality to the wandering members of their own family, or the families of their friends; those that remained in Scotland never lost interest in their kin across the sea, aided them with money, and welcomed them back whenever they could come. Thus had the stage been set for Alexander and Janet Schaw, who, all unconscious of so much preparation for their advent into history, wandered happily from one to another of the West Indian islands, to various plantations and centres of the colony of North Carolina, and finally, Miss Schaw herself, to Lisbon, meeting old friends and acquaintances, and enjoying the lavish hospitality that clannish Scotsmen naturally offered to such charming and distinguished guests.

        It is a matter for congratulation that Miss Schaw made her visit to the West Indies and the Cape Fear just when she did, for had she come a few years later, she would have found Antigua and St. Kitts, not at the height of their prosperity as they were in 1774, with the Hamiltons, Martins, and Paynes dispensing almost royal hospitality, but suffering from the somewhat devastating effects of the American

Revolution: and had she come earlier, we should have lacked a chronicler of a period of our own revolutionary history for which there exists no finer contemporary document than her Journal. Not only does she describe graphically and interestingly the natural scenery and social life of the places she visited--for she is a gifted letter writer, as other extant letters of hers prove--but she gives us pictures of political life in North Carolina during the stormy pre-revolutionary days which are typical, not only of the Cape Fear, but also of many other colonial centres, and which help us to understand, even if they do not induce us to accept, the conservative point of view held by those who in such troublous times remained loyal to their mother-country. From the moment of her arrival at Brunswick until she sailed for Portugal in the autumn of 1775, Miss Schaw gives a running account of affairs in the Cape Fear, both social and political, as seen by one of the group of loyalists and conservatives, of whom many undoubtedly were forced into active opposition to the colonial government by the violence of the extreme radicals. In this connection it is interesting to learn that of the men of Brunswick and Wilmington whom the Schaws knew well, those who moved to the Cape Fear from Charleston, such as Richard Quince, William Dry, Joseph Eagles, James Moore, and others, became the nucleus, as it were, of the united provincial group, which often, and especially after the actual outbreak of hostilities, opposed those "newcomers and foreigners" of English or Scottish birth, such as Dr. Cobham, Robert Hogg, the Rutherfurds, and the Schaws. Such cleavages of friendship were unhappily frequent, for political feeling ran high in all the colonies; and it is not difficult to understand Miss Schaw's indignation when she saw the radical group of North Carolina politicians, self-styled "patriots," forcing into rebellion a colony which she believed had itself no real grievance against the mother-country. Her accounts of the persecutions of such refined, intellectual men

as Dr. Cobham and Archibald Neilson, and of such honorable business men as Robert Hogg, Samuel Campbell, and Thomas Macknight--persecutions that drove them either out of the colony entirely or most unwillingly into the ranks of the king's party; her story of the tarring and feathering of Neilson's valet; of the enforced drilling of unwilling "volunteers"; of the threats against the lives of peaceful citizens who refused to "sign the Association"--all these details, vividly and feelingly described, together with her own impressions of individuals and events, constitute a story that challenges the attention of all those genuinely interested in our movement for independence. Such contemporary evidence makes us realize that our forefathers, however worthy their object, were engaged in real rebellion and revolution, characterized by the extremes of thought and action that always accompany such movements, and not in the kind of parlour warfare, described in many of our text books, in which highly cultivated and periwigged American gentlemen of unquestioned taste and morality, together with farmers of heroic mould, engaged life and limb for principles of democratic government, which developed, in fact, only during later periods of our national life. A definitive account of the loyalists in our revolution has yet to be written, but such a contribution should help to clarify our minds about the facts of our colonial history, and counteract the false judgments and prejudices which perpetuate what a recent writer so aptly describes as "the ancient grudge."

        But this Journal, valuable as it undoubtedly is as history, claims recognition for itself also as a literary and human document, and places its author among the littérateurs of her country and century. Researches, amply rewarded in other respects, unfortunately have failed to secure much information about the personal life of Janet Schaw herself; but we know that she was born in Lauriston, a suburb of Edinburgh, in a house which is still standing, and conjecture that at the

time of her voyage to the West Indies and America she was possibly thirty-five or forty years of age. She came of an old Scottish family that counted as blood relations or connections by marriage Murrays, Rutherfurds, and Scotts, and was herself a third cousin once removed of Sir Walter Scott. The common ancestor of all was a certain John Schaw, minister of Selkirk, who had married Anne, daughter of an early Sir John Murray of Philiphaugh. On January 23, 1723, Janet's father, Gideon Schaw, was married to an Anne Rutherfurd, also a cousin of Sir Walter's and great-aunt of the three Rutherfurd children who accompanied Alexander and Janet Schaw to America. By this marriage there were six children, of whom three only, Robert, Janet, and Alexander, figure in this Journal. As early as 1726 Gideon Schaw and his wife were living at Lauriston Yards, a fourteen acre farm just outside Edinburgh, now included in the city proper; and we know that there the eldest daughter, Anne, was born; but inasmuch as from 1730 to 1751 Gideon Schaw held positions in other parts of Scotland, and as we can find no records of birth or baptism for Janet or Alexander, we can only guess as to where they were born and when. Janet probably spent many years at Lauriston, and we believe that she was residing there at the time of her father's death in 1772, two and a half years before her narrative opens; but of her later life, after her return from Lisbon in the winter of 1776, we know almost nothing. That she was living in Edinburgh, at least for a time, is indicated by the dedication in 1778 of one copy of the Journal from "St. Andrews Square" in that city, and also from an entry in the Edinburgh directory of 1778-1779, which gives her residence as "New Town," a northern section of Edinburgh which included St. Andrew's Square. Such are the meagre facts of the life of our charming "Lady of Quality." Had she, like her brother Alexander or her relative John Rutherfurd, held positions of public trust, or, like her brother Robert and the Rutherfurd children, owned land

on the Cape Fear, public records would have been available for her history as they have been for the history of these others; but she, the most important person connected with the Journal, remains for the most part unrecorded. Nor is the elusive lady to be caught anywhere it seems, for as far as we know she did not marry; and having made her contribution to history and letters, she passes on--what woman but will envy her!--without date, ageless, just Janet Schaw, the author of "The Journal of a Lady of Quality."

        But if records fail to furnish the life history of our author, her Journal is rich in revelations of her character and ability and shows her to be a well-born Scotswoman, loyal to her country and her king, in her tastes and preferences an aristocrat, and in religious, social, and political views a typical member of the educated class in Scotland in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Her prejudices and antipathies, though largely temperamental, are to a certain extent also those of her class; and although they do not invalidate her sense of fact, at times they warp her judgment and blind her to the real significance of the events in which she plays an important part. But, on the whole, Miss Schaw exhibits a tolerance and breadth of view, especially in matters pertaining to religion and faith, that seem unusual, unless one recalls the fact that she was living and writing at a time when Scotland was not only passing through a period of great material prosperity, marked by extension of trade and rapid development in agriculture; but was also making her greatest contribution to science, philosophy, and literature, and through such men as David Hume, Adam Smith, Black, Leslie, Hutton, and above all Macpherson, was exercising a profound influence on the contemporary thought of the intellectual world. It is not surprising, therefore, to find Miss Schaw discussing scientific methods of tilling the soil and harvesting the crops, and drawing comparisons between the thrifty intensive farming she had seen in East Lothian and

the shockingly wasteful methods employed by whites and blacks alike on the plantations of the Cape Fear. Also, it is natural that, inheriting as she did the literary traditions of Allan Ramsay and James Thomson, and living in the midst of a metaphysical and philosophical renaissance, she should take great pride in the philosophers and poets of her country, should quote them frequently with admiration and approval, and adopt them as guides in the conduct of life. We almost catch the contemporary thrill when she exclaims over the magic beauty of Ossian; and share her amusement when she finds that the book from which Fanny Rutherfurd was reading aloud when the boat seemed to be sinking, was not the Bible but, as Miss Schaw laughingly confesses, Lord Kames's Elements of Criticism! However, she is deeply religious and revels in hymns and the Scriptures, as her frequent quoting of both attests; and although she disclaims being a bigot and really is a very tolerant person, she acknowledges that the force of habit is too strong to allow her to be anything more than a spectator at the ceremonies of other churches than her own. She prefers, so she says on one occasion with her characteristic frankness, "the snivelling of a sincere-hearted country precentor" to the impressive service and grand music of the beautiful church at Antigua, and doubts whether there is much real religion in the ceremonious procedure of the Anglican church.

