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        <title><emph>God's Image in Ebony: </emph><emph>Being a Series of Biographical Sketches, Facts, Anecdotes, etc., Demonstrative of the Mental Powers and Intellectual Capacities of the Negro Race :</emph>
Electronic Edition.</title>
        <editor role="editor">Edited by H. G. Adams</editor>
        <author/>
        <funder>Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities
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        <pubPlace>University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, </pubPlace>
        <date>1999.</date>
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        <note anchored="yes">Call number   DT 18 .G6 1854      
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<editor role="editor">Armistead, Wilson.</editor>
<editor role="editor">Chesson, F. W.</editor>
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    <front>
      <titlePage>
        <docTitle>
          <titlePart type="main">GOD'S IMAGE IN EBONY:</titlePart>
          <titlePart type="subtitle">BEING A SERIES OF<lb/>BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, FACTS,<lb/> ANECDOTES, ETC.,<lb/>DEMONSTRATIVE OF<lb/>THE MENTAL POWERS AND INTELLECTUAL<lb/>CAPACITIES OF THE NEGRO RACE.</titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <byline>EDITED BY</byline>
        <docAuthor> H. G. ADAMS;</docAuthor>
        <docEdition>WITH A<lb/>
BRIEF SKETCH OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT IN AMERICA,<lb/>
BY F. W. CHESSON<lb/>
AND A<lb/>
CONCLUDING CHAPTER OF ADDITIONAL EVIDENCE, COMMUNICATED<lb/>
BY WILSON ARMISTEAD, ESQ.</docEdition>
        <docImprint><pubPlace>LONDON:</pubPlace>
<publisher>PARTRIDGE AND OAKEY, 34, PATERNOSTER ROW,<lb/>
AND 70 EDGWARE ROAD.</publisher></docImprint>
        <docDate>M DCCC LIV</docDate>
      </titlePage>
      <div1 type="dedication">
        <p>TO<lb/>
MRS. H. B. STOWE,<lb/>
AS A TRIBUTE OF ADMIRATION FOR<lb/>
HER GENIUS,<lb/>
AND OF THAT PURE PHILANTHROPY, WHICH HAS IMPELLED<lb/>
HER TO DEVOTE HER POWERS AND ENERGIES<lb/>
TO THE CAUSE OF
<lb/>
THE OPPRESSED AND DOWN-TRODDEN NEGRO,
<lb/>
THIS VOLUME<lb/>
IS, BY PERMISSION, RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY<lb/>
THE EDITOR.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="preface">
        <pb id="adamsi" n="i"/>
        <head>PREFACE.</head>
        <p>AT the present juncture, when anti-slavery books are so rife,
and, as it would appear, so acceptable to the reading public, it
is scarcely necessary to apologize for the issue of a work like
the present. It was projected, and partly written, some time
prior to the appearance of that wonderful picture of ”Life
among the Lowly,” by Mrs. Stowe; which has become a
classic in almost every European language, and given such an
impetus to the movement against Negro Slavery, as it, perhaps,
never received before—never certainly from the operation of
one mind and intellect. Other pressing engagements obliged the
Editor to put his little work aside, from time to time, and at
length to complete it more hastily than he could have wished.