        Her antipathies, however, are not only religious, they are political and social as well; but inasmuch as she is never illhumoured in her criticism, her strong feelings on various subjects only tend to make her more vivid, and produce in any portrait of her an effect of earnestness and force that contrast delightfully with the varied and lighter sides of her character. As might be expected, from a Lowland Scot, a staunch Presbyterian, and a Hanoverian, she is thoroughly distrustful of her neighbors the French, who, she says with much contempt are, like "chattering, grimacing monkeys,

. . . subtle enemies and false friends, and as little ashamed of defeat as a French admiral or general." We can only hope that she lived to know that the "little Billie" of her journal became the Captain William Gordon Rutherfurd of the Swiftsure, who, serving with distinction under the great Lord Nelson, took part in the defeat of the hated French at the battle of Trafalgar.

        It is in character, too, that she should condemn the radical American colonists as rebels and savages, and be shocked and enraged by some of the events she witnessed in the Cape Fear; for by temperament and education Miss Schaw detested violence and cruelty, advocated the authority both of the family and the state, and cherished always the good form and courtly manners characteristic of the refined society to which she was accustomed. That in social matters she was conservative and valued the conventions of life for society at large, there is ample evidence; though it is also true that, aristocratically, she sometimes claimed exemption for herself, as when she humorously defied custom and drank wine at a ladies' luncheon in Antigua, or, for purposes of safety and convenience, travelled with Archibald Neilson in Portugal as his wife. Also, she took for granted a certain laxity of morals in her own class, when, for instance, she describes the terror of one of the emigrants, "a lovelorn youth," who but for herself and her brother would have fared badly at the hands of an outraged husband, "a rough fellow," she calls him, "who had not the patience of your husbands of fashion." But her prejudices and points of view, such as they are, only relate her more closely to the very fine type to which she belonged; while her intelligence, kindly human sympathies, and freshness of heart and mind save her from provinciality, and leave on our minds the impression of a truly admirable and delightful woman. A real love of fun and humour and an instinctive passion for fair play--such are the qualities which she shared largely with her brother

Alexander, and of which they both gave evidence again and again during the eventful sixteen months of which the Journal treats. They make a charming picture, this highly bred, high-spirited brother and sister, who faced life wherever it found them with courage and equanimity, good nature and kindliness--he, the educated, intelligent man of affairs, prompt in action, impatient of brutality and injustice, resourceful in emergencies both on land and at sea; she, the candid, warm-hearted, quick-witted woman of the world, a person of very real distinction and charm. Whether or not she was beautiful, we do not know, for although she loves the flower-like beauty of Fanny Rutherfurd and has much to say of the good looks of the men and women of Antigua, she refers to her own appearance but twice: once when she writes jocosely that a passion is begun between Mr. Baird, the collector, and herself, "which, as it is not raised on beauty, it is to be hoped will be lasting"; and again, when speaking of the masks worn by the ladies of Antigua, she says, "As to your humble servant, I have always set my face to the weather, wherever I have been. I hope you have no quarrel with brown beauty." But that she was genial and sociable, liking both men and women and liked by them in return, there is ample proof; and it is not surprising that two such visitors as she and her brother Alexander received a warm welcome wherever they went, and that their journey resembled more a royal progress than a tour of ordinary travellers.

        But it is not only as a faithful chronicler of what she saw and experienced, or as an interesting and charming woman, that Janet Schaw claims attention, but above all as an artist, as a lover of beauty and form, who uses her masses of material with reserve and discrimination, securing her backgrounds and atmosphere with delicacy and precision, and drawing her figures with swift, sure strokes of her pen. Her imagination plays about the subjects that interest her, and feeling and emotion lift her work above the commonplace

into the realm of artistic achievement. She revels in the smell of the air, as it comes to her "warm off the African coast"; in the colour and perfume of Mrs. Dunbar's garden; in the richness and elegance of architecture of churches and houses and public buildings. Picture after picture she paints for us--landscapes of rugged mountains and bleak, barren lands with an almost arctic atmosphere; frightful storms with boats battling for their existence; sea-scapes of tropical islands in an almost motionless ocean, langourous under the rays of a burning sun; vivid little genre pictures of a lady going to a ball dressed out in all her "British airs with a high head and a hoop"; of emigrants at play in the sunshine on the deck of a sailing vessel; of marvellous banquets where the varieties of food and drink seem infinite in number, and where one is presented with a refreshing liquid "in a crystal cup with cover of silver"; of slaves going to market in joyful troops, carrying animals and fruits and flowers "like a set of devotees going to sacrifice to their Indian gods." Her portrait of the exquisite Lady Belle Hamilton seated in her magnificent hall at "Olivees," her handsome young husband near her, and beside her a little mulatto girl "dressed out like an infant Sultana" possesses in its effects of contrast the quality achieved by Rossetti in his lovely picture of "The Bride"; whereas in such a description as that of the great storm at sea, when the ship with her sails fluttering in rags was all but lost, our author seems almost inspired.

        Miss Schaw knows, also, the uses, for artistic purposes, of fun and humour,--broad at times as was characteristic of the period,--of balance and rhythm, of imagery, of pathos and emotion, and even of sentimentality, and sketches picture after picture instinct with warmth and colour and motion and the joy of living. Very often, especially in the descriptive parts of her work, and in her characterizations, she suggests her compatriot Stevenson, who might have said of her subjects what he says of Raeburn's, that "the people

who sat for these pictures are not yet ancestors, they are still relations. They are not yet altogether a part of the dusty past, but occupy a middle distance within cry of our affections." Her contribution both to history and to literature is a real one, and so vivid and human are the events and the people she depicts as to make us feel that we have suddenly, and with real understanding, touched hands, as it were, with our forebears of the colonial period.

        Before the visitor has been long in the beautiful state of North Carolina, he will have realized, as have the editors of this volume, that from Miss Schaw's day to our own North Carolina has been one of the great southern triumvirate of states noted for the charm of their climate and scenery and the hospitality of their people. In pursuit of material connected with this Journal the editors have journeyed from Great Britain to North and South Carolina, finding everywhere such generous interest and such a delightful welcome as to make them feel that those who have coöperated in the volume are a veritable band of brother adventurers. Especially are they indebted to Dr. J. Maitland Thompson of Edinburgh, who has contributed genealogical information of great value and photographic copies of letters written by Janet Schaw; and to the present members of the Hewlett family, owners of the fine colonial house of "Rockhall," at Lawrence, Long Island, at times the home of the last royal governor of North Carolina, Josiah Martin, who with his father, Colonel Samuel of Antigua, are prominent in the Journal. In North Carolina, they have wandered from Raleigh to the Cape Fear and Albemarle regions, familiarizing themselves with the historical background of the Journal, and enjoying the innumerable courtesies that the North Carolinian lavishes upon the stranger within his gates. Everywhere have they met with coöperation, but especially have they to thank The North Carolina Society of the Colonial Dames of America, who are contributing financially to

the publication of this volume; Mr. John D. Bellamy, Jr., who has furnished many facts of real value; the late Mr. John G. Wood of Edenton, from whose important collection of papers at "Hayes" they have obtained much information concerning the Rutherfurd family; and even more particularly Mr. R. D. W. Connor, secretary of the North Carolina Historical Commission, who not only put at their disposal the manuscript material under his charge, but at every turn helped on the work with real interest and generous assistance. Finally, and with peculiar gratitude, the editors recall the hospitality and coöperation of Mr. James Sprunt of Wilmington, himself a Scot, under whose kindly guidance they were able to study Wilmington and the Cape Fear, and to whom most affectionately they dedicate this volume.

        Today one perceives very little of the isolation that Janet Schaw felt in Wilmington, now a beautiful city echoing to the hammers of new shipbuilding enterprises that sprang up during the war; but a sail down the Cape Fear River to the plantation of "Orton," sole survivor of the many interesting plantations that dotted the Cape Fear in colonial times, recalls her descriptions, and carries one into the heart of what was once old Brunswick, the first settlement that she saw on her arrival in the province. Today all that is left of the original town are the impressive brick ruins of St. Philip's Church, its roof open to the sky, its fine deep windows framing sunny bits of out of doors, and its nave and aisles picturesquely overgrown with grass and trees. In the old churchyard can be found graves and tombstones that testify to the burial there of some of Janet Schaw's friends; and starting from the centre of what was once Brunswick Town are here and there magnificent live oaks, still tenacious of life though heavy with years, and clothed in the fantastic, parasitic moss that is treacherously destroying them. To the north the fine colonial mansion of "Orton" brightly offers hospitality to the delighted stranger, giving

him a sense of stability and security; but neither the delicious warm sunshine of early spring, nor the odours of sweetscented flowers and shrubs drifting in from well-kept gardens, nor the drowsy washing of the river along the sandy shore can entirely dispel his fear lest in time the luxuriant jealous forest, which even now threatens to overwhelm both church and churchyard, shall reduce to jungle and obliterate forever the old Brunswick that once knew Janet Schaw.