The subject is one which will amply repay a very careful and
lengthened investigation—one which might well engage, to the
full extent of its capacity, both the philosophic and
philanthropic mind.</p>
        <p>To those who have had an opportunity of reading that
costly and elaborate volume, entitled “A Tribute for the
Negro” by Wilson Armistead, Esq., this book will afford little
information that is fresh: as comparatively few, however,
could have had this opportunity, it seems desirable to place
before the public, in a cheap and easily accessible form, some
of the most striking facts that could be collected, in refutation
of the opinion, entertained, or at least urged, by some, that the
Negro is essentially, and unalterably, an inferior being to
those who
<q direct="unspecified"><lg type="verse"><l>“Find him guilty of a darker skin.”</l></lg></q>
<pb id="adamsii" n="ii"/>
and therefore deny him the right of freedom, which is
inalienably his.</p>
        <p>One word as to the title of this book, to which we anticipate
some objections. ”God's Image cut, or carved
in Ebony,” was a phrase first used, we believe, by the English
Church Historian, Fuller,—a sayer of sententious things; and
assuredly this phrase is among the most striking of the graphic
sentences which he stamped so deeply into the walls of the
republic of letters. There it stands, this beautiful and
appropriate piece of imagery, and there it will stand, as long
as those walls endure: and although to some it may appear to
border upon irreverence, yet, with all due respect for those who
think so, we must defend it as a powerful conception of a vigorous
mind, and a lively illustration, applied to a particular case, of
the scripture declaration—”In the image of God created he him.”</p>
        <p>It will be seen, then, that ours is an anti-slavery book, and
<hi rend="italics">something more;</hi> it aims at disabusing a certain portion of the
public mind of what we conceive to be a pernicious error, by
shewing that the Negro is morally and intellectually, as well as
physically, the equal of the white man. If it be urged that our
examples are mere isolated cases, and prove nothing as to the
capacities of the whole Negro race, we say that they are too
numerous to be taken as such, and that if they were not half so
numerous as they are, they would fully prove that our position
is correct. For we are to look at the depressing circumstances
out of which these black brothers and sisters of ours have arisen;
at the almost insurmountable difficulties through which they
have forced their way.</p>
        <p>But we are anticipating the arguments more fully urged in the
introductory chapter, and other portions of our work, to which
we invite the reader's serious attention. A few lines, suggested
by the present aspect of the great anti-slavery struggle, may
perhaps be here introduced as an appropriate conclusion of our
Preface: —</p>
        <pb id="adamsiii" n="iii"/>
        <lg type="verse">
          <head>WHAT OF THE NIGHT?</head>
          <salute>
            <hi rend="italics">
              <hi rend="italics">Addressed to “The Anti-Slavery Watchman.”</hi>
            </hi>
          </salute>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>WHAT of the night, Watchman, what of the night —</l>
            <l>The black night of Slavery? Wanes it apace?</l>
            <l>Do you see in the East the faint dawnings of light,</l>
            <l>Which tell that the darkness to day will give place?</l>
            <l>Do you hear the trees rustle, awoke by the breeze?</l>
            <l>Do you catch the faint prelude of music to come?</l>
            <l>Are there voices that swell like the murmur of seas,</l>
            <l>When the gale of the morning first scatters the foam?</l>
          </lg>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>And what of the fight, Watchman, what of the fight —</l>
            <l>The battle for Freedom—how goeth it on?</l>
            <l>Is there hope for the Truth—is there hope for the Right ?</l>
            <l>Have Wrong and Oppression the victory won?</l>
            <l>Through  the long hours of darkness we've listened in fear,</l>
            <l>To the sounds of the struggle, the groans and the cries,</l>
            <l>Anon they were far, and anon they were near,</l>
            <l>Now dying away, and now filling the skies.</l>
          </lg>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>Say, what of the <hi rend="italics">night</hi>, Watchman, what of the <hi rend="italics">fight?</hi></l>
            <l>Doth gloom yet the bright Sun of Freedom enshroud?</l>
            <l>Are the strongholds of Slavery yet on the height?</l>
            <l>Is the back of the Negro yet broken and bowed?</l>
            <l>Then send forth a voice to nations around;</l>
            <l>Bid the peoples arise, many millions as one,</l>