EVANGELINE WALKER ANDREWS.

CHAPTER I.
The Voyage to the West Indies.

Burnt Island Road* on board the Jamaica Packet 9 o'Clock Evening 25th Octr 1774.

        * Burntisland is a seaport of county Fife, on the north side of the Firth of Forth, five miles across from Leith and Edinburgh. As there was a ferry from Leith, it is quite probable that Miss Schaw and her party drove to Leith in carriages and there boarded the ferryboat for Burntisland. The seaport has an excellent harbour and was a favorite anchorage for vessels entering or leaving the firth, but the fact that the owner of the vessel lived at Burntisland may furnish an additional reason for the place of departure. Some of the Scottish regiments serving in the Revolutionary War sailed from this port, and as early as 1627 we meet with a vessel called the Blessing of Burntisland.

        WE are now got on Board, heartily fatigued, yet not likely to sleep very sound in our new apartments, which I am afraid will not prove either very agreeable or commodious; nor, from what I can see, will our Ship be an exception to the reflections thrown on Scotch Vessels in general, as indeed, nothing can be less cleanly than our Cabin, unless it be its Commander, and his friend and bedfellow the Supercargo. I hinted to the Captain that I thought our Cabin rather dirty. He assured me every Vessel was so 'till they got out to Sea, but that as soon as we were under way, he wou'd stow away the things that were lumbering about, and then all wou'd be neat during the Voyage. I appear to believe him; it were in vain to dispute; here we are, and here we must be for sometime. My brother has laid

in store of whatever may render our Situation agreeable, and I have laid in a store of resolution to be easy, not to be sick if I can help it, and to keep good humour, whatever I lose; and this I propose to do by considering it, what it is, merely a Voyage.

        As we have no passengers but those of our own family, we will have all the accommodation the Vessel is capable of affording, and we can expect no more.

        My Brother has not yet got on Board, I dare say he will be sadly fatigued with the business he has had to go thro'. I will send this on shore with the boat that brings him off.

        I propose writing you every day, but you must not expect a regular Journal. I will not fail to write whatever can amuse myself; and whether you find it entertaining or not, I know you will not refuse it a reading, as every subject will be guided by my own immediate feelings. My opinions and descriptions will depend on the health and the humour of the Moment, in which I write; from which cause my Sentiments will often appear to differ on the same subject. Let this therefore serve as a general Apology for whatever you observe to do so thro' my future Letters.

        I am just now contemplating the various Sensations our intended Voyage and its destination produce in the little Group around me.*

        * Miss Schaw was accompanied by her brother, Alexander, and by the three children of John Rutherfurd, of North Carolina--Fanny, aged eighteen or nineteen, John Jr., aged eleven, and William Gordon, aged nine, all of whom, though born in North Carolina, had been sent to Scotland in 1767 for their education.

remembers her Father, and tho' she is equally rejoiced at the hopes of being once more clasped to the bosom of a fond Parent, yet her satisfaction is check'd by various considerations. In the first place, her Modesty makes her afraid he has drawn a picture of her person in his own Imagination, to which she will by no means come up, and her diffidence of her own attainments makes her fear he will not find her so accomplished as he has reason to expect. I believe she may make herself easy as to these, for few Fathers ever had better reason to be satisfied.

        But there is another Source of distress, to a sensible mind, still more severe. In this Country*

        * Scotland.

                         Give me again that glowing sense to warm,
                         The song to warble, and the wit to charm.

        My going will cheer the Travels of the best of Brothers, and once more give me the other, lost from childhood.*

        * The "best of brothers" was, of course, Alexander; "the other, lost from childhood," was Miss Schaw's brother Robert, probably older than herself. Later in the narrative, she says that he "had not seen a bleaching-washing since he was a boy," which would mean that he must have left Scotland at a very early age. For a further account of him, see Appendix XII.

restore me to you, perhaps to my dear Native land, on which may Heaven shower its choicest blessings. But farewell, my spirits are quite worn out, and my fatigues require rest, tho' I fear my narrow bed will be no great inducement to the drowsy powers. Adieu, sound and peaceful be the slumbers of my friend, whatever Mine prove.

        Sleep was more obliging than I expected; it was not long before all my cares were lost, which wou'd sooner have happened, but from the music of Mrs Mary's nose who had got the start of me.*

        * "Mrs Mary" was Mrs. Mary Miller, Miss Schaw's waiting woman, who accompanied her mistress on her travels. Whether she attended Miss Schaw during her Lisbon sojourn is doubtful (see below, page 210, note).

        Our Bed chamber, which is dignified with the title of State Room, is about five foot wide and six long; on one side is a bed fitted up for Miss Rutherfurd and on the opposite side one for me. Poor Fanny's is so very narrow, that she is forced to be tied in, or as the Sea term is lashed in, to prevent her falling over. On the floor below us lies our Abigail, Mrs Mary, now Mrs Miller. As she has the breadth of both our Beds and excellent Bedding, I think she has got a most envyable berth, but this is far from her opinion, and she has done nothing but grumble about her accommodation, and I fear will prove a most complete Abigail indeed.

        We had not slept above an hour, when my Brother arrived, he let down the half door to enquire after our healths. We both waked with pleasure at his well-known and friendly Voice, and made him happy by assuring him we found ourselves much better than we expected. After delivering the affectionate Compliments of merry friends, he warned us not to be alarmed if We heard a noise and screaming on Deck, for that the boat had gone off to bring Ovid, our owners poor Devil of a Negro man on Board, who was to

be laid in Irons, 'till we were fairly out at Sea. We desired to know what crime the poor wretch had committed to deserve so hard a sentence. He replied, he knew of none, for he believed he was a much worthier man than his Master, whom he had reason to think a very great scoundrel without heart or feeling. Just then we heard the Boat along side: my brother left us, and went on Deck to mitigate, if possible, the rigours intended against this unfortunate creature, and we lay trembling in fearful expectation of the event, but happily for our feelings, poor Ovid finding himself overpowered by numbers, submitted without resistance.

        Just then Mrs Miller awoke, was much surprised how we could sleep in so odious an hole, for her part, she never expected to close an eye in this Vile ship, was deadly sick with the motion (tho' by the bye it had not yet begun to move), and fell fast asleep with the words half pronounced on her Tongue. I am sure she is to be a great plague, but as she has left her Country with us, nothing shall prevent her being kindly treated, however little she may deserve it from her behaviour. My brother, who was sadly fatigued, had got into his Cott, which swings from the roof of the Cabin; our two little men were fast asleep in a bed just below him, when we were informed from the Deck that they were going to weigh anchor. Every body that was able, got up to see this first grand operation. My Brother descended from his Cot, the boys sprung out of bed, all hands were on Deck, hurry, bustle, noise, and confusion raged thro' our wooden kingdom, yet it was surprizing how soon every thing was reduced to order. In little more than a quarter of an hour, all was over, the watch was set, and nothing to be heard, but the sound of the man's feet moving regularly backwards and forwards at the helm, and the crowing of a Cock that the noise had waked in the Hen Coop. My Brother, as he again retired to his airy couch, informed us in passing our state room, that we were now underway, and that we wou'd be

in the Channel*

        * The "Channel" is the Firth of Forth.

        But short must be the slumber in so unquiet and uncertain a situation, we were soon roused again by the Voice of our Capn,*

        * The captain was Thomas Smith, and the vessel a brig or frigate of eighty tons, built in Massachusetts in 1772 and registered at Kirkcaldy, a seaport of Fife, northeast of Burntisland and the nearest port with a naval office. Captain Smith had registered the vessel on October 22, three days before sailing (see below, page 144, note).

his wives and children who now heard him, made such an outcry for Breakfast, as shewed their Stomachs suffered nothing from the Sea Air.

        Their demands complied with, the outcry ceased, but they kept such a Peck Pecking directly over head, that it was impossible to rest, and banished all desire to sleep. This was a Misfortune much less felt by me than my poor young friend, who was now sick to death. I prevailed on Mrs Miller to get up and give us a dish of Tea, this she actually tried, but was not able to stand on her feet, as she was now really sick, and the motion of the Ship very violent. It was in vain for either of us to think of moving, and we were almost in despair, when fortunately I bethought me of Robert, my brother's Indian servant, a handy good fellow. "Oh!" cried I, to the first that I saw, "oh! for Heaven's sake send us Robt, Black Robt." Robt approached our state room, with all the dignity of a slow-stalking Indian Chief. "Dear Robt," exclaimed I, "cou'd you be so good as to get us a dish of Tea?" "To be certain, my Lady," replied he, "but Miss is very badly, and Tea is not good for her; I will get her a little good Chicken broth." "Do, dear Robt," cried poor Fanny, in a voice of the utmost thankfulness. Robt stalked off, and it was not long before he made his appearance with a Mess of the most charming chicken broth that ever comforted a sick stomach; and if ever you are again at Sea, pray, remember Robert's receipt, and if you do not find it the best thing you ever tasted, surely I have no judgment in Broths. Robt dealt out his benefits in Tea cup-fulls, every one had a little, and every one had a desire for more, so that his broth went thro' many Editions.

        My Brother was now up, and tho' he wou'd not own he was sick, yet confessed he was a degree at least beyond squeemish. This he attributed to the smell of the Cabin, and to say the truth, this alone was enough. This sense of his has often been troublesome to him, and I am much mistaken, if

he will find pleasure from it during his abode in the Jamaica Packet. Even the boys complain of being, they do not know how-ish, so he and they have gone on deck to try the Air. But tho' I make no doubt this is a good receipt, it is not in Miss Rutherfurd's power or mine to follow their Example, for, besides that we cannot keep our feet one moment, the Climate, we are in, is one of the coldest and worst in the World. The air is bitter beyond expression, with the addition of a constant dragling rain which renders it unsufferable, even to the poor Sailors, who are hardly able to stand out the watch; and as they never fail to be wet thro' and thro', my Brother is become very anxious about their healths, as he observes we have not half the compliment the Owner bargained with him for; his being obliged to stay so long at London made him trust to this fellow Parker the owner of the Ship,*

        * The owner of the ship, the Jamaica Packet, was George Parker, who had lived in Wilmington from 1762 to 1771 as a householder and merchant, and was well known to Rutherfurd and the Schaws. He had been a town commissioner in 1764, and in 1766, as owner of the ship Nancy, had taken part in the protest against the stamps during the Stamp Act troubles. In 1771 he decided to leave Wilmington and go to Burntisland, where he had a brother. Consequently, he sold his house on Market Street, his lands, negroes, pettiauger, furniture, chaise, etc., for £910 (Wilmington, Register's Office, Conveyances, F, 157-160) and returned to Scotland. He seems to have been under some obligation to Rutherfurd, but in his dealings with Miss Schaw and her party showed very little honesty or friendship. There are references to him in the Brunswick County Records, Conveyances, A, 129-130, the North Carolina Colonial Records, VI, 177-178, and the Wilmington Town Records.

        He came and pressed this Vessel on us, declaring that as he had the highest obligation to Mr Rutherfurd and my brother in Carolina, he had brought this ship from Newcastle, where he was destined for a different Voyage, on purpose to accommodate us, as she was an excellent Vessel, and he could let us have her entirely to ourselves. He affected a perfect indifference as to terms, which, however, in the end,

turned out very high. We had the precaution however to have her Hull viewed, which was declared vastly good, and I hope is so. He told us his plan was to send her with a light lading to the West Indies, where she would dispose of her Cargo, and, after taking in some Rum, Sugar, etc., wou'd sail with my Brother (as soon as he had settled his affairs at St Kitts* )

        * Alexander was going out as searcher of customs at St. Christopher.

        There is no such thing as being warm, do what we will, and tho' we have but little wind hitherto, yet we are jaulted to death by the motion of the ship in these rough seas. Yet the Capt is every moment congratulating us on the smoothness of our Vessel, which he declares is so soft in her Motion, that one may play at Bowls on the deck. However as I am like to beat out my teeth every time I try to drink, and often after all am not able to bring the cup to such a direction as to obtain my desire, I cannot help thinking he rather overrates the gentleness of her Motions, tho' the mate in confirmation of what his Captain says, asserts, that last time he crossed the Atlantick even in a calm, they were forced to ly flat on their faces, which the hogs stubbornly refusing, had their brains knocked out against the sides of the ship. How happy are we, who are only in danger of losing teeth and breaking limbs.

        As I was amusing myself with my pen, and Fanny with her book, a little while ago, my brother came into the Cabin, and informing us the weather was tolerable fair. He had provided watch-coats to secure us from the cold, and begged we would go with him upon deck, as he was sure a little fresh air would do us much good. We immediately accepted his invitation, and while we were preparing for this excursion, I asked my brother, if he had seen all our crew, and what sort of hands they were; for that as I lay awake last night in bed, I heard a heavy groan, (from that part of the steerage*

        * "Steerage" in the sailing vessels of the day was the space below decks aft, that is, in the stern of the vessel. The accommodations, as the narrative shows, were straitened and uncomfortable. "Steerage passengers" are mentioned quite early in the eighteenth century.

which is only divided by a few boards from our State room,) when presently a Voice called out, "What's the matter, man," on which the groaner (as I supposed) replied, "Alas! alas! this is a hard pillow for three score years to rest on." My brother smiling took me by the hand, and reaching out the other to Fanny, bade us come along, and we wou'd probably discover our groaning Neighbour. We now ascended the Companion or Cabin stair, when, judge of my surprize, I saw the deck covered with people of all ages, from three weeks old to three score, men, women, children and suckling infants. For some time I was unable to credit my senses, it appeared a scene raised by the power of Magic to bring such a crowd together in the middle of the Sea, when I believed there was not a soul aboard but the ship's crew and our own family. Never did my eyes behold so wretched, so disgusting a sight. They looked like a Cargo of Dean Swift's Yahoos*

        * The Yahoos of Gulliver's Travels are described as brutes with human forms and vicious and uncleanly habits.

        It was impossible to account for this strange apparition, till the Captain informed me, that they were a company of Emigrants,*

        * For the highland emigration of these years, see Appendix I.

added many other particulars, and summed up all by the comfortable intimation, that C----r, the supercargo,*

        * Though it is hardly possible to recover the name of the supercargo, his character as "a republican and a violent American" is a sufficient indentification. He will be met with again (pp. 64, 65). It is evident that Miss Schaw did not like him, deeming him a silly fellow and a fool.

        A "supercargo" was an officer of a merchant ship who was entrusted with the sale of the cargo and other commercial transactions. Such an officer required not only a knowledge of business, but also a certain amount of diplomatic skill to deal with extraordinary situations. The following explanation of the origin of this functionary is given by an old American naval commander. "Captains of ships were not often educated men; they began to go to sea very young, they learned just enough to navigate their ships in the simple way and with the crude instruments of that day. They could handle their ships under all circumstances and they were proficients with lead and line, etc., but they were not merchants, and generally knew nothing about buying and selling cargoes; consequently it was necessary that a merchant should go with the ship to do the cargo-selling and buying, and that man was the Supercargo. They were always men of mercantile education, often of extensive education, collegiate, etc., etc. At sea, after preparing their accountbooks, etc., they had little to do and they often learned to handle the ship, to navigate, etc., and became expert seamen. Bowditch, whose work on Navigation [1802] is the basis of most navigation books and whose own work is used by three-fourths of the navigators of the world, was the supercargo of a ship. He learned seamanship for want of something else to do. He was a college graduate and stood high as a mathematician, and when he took up navigation on board the ship he found the methods in use were crude and erroneous and he proposed to make new rules and processes and actually did make new rules from day to day, which the captain used and pronounced much better than the old methods." Letter from Commander Edward Hooker, November 9, 1894 (Connecticut Historical Society).

Padie's candles, that I became curious to know what sort of things they were, and found it was a favourite foremast joke of a teague,*

        * "Teague" was a word for a simple, unsophisticated Irishman, used generally in a half contemptuous sense. In origin the name was that of a faithful Irish servant, blundering and inefficient, one of the characters in Sir Robert Howard's comedy, "The Committee" (1665).

        As I am resolved no more to encounter these wretched human beings, I will have the more time to write. Indeed you never beheld any thing like them. They were fully as sensible of the motion of the Vessel as we were, and sickness works more ways than one, so that the smell which came from the hole, where they had been confined, was sufficient to raise a plague aboard. I am besides not a little afraid, they may bestow upon me some of their live-stock, for I make no doubt they have brought thousands alongst with them. Faugh! let me not think of it; it affects my stomach more than this smooth sailing Vessel, or this shocking rough Sea, in which we are tumbling about so, that I can hardly hold the pen.

        I am warm nowhere but in bed, and it is really surprizing how sound we sleep; we wake indeed regularly at the calling of every watch; but I begin to think it chearful. Poor Fanny is still vastly sick; when out of bed, she sits like a statue of monumental Alabaster, so white, so cold and so patient. This is by no means the case with my brother, who is deadly sick and even as impatient as it is possible. I am quite distressed to see him in such a plight, and can discover nothing to give him relief. I have exhausted all my physic and cookery to no purpose, poor soul, nothing sits on his stomach, nor can he rest a moment thro' the Night, but bounces in and out of his

cot, every quarter of an hour, the ropes of which not being originally strong, down it comes, then all hands to tie him up. He gives them many a hearty curse, and truly I am often tempted to join him. His sufferings however never get the better of his good humour, he laughs at himself, and would freely allow me the same liberty, had I the heart to use it; he comforts poor Fanny; tho', thank God, she is not near so ill as he is.

        I must now go and prepare for bed, which, I assure you, is no easy task, the toilet engages much more of my time at Sea than ever it did at land; we sit in bed till we dress, and get into it, when ever we begin to undress.

        Mrs Miller is in such bad humour that we dare hardly speak to her. This, you may believe, would be matter of little moment, were she not mistress of the provisions, and will let us have nothing but what she chuses; we have, particularly, a large quantity of eggs prepared to keep thro' the Voyage. Miss Rutherfurd, this morning, humbly begged one, but had not interest sufficient to obtain it, tho' she saw Mary eat a couple very comfortably to her own breakfast. If you have a mind to learn, they say, go to Sea. I remember an Anecdote of the Ship's Crew aboard which the Duke of Glocester first went abroad. The Sailors were all drawn up to pay they Compts as he came on board, but his highness hurried into the Cabin, without taking the least notice of them. "I think," cries Jack to Tom, "this same prince or Duke, has d--d little manners." "Why, where the devil should he have got them," returned Tom, "when he never was at Sea before." And so, dearest friend, good night, dream of me, as I shall try to do of you.

        My poor brother has passed another night, with as little comfort as the former. He finds himself worst in the Cabin, and for that reason, stays continually on deck, notwithstanding the constant Rains, the oze and even the waves that wet him thro' and thro'. The Vessel is so deeply loaded, that she

is within a few inches of the water, by which means the waves come all over the Deck. This indeed looks frightful, but as yet we have only a rough Sea to combat, for we have no more wind than is necessary to swell our sails and bear us along, and this, they assure us, is the reason we feel it so rough, as the ship lies tumbling about amongst the waves, and has not her sails sufficiently filled to buoy her above them; and this reasoning I begin to comprehend, yet cannot find in my heart to wish an increase of wind.

        We have just finished breakfast, a meal which costs no little trouble. Miss Rutherfurd can get nothing she is able to taste. Tea without milk she cannot drink, and Coffee is reprobated by us all for the same want. We tried chocolate, but found it much too heavy. I have carried one point and got eggs, but we unfortunately trusted the provideing the bread to our owner, and there is not a bisket on board fit for any thing but the hogs. However, my brother had swallowed an egg, and was just going to drink a cup of burnt Claret with spiceries, which Robert was cooking over the Cabin stove, with much care and attention, when the Nasty Captain coming down to take a dram from his gin case, set all our stomachs topsy turvy by the smell. My brother flew to the deck, Miss Rutherfurd to her state room, I applied to my smelling bottle, while Mrs Miller more wisely than any of us joined the Captain, and finds herself much the better for it.

        Notwithstanding my resolutions of going no more on deck, I must attend my brother there just now, as he has sent to let us know that we are passing the fine islands of Orkney and Shetland. I little expected even to have had an opportunity of seeing them, so will give them a look in spite of the cold that flows off their frozen mountains.

        I left you yesterday to view the Scotch Islands, which I accordingly did. We were almost opposite to Shetland, when we came on deck, but it afforded nothing to please my eye,

or atone for the cold, that I suffered in looking at its barren heaths, frozen mountains and wild tracts of frightful rocks; and I was turning in disgust from so chearless a scene, when my attention was caught by one of the most affecting scenes that could be presented to a feeling heart, and, I thank God, mine is not composed of very hard materials. It is so warm on my mind that I fear I will not be able to reduce it into order, but if I am able to paint it the least like what I feel it, I am sure you will share my feelings.

        You remember I told you some days ago how much I had been surprized, as well as disgusted, at the appearance of a company of Emigrants, who had been privately put aboard our Ship. I was too much chagrined at their being with us to give myself the trouble of inquiring who they were, but now find they are a company of hapless exiles, from the Islands we have just passed, forced by the hand of oppression from their native land.

        The Islands were now full in sight,*

        * At this point the route of the vessel is obscured by Miss Schaw's confusion of the Orkney and Shetland Islands. The islands they had "just passed" were not the Shetlands but the Orkneys, from one of which the Lawsons and others must have come. Miss Schaw could not have seen the Shetlands at all, for the next land, which the vessel must have passed on the south side, was the Fair Isle, a small island three miles long and two broad, lying midway between the two larger groups. The "safe basin" referred to was the only harbor that the island possessed, a shallow indentation on the eastern side, rarely, if ever, frequented by ships. All habitations were on the south, so that in watching what was going on Miss Schaw stood at the rail facing north. An excellent map and description of this Fair Isle may be found in Tudor, The Orkneys and Shetland, ch. xxxiii.

mountains, was dear to them, far more dear than the most fertile plains will ever appear. It was their native land, and how much is contained in that short Sentence, none but those who have parted with their own can be judge of. Many, whom I now beheld, had passed year after year in peace and sweet contentment; they wished, they imagined nothing beyond what it afforded, and their gray hairs seemed a security that they should mingle their dust with that of their fathers, when the cruel hand of oppression seized on their helpless age, and forced them (at that late season) to seek a foreign grave across the stormy main.

        Hard-hearted, little Tyrant of yonder rough domains, could you have remained unmoved, had you beheld the victims of your avarice, as I have done, with souls free from guilt, yet suffering all the pangs of banished villians; oh! had you seen them, their hands clasped in silent and unutterable anguish, their streaming eyes raised to heaven in mute ejaculations, calling down blessings, and pouring the last benedictions of a broken heart on the dear soil that gave them being; perhaps even a prayer for the cruel Author of all their woes*

        * We have been unable to identify the "cruel Author of all their woes," though the reference seems very specific and the charge is directed against a very definite and seemingly prominent person.

        In this general group of Sorrow, there was one figure that more particularly engaged my attention. It was that of a female, who supported with one arm, an Infant about a month old, which she suckled at her breast; her head rested on the other, and her hand shaded her face, while the tears that streamed from under it bedewed her breast and the face of the Infant, who was endeavouring to draw a scanty nourishment from it. At her knee hung a little Cherub about two years old, who looked smiling up into her face, as if courting her notice, and endeavouring to draw her from her melancholy Reflexions; while a most beautiful little girl about eight years old stood by, and wept at the sight of her Mother's tears. I wished for Miss Forbes,*

        * There seems to be no way of identifying Miss Forbes.

came up to take the child. "Is that your daughter?" said I, "No, madam," returned she, "that is an orphan niece of my husband, whom, in better days, he bred with a father's fondness. The poor child had no occasion to leave her own country. Many of her friends would gladly have taken her, but she would not leave us in our misery." I looked at Marion, for so she is called. I thought I never beheld any thing so beautiful. I wish to learn the history of this woman, which I will easily do, as they all know each other. I hope it will prove worth your reading and will give it a letter by itself. Tho' it be a hundred to one you never see these letters, yet as they give an idea of conversing with you, they afford myself infinite satisfaction.

        Pity, thou darling daughter of the skies, what a change do you produce in the hearts where you vouchsafe to enter; from thee the fairest social virtues derive their being; it is you who melt, soften and humanize the soul, raising the man into a God. Before the brightness of thy heavenly countenance every dirty passion disappears--pride, avarice, selflove, caution, doubt, disdain, with all which claim Dame Prudence for their mother; and how different a set appears in thy train, those gently-smiling Goddess-charity, meekness, gentle tenderness with unaffected kindness. What a change has she wrought on me since my last visit to the deck. Where are now the Cargo of Yahoos? they are transformed into a Company of most respectable sufferers, whom it is both my duty and inclination to comfort, and do all in my power to alleviate their misfortunes, which have not sprung from their guilt or folly, but from the guilt and folly of others.

        I have made many friendships since these last two days, and was not a little vain, on my coming on deck this morning, to hear the children with infantine joy, call to each other: "O there come the Ladies." We rewarded their affection with some apples, which we gave the young Rutherfurds to bestow, a task which, they declared afforded them more

pleasure than the best apple-pye would have given them. I find the woman I formerly mentioned is considered as superior to the rest of the company, and what is not always an effect of superiority, she is greatly esteemed by them. I was at no loss to obtain her history, as every one seemed willing to do justice to her miseries and misfortunes.

        Mr and Mrs Lawson, (for so they are called while the rest are only called John or Margt), were, till lately, in very affluent circumstances. He rented a considerable farm, which had descended in a succession from father to son, for many generations, and under many masters. He had also become proprietor of a piece of ground, on which he had built a neat house, and was thought a good match for Margt Young, the daughter of a neighbouring Farmer, more remarkable for his learning and respectable for his many virtues, than for his herds or flocks. The term of Lawson's Lease being out sometime ago, advantage was taken of the strong attachment he had for what he considered his natural inheritance; and his rent raised far beyond what it could ever produce. He struggled hard for some time, but all his industry proving vain, he was forced to give up his all to the unrelenting hand of oppression; and [to see] the lovely family, I have been so much admiring, turned out to the mercy of the winter winds. While I listened to this melancholy story, many of the Emigrants joined the person who was relating it, and added circumstances with which their own sad fate was connected; all, however, composed a tale of wo, flowing from the same source, Vizt the avarice and folly of their thoughtless masters.

        I shall finish this account by a few circumstances regarding poor Mrs Lawson particularly, who is, it seems, the only surviving child of her fond parent, her two brothers having been killed [in the] last war in America.*

        * By the "last war in America" probably the French and Indian War is meant.

make any comment on the conduct of our highland and Island proprietors. It is self-evident, what consequences must be produced in time from such Numbers of Subjects being driven from the country. Should levys be again necessary, the recruiting drum may long be at a loss to procure such soldiers as are now aboard this Vessel, lost to their country for ever, brave fellows, who tho' now flying from their friends, would never have fled from their foes. I have just seen Lawson, he is a well looking fellow, between forty and fifty, has a bold, manly, weather-beaten countenance, with an eye that fears to look no man in the face, yet I saw it glisten, when I complimented him on the beauty of his family. "Yes, Madam," said he, "they deserved a more fortunate father," turning abruptly away to hide a tear, which did him no discredit, in my opinion.

        I am just now summoned to the deck to take a view of the Fair Isle. For what reason it bears so pretty a name I cannot guess, for I expect little beauty in these Seas.

        The Fair Isle, which we passed yesterday, is the last land which belongs to Scotland, and has indeed as little beauty as I expected. The side that lay next us, is one continued chain of perpendicular rugged Rocks, and in many places the upper parts hang over, so that a ship that was to be driven against them, would have very little chance of Salvation. I observed almost in the centre of the Island however, a very safe Bason, which would admit tolerable large Vessels, and very convenient for boats to land from, and I should think it a snug place to carry on a contraband trade. Yet I dont find any such use made of it, the inhabitants living entirely on what the Island affords, together with a little trade for provisions, which, ships who are passing purchase of them. It was peopled many years ago from Denmark, and has kept so clear of foreign connection, that they still retain their looks, their manners and their dress, and tho', in their intercourse with strangers, a bad sort of English is spoken by the

men, yet, on the Island, nothing is spoken but their original language. Within our view was one very well-looking house, which, we were told, belongs to the proprietor of the Island; and at a little distance, a town composed of hutts with a church. I observed several stack-yards, but neither a tree nor a shrub.

        I have been the more particular as to this Island, as I do not recollect ever to have read any description of it, or indeed even heard of it, till the Captain advised me to trust to it for Sea-Stock, as an inducement to us to go north about, which, however at that time, we refused to do. He assured me, we would get poultry of all kinds extremely cheap, also eggs, fine dried fish and the best Cabbages, in the world. By the time we came on deck, he had hung out his flag and was plying off and on in the offing. The Sea was at that time running high, and it had begun to blow pretty fresh. I felt myself very uneasy for the boats, which, they told us, were extremely small. The signal was not out above a quarter of an hour, when we observed the shore full of people of both sexes, who were scrambling amongst the rocks, when presently they seemed to part, as if by consent, the one half making towards the town, while the other descended to the bason I formerly mentioned; and we soon saw them distinctly launch a number of boats, and put out on this rough Sea, a sight which greatly encreased my Anxiety. But as they came nearer, I was much pleased with the lightness with which they bounded over the waves. They are indeed light, pretty, neat Vessels, all extremely clean, and painted with various colours. They were each manned with four rowers and are long and narrow. I fancy they resemble Indian canoes, but appear extremely proper for these Seas. A number of them arrived safe at our ship, in a few Moments after they put off from the shore, and no sooner got along side the Vessel, than three of them quitted every boat--the fourth remained to take charge of her--and bearing their merchandize

in their arms, were aboard in a moment. The novelty of their appearance greatly amused me. They are entirely different from the Inhabitants of Scotland in general, and even from those of the Islands that lay next them; they are of a middling Stature, strong built and straight, their complexions uncommonly fair, their skins remarkably smooth, their features high, aquiline noses and small eyes. Their hair is not red but real yellow, and the older ones wore it long on the bottom of the chin, which is very peaked. They wore red caps lined with skin and Jackets of the same with a Paulice [pelisse] of coarse cloth and boots of undressed skin, with the rough side outmost, over which were trousers made of cloth. They are very active and their figures tho' uncouth, are by no means disagreeable.

        This fleet, however, brought us no provisions, but were loaded with the Island manufactures: such as knit caps, mittens, stockings, and the softest coarse cloth I ever saw made of wool. They informed us that the people we saw making to the town were gone for provisions, with which they would load their boats and be with us presently, that the best hen and duck was sold at four pence, a goose for sixpence, Chickens in proportion, eggs eighteen for a penny and plenty of Cabbage to boot. This was a most agreeable account; and while those concerned were settling their bargains, which was not to be done without much haggling, Fanny, my brother and I leaned over the side of the Vessell, diverting ourselves with the motions of this second fleet, which made towards us with surprizing celerity. While we were thus engaged and thinking all was peace and kindness round us, the cry of "Murder, help, murder," made us turn suddenly round. Nor can I describe what were our sensations, when we beheld our Captain, Supercargo and even some of the sailors binding one of the Islanders to the mast and stripping off his cloths. The poor creature applied to us for protection, which he would have instantly got, had not my Brother's attention

been called off to an object that more immediately engaged his humanity. This was one of the boats, which with a single rower on board, had got under the stern of our ship. The sea was so rough, that the motion of the Vessel was very violent, and she must have been dashed to pieces and the poor lad drowned, had not my brother flown to his assistance, part of the crew who had not joined the Captain and all the Emigrants engaging in this humane labour. The young man was saved, tho' the boat was all broke to pieces. As soon as they had got him safely on board, my brother turned sternly to the Captain and demanded the meaning of this outrage. "Oh D--n them," cried the Captain, "they know well enough." "Oh, your honour," cried the poor wretch frighted to death, "we never did him any harm, we did all we could to save his Ship and Cargo." This brought out a secret; and we now found, that, some months before this, our Captain had lost a ship on the frightful coast, I have been just describing. He could not deny they had used their utmost endeavours to serve him on that occasion; but that he had lost a chest which contained sundry articles and which he supposed was stolen, and was determined to have it back. And this noble motive, we have reason to believe, was the reason we have been brought round this dangerous and shocking navigation. This account, however, added stronger reasons still for my brother's interesting himself to obtain them good treatment, that of some future Vessel, perhaps, having a like fate, when it was not to be doubted, but these people would remember the reward they had from our grateful and humane Captain. He therefore assumed such an air of Authority as awed our commander into compliance. He let fall the rope's end, unbound the Victim of his resentment, and released those he had made prisoners below, who were now permitted to return to their boats, but unfortunately for us, had time enough to give a scream of caution to their friends, who were now just at hand, and, who understanding the signal, instantly turned

and rowed back to the shore as fast as they were able. And here ended our last Scotch adventure, with every hope of adding to our stock of provisions, which luckily, however, is sufficiently large to last us till we reach Antigua, which will now be the first land we will see. Adieu then, thou dear, loved native land. In vain am I told of finer Climates, or of richer soils, none will ever equal Scotland in my estimation. And in the midst of all the luxuries of the western world, I will envy the Cottager in his snow-surrounded hamlet. The wind encreases very fast, we will not have the prayers of the fair Islanders.

        We have had a very blowing night, and my poor brother is ready to die with sickness. He begins to lose his colour, and I fear much this constant straining at his stomach will bring on some serious illness. Fanny, thank God, is now quite well, and bears every thing without repining; that is indeed the sole employment of Abigail and we leave it entirely to her. I was set this morning very gingerly by the fire-side in an elbow chair I had made lash to for me close by the Cabin Stove, with my back to the door. I had taken up a book and was reading as composedly as if sitting in my closet. I did not however enjoy this calm situation long, for presently I heard a rumbling just behind me. This I took for a barrell of spoilt Callavans pease, which made part of the ship's provision, but which no body would eat, and it was an amusement to kick them over, two or three times a day, but what was my surprize, when the Cabin-door burst open and I was over-whelmed with an immense wave, which broke my chair from its moorings, floated every thing in the Cabin, and I found myself swiming amongst joint-stools, chests, Tables and all the various furniture of our parlour. Fanny escaped this and has laughed heartily at me, but I fancy we will all have our share before the Voyage be over. It Blows harder and harder, the shrouds make a terrible rattling, it is a horrid sound. Oh Lord! here comes the Captain, who tells us the

dead lights*

        * Dead lights were the heavy double windows or shutters put up outside the cabin windows to keep out the water in case of a storm.

        Thank God, the storm is at last subsided,*

        * Twelve days have passed.

                         Where wave on wave and gulph on gulph
                         O'ercomes the pilots art.

        I wou'd willingly give you a description of the horrors we have sustained for these ten or twelve days past, but tho' they made a sufficient impression on my own mind, never to be forgot, yet I despair of finding words to convey a proper idea of them to you. You remember I gave over writing, just as the Carpenter came in to put up the dead Lights, and a more dreary operation cannot be conceived; my heart, at that moment, seemed to bid farewell to Sun, Moon and Stars. But I now know one God commands at Sea and at Land, whose omnipotence is extended over every element. I praise him for his Mercys past, and humbly hope for more.

        The dead lights were no sooner up and a candle made fast to the table, by many a knot and twist of small cord, than my

young companion took up a book, and very composedly began to read to herself. I begged her to let me share her amusement by reading aloud. This she instantly complied with. She had however taken up the first book that came to hand, which happened not to be very apropos to the present occasion, as it proved to be Lord Kaims's Elements of Criticism.*

        * The reference is to Lord Kames's Elements of Criticism, three volumes, Edinburgh, 1762. There was a third edition with additions, published in 1765, in two volumes. An American edition in one volume was issued in 1871. Henry Home, Lord Kames, was a judge of the court of sessions in Scotland, who died in 1782. He was a well-known barrister, judge, and writer, who tried several cases in which some of those who emigrated to North Carolina--James Hogg, for example--were plaintiffs. There is a good account of him in the Dictionary of National Biography and records of cases tried before him can be found in the Scots Magazine. Boswell, in recording Dr. Johnson's prejudices against Scotland, cites his opinion of Kames. "But Sir," said Boswell, "we have Lord Kames." "You have Lord Kames" (replied Johnson), "keep him, ha, ha, ha! We don't envy you him" (Boswell's Life, II, 54).

        The books in the cabin were brought on board by Alexander Schaw for the use of the party. They were left at St. Christopher on his departure from that island in January, 1775, but whether afterwards recovered or not we cannot say. Alexander Schaw's will (1810) mentions books among his possessions.

        We did not continue above an hour in this dreary situation, tho' to us it appeared many, when the Captain came down and entering the Cabin with a chearful and assured countenance, congratulated himself and us on the fine breeze which was carrying us ten knotts an hour, and so elated was he with his good fortune, that tho' no singer, he could not help concluding with a favourite ballad of "How happy are we when the winds blow abaft." Tho' this was mere affectation in him, it had an immediate effect on our Spirits; our terror vanished in a moment, and we laughed at our own fears. It was now we discovered we were meeting death, like philosophers not Christians: with a Lord Kaims in our hands in place of a Bible. This imaginary calm did not, however, last long. As the evening advanced, the storm gathered strength, and not only encreased all that night, but all next day. The Sea was now running mountain high, and the waves so outrageous, that they came aboard like a deluge; and rushing from side to side of the Vessel, generally made their way into the Cabin, and from thence into the stateroom, which was often so full of water as almost to reach us in our beds. Poor Mary had now real cause to complain, as she was actually very near drowned while asleep, and could no longer ly in the state room but was forced to peg in with the boys who could easily let her share with them, fear and curiosity never suffering them to be in bed above a quarter of an hour at a time. But disagreeable as you will think our present situation, it was no more than a prelude to what followed. As we were constantly assured there was no danger, we made ourselves as easy as we could.

        On the second day of this breeze (as it was still termed) the joyful cry, "a sail, a sail," made us run on deck, regardless of the Weather, to see at a distance, a thing which contained within its wooden sides, some fellow-creatures, and tho' these were to us unknown, it is impossible to describe the pleasure every one felt on looking at her. She came

within hail of us and proved to be a brig from Liverpool loaded with merchant goods for Philadelphia; her figure shewed the nation she was from, neat, clean and lightly loaded. She seemed to rise above the waves, yet notwithstanding these advantages over our poor heavy hulk, she had her dead lights up also, and dipt them so often under the water, that it shewed us plainly the necessity there was for this precaution. As our course was different, we soon parted, and every heart felt a pang at losing sight of a ship we knew nothing of and being separated from people with whom we had no concern. Man is certainly by nature a kindly Social animal. The law of affection was planted in his breast for the best of purposes. The depravity of Individuals makes us on our guard amidst a populous world, and, indeed, has rendered caution so necessary, that it has cooled the best propensities of the heart and obliged us to set a guard on our feelings, least they betray us into kindness. But no sooner are we divided from our natural associates than humanity regains its superiority; we forget their faults; we love them as brethren and all our philanthropy instantly returns. To this I attribute the benevolence, sincerity and warm hearts we generally meet with in Sailors. They have no use of Prudence on board and scorn to make up an acquaintance with such an old mercenary Jade ashore, and tho' being strangers to her often hurts their purses and still oftener their health they never mind that.

                         A light heart and a thin pair of breeches
                         Goes round the wide world, brave boys.

        It was now about fifty hours the wind had been very high, tho' not dangerous. The sailors, however, began to complain heavily of their hard duty; besides, many things about the Vessel were beginning to give way: the ropes particularly, (which were not originally good,) were rendered so slight by the constant rain, that they every moment snapt

in the working, by which means the Ship underwent such sudden and violent evolutions, that we were often thrown off our seats. This forced us to ly abed nor were we even safe there from its effects.

        The rains continued, and the winds seemed to gain new strength from a circumstance that, in general, calms them. The sailors's hands were torn to pieces by pulling at the wet ropes. Their stock of Jackets were all wet, nor was there a possibility of getting them dried, as the Steerage was quite full of the Emigrants and hard loading; a piece of inhumanity, that I do not believe even Avarice ever equalled in any other owner. However our honest Johns did their best to keep a good heart, and weather out the gale. And when the wind would permit us to hear them, we were still serenaded with true love-garlands, and histories of faithful sailors and kind-hearted lasses. But on the fourth evening of the gale (as it was now termed) the whole elements seemed at war: horror, ruin and confusion raged thro' our unfortunate wooden kingdom, and made the stoutest heart despair of safety.

        Just after the midnight watch was set, it began to blow in such a manner, as made all that had gone before seem only a summer breeze. All hands, (a fearful sound) were now called; not only the Crew, but every man who could assist in this dreadful emergency. Every body was on deck, but my young friend and myself, who sat up in bed, patiently waiting that fate, we sincerely believed unavoidable. The waves poured into the state-room, like a deluge, often wetting our bed-cloths, as they burst over the half door. The Vessel which was one moment mounted to the clouds and whirled on the pointed wave, descended with such violence, as made her tremble for half a minute with the shock, and it appears to me wonderful how her planks stuck together, considering how heavy she was loaded, Nine hogsheads of water which were lashed on the deck gave way, and broke from their

Moorings, and falling backwards and forwards over our heads, at last went over board with a dreadful noise. Our hen-coops with all our poultry soon followed, as did the Cab-house or kitchen, and with it all our cooking-utensils, together with a barrel of fine pickled tongues and above a dozen hams. We heard our sails fluttering into rags. The helm no longer was able to command the Vessel, tho' four men were lash'd to it, to steer her. We were therefore resigned to the mercy of the winds and waves. At last we heard our fore main mast split from top to bottom, a sound that might have appaled more experienced Mariners, but we heard all in Silence, never once opening our lips thro' the whole tremendous scene:

                         "At last from all these horrors, Lord,
                         Thy mercy set us free,
                         While in the confidence of prayer,
                         Our Souls laid hold on thee."

        About seven in the morning, my Brother, the Capt and our young men came down to us. They too had been on deck all night, fear not suffering them to stay below. Jack had behaved thro' the whole with great fortitude, but poor Billie, who is scarcely ten years old, had been sadly frighted, and could not refrain from crying. "Why, you little fool," said my brother to him, "what the duce do you cry for; you are a good boy, if you are drowned, you will go to heaven, which is a much finer place than Carolina." "Yes, uncle," returned he sobbing, "Yes, Uncle, I know if I had died at land, I would have gone to Heaven, but the thing that vexes me is, if I go to the bottom of this terrible sea, God will never be able to get me up; the fishes will eat me and I am done for ever"; at this thought he cried bitterly, it was annihilation the poor little fellow dreaded, for as soon as he was convinced that God could get him up, he became quite calm and resigned.

        Tho' the immediate danger was now over, the storm had not subsided. The sea was in most frightful commotion, and the waves so tumultuous, that the deck was never a moment dry. Judge then what must have been the sufferings of the poor emigrants, who were confined directly under it; without air but what came down the crannies, thro' which also the sea poured on them incessantly. For many days together, they could not ly down, but sat supporting their little ones in their arms, who must otherwise have been drowned. No victuals could be dressed, nor fire got on, so that all they had to subsist on, was some raw potatoes, and a very small proportion of mouldy brisket. In this condition they remained for nine days, with scarcely any interval, (good Heavens! poor Creatures) without light, meat or air, with the immediate prospect of death before them; from the last indeed they should have found the only comfort. Their innocent Souls had little to fear from that prospect. This world had been to them a purgatory, and a few short fluttering sighs, with a little struggle, would have finished their pains, and put a period to a life of disappointment and sorrow. They would soon have found a watery tomb and been for ever at rest. But what rest remained for the iron-hearted tyrant, who forced age and infancy into such distress? Could he sleep in peace, who had provided such a cradle for the Babe, and such a pillow for the hoary head? Perhaps he did, but he may be assured that unless he meet that mercy he has not shown, the lot of these despised wanderers is envyable, compared to his. Forgive this, but the scene is before me, and that will excuse me to a heart so feeling as yours.

        After several days' confinement to bed, we at last got to the Cabin. During our confinement, we were fed by our honest Indian with a large ham, he had been wise enough to boil, when he observed the storm first begin; together with a little wine and bisket. It was now finished to our no small regret, nor could we in any way supply it, for the weather

was still very squally, and tho' the wind at times intermitted its violence, yet the sea ran so high, that the motion of the Vessel was intolerable, nor could any fire be made, as the waves came on board and drowned it out as soon as lighted. The Emigrants were still confined below the hatches, and this was really necessary, as they must have been washed over had they gone on deck, which their misery would have made them venture. In this wretched situation, a poor young woman, who had been married only a few months, was so terrified, that she miscarried. She was supposed for sometime dead by the women about her, nor could the least assistance or relief be afforded her. This was a sight for a fond husband; the poor fellow was absolutely distracted, and, breaking thro' all restraint, forced up the hatch, and carried her in his arms on deck, which saved her life, as the fresh air recalled her Senses. He then flew to us, and in the most affecting manner, implored our Assistance, but what could we do for her? her cloaths all wet, not a dry spot to lay her on, nor a fire to warm her a drink. I gave her, however, a few hartshorn drops, with a bottle of wine for her use, and she is actually recovered.

        We had not yet ventured on deck, nor were our dead lights taken down, when an unforseen accident, had nearly completed what the storm had not been able to effect, and sent us to the bottom at a minute's warning. Were you a sailor, I need only tell you our ship broached to, to inform you of the danger we were in, but as you are not one, I may suppose you unacquainted with sea terms, and will therefore inform you, that it is one of the most fatal accidents that can happen to a ship, and generally proves immediate destruction. Which, tho' you be no Sailor, you will comprehend, when I tell you that the meaning of broached to, is, that the Vessel fairly lies down on one side, but you will understand it better by being informed of what we suffered from it.

        We were sitting by our melancholy Taper, in no very

chearful mood ourselves; my brother (fortunately for him) was within the companion ladder. The Captain had come down to the Cabin to overhaul his Log-book and Journal, which he had scarcely begun to do, when the Ship gave such a sudden and violent heel over, as broke every thing from their moorings, and in a moment the great Sea-chests, the boys' bed, my brother's cott, Miss Rutherfurd's Harpsicord, with tables, chairs, joint-stools, pewter plates etc, etc., together with Fanny, Jack and myself, were tumbling heels over head to the side the Vessel had laid down on. It is impossible to describe the horror of our situation. The candle was instantly extinguished, and all this going on in the dark, without the least idea of what produced it, or what was to be its end. The Capt sprung on deck the moment he felt the first motion, for he knew well enough its consequence; to complete the horror of the scene, the sea poured in on us, over my brother's head, who held fast the ladder tho' almost drowned, while we were floated by a perfect deluge; and that nothing might be wanting that could terrify us, a favourite cat of Billie's lent her assistance. For happening to be busily engaged with a cheese, just behind me, she stuck fast by it, and sadly frighted with what she as little understood as we did, mewed in so wild a manner, that if we had thought at all, we would certainly have thought it was Davy Jones the terror of all sailors, come to fetch us away.

        Busy as this scene appears in description, it did not last half the time, it takes in telling. Nothing can save a ship in this situation, but cutting away her masts, and the time necessary for this generally proves fatal to her, but our masts were so shattered by the late storm, that they went over by the Board of themselves, and the Vessel instantly recovered. This second motion, however, was as severely felt in the Cabin as the first, and as unaccountable, for we were shoved with equal Violence to the other side, and were overwhelmed by a second deluge of Sea water. At last however it in some

degree settled, and, thank God, no further mischief has happened, than my forehead cut, Jack's leg a little bruised, and the last of our poultry, a poor duck, squeezed as flat as a pancake.

        When the light was rekindled, a most ridiculous scene was exhibited, vizt the sight of the Cabin with us in it, amidst a most uncommon set of articles. For besides the furniture formerly mentioned, the two state rooms had sent forth their contents, and the one occupied by the Captain, being a sort of store room, amongst many other things a barrel of Molasses pitched directly on me, as did also a box of small candles, so I appeared as if tarred and feathered, stuck all over with farthing candles.

        The Cabin was at last put to rights. A fire was now able to be lighted, and fortunately our Tea Kettle was safe; so Robert with all expedition got us a dish of very bad tea, no milk nor any succedaneum to supply its place, the ham eat out, and every thing else gone to Davy Jones' locker, that is to the Devil. We were now forced to demand the Ship's provisions, for which we had paid very handsomely, and of which I had a splendid list in my pocket from the owner, but it was the man with the bacon and eggs; whatever I asked had been unfortunately forgot, but what else I pleased. At last I prayed them to tell me what they really had on board, and had the mortification to find that the whole ship's provision for a voyage cross the Tropick, consisted of a few barrels of what is called neck-beef, or cast beef, a few more of New England pork (on a third voyage cross the Atlantick, and the hot Climates), Oat meal, stinking herrings, and, to own the truth, most excellent Potatoes. Had our stock escaped, we had never known the poverty of the Ship, as we had more than sufficient for us all. But what must now become of us? Our cabbages, turnips, carrots all gone, except a few Turnips, which provident Robert had placed in such a manner, as to spring and produce us greens and sallad, a

delicacy, which you must cross the Atlantick, before you can properly relish as we do.

        We now called a general council on this truly interesting and important question, What shall we eat? By the returns made by Robert and Mary, we found we had still a cag of excellent butter, a barrel of flower, a barrell of onions, and half a Cheese, besides a few eggs. As an addition to this the Captain had the humanity to restore us a parcel of very fine tusk sic], which he had accidentally stowed away. I wish he had likewise let us have a cask of porter, which had the same fate. Of these materials Mary and Robert make us something wonderfully good every day. For example, Lobscourse is one of the most savoury dishes I ever eat. It is composed of Salt beef hung by a string over the side of the ship, till rendered tolerably fresh, then cut in nice little pieces, and with potatoes, onions and pepper, is stewed for some time, with the addition of a proportion of water. This is my favourite dish; but scratch-platter, chouder, stir-about, and some others have all their own merit.

        But alas our Voyage is hardly half over; and yet I ought not to complain, when I see the poor Emigrants, to which our living is luxury. It is hardly possible to believe that human nature could be so depraved, as to treat fellow creatures in such a manner for a little sordid gain. They have only for a grown person per week, one pound neck beef, or spoilt pork, two pounds oatmeal, with a small quantity of bisket, not only mouldy, but absolutely crumbled down with damp, wet and rottenness. The half is only allowed a child, so that if they had not potatoes, it is impossible they could live out the Voyage. They have no drink, but a very small proportion of brakish bad water. As our owner to save our expence, took the water for his ship from a pit well in his own back yeard, tho' fine springs were at a very little distance, even this scanty allowance is grudged them, and is often due sometime before they are able to get it weighed out to them. Adieu, my

friend, I go to dream of you; My soul takes wing the moment its heavy companion is laid to rest, and flies to land, forgetting the watery scene, with which we are surrounded. Yet it is wonderful how sound we sleep; amidst danger, death and sorrow, an unseen hand seals up our eyes, watches over our slumbers, and wonderfully supports and preserves our healths, and I make no doubt, will at last set us safely on sound ground. Adieu, adieu.

        Our Ship is a complete wreck. Masts, Sails, and rigging of all kinds, lying on the deck, the ship itself an inactive hulk, lying on th