            <l>And say—“This our brother no more shall be bound—</l>
            <l>This wrong to God's children no more shall be done!”</l>
          </lg>
        </lg>
        <lg>
          <head>WATCHMAN.</head>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>THE night is far spent and the day is at hand,</l>
            <l>There's a flush in the East, though the West is yet dark;</l>
            <l>Creation hath heard the Eternal command,</l>
            <l>And light—glorious light—cometh on: Brothers, hark!</l>
            <l>There's a jubilant sound, there's a myriad hum!</l>
            <l>All nature is waking, and praising the Lord,</l>
            <l>And the voices of men to the list'ning ear come.</l>
            <l>Crying—“Up, Watchman! send the glad tidings abroad!”</l>
          </lg>
          <pb id="adamsiv" n="iv"/>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>In the dark Western valleys yet rageth the war,</l>
            <l>And the heel of Oppression treads down the poor</l>
            <l>But his eye sees the dawning of daylight afar,</l>
            <l>And he knows there are hands stretched to succour</l>
            <l>The Standard of Freedom, all bloody and torn,</l>
            <l>And trampled, and hidden awhile from the view,</l>
            <l>Upraised by the hand of a Woman, is borne</l>
            <l>In the thick of the fight, and hope liveth anew.</l>
          </lg>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>Oh, joy to the Watchman! Whose eye can discern,</l>
            <l>Through clouds and thick darkness, the breaking of day!</l>
            <l>And, joy to the Negro! whose glances may turn</l>
            <l>To the quarter whence cometh the life-giving ray.</l>
            <l>It cometh—that Freedom for which we have striven!</l>
            <l>We have seen the light gilding the hill-tops, and heard</l>
            <l>The promise of ONE by whom fetters are riven:</l>
            <l>'Tis is as sure as His high and immutable Word!</l>
          </lg>
        </lg>
        <closer>
          <signed>H. G. A. </signed>
          <dateline><name><hi>Rochester, </hi></name>1854</dateline>
        </closer>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="contents">
        <pb id="adamscontentsi" n="i"/>
        <head>CONTENTS.</head>
        <list type="simple">
          <item>A short Sketch of the Past History and the Present Position
of the Slavery Question in America . . . . . <ref target="adamsv" targOrder="U">v</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER I.<lb/>
INTRODUCTORY.—The Negro Race . . . . . <ref target="adams1" targOrder="U">1</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER II.<lb/>
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.—Toussaint L'Overture. . . . . <ref target="adams15" targOrder="U">15</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER III.<lb/>
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.—Jan Tzatzoe,
Andreas Stoffles, etc.  . . . . . <ref target="adams31" targOrder="U">31</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER IV.<lb/>
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.—Testimony of the Abbè
Gregoire.—Job Ben Solliman. Anthony William Amo. Geoffrey
L'Islet. Capitien. Othello. James Derham. Attobah Cugoano.
Benjamin Banneker. Francis Williams. Benoit the Black.
Hannibal . . . . . <ref target="adams47" targOrder="U">47</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER V.<lb/>
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.—Olaudah Equiano. . . . . <ref target="adams61" targOrder="U">61</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER VI.<lb/>
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.—Phillis Wheatley. Thomas
Jenkyns. Lott Cary. Paul Cuffee. The Amistad Captives. Ignatius
Sancho. Zhinga. Placedo . . . . . <ref target="adams74" targOrder="U">74</ref></item>
          <pb id="adamscontentsii" n="ii"/>
          <item>CHAPTER VII.<lb/>
VOICES FROM THE PAST. . . . . <ref target="adams93" targOrder="U">93</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER VIII.<lb/>
LIVING WITNESSES.—Frederick Douglass.
James W. C. Pennington, D. D. Josiah Henson. William
Wells Brown. Henry Bibb. Henry Highland Garnett.
Moses Roper. Samuel R. Ward. Alexander Crummell. . . . . <ref target="adams106" targOrder="U">106</ref></item>
          <item>CONCLUDING CHAPTER . . . . . <ref target="adams133" targOrder="U">133</ref></item>
          <item>ANTI-SLAVERY LINES, suggested by Baird's Picture, entitled ‘A
Scene on the Coast of Africa’. . . . . <ref target="adams163" targOrder="U">163</ref></item>
          <item>NOTES . . . . . <ref target="adams166" targOrder="U">166</ref></item>
        </list>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="overview sketch">
        <pb id="adamsv" n="v"/>
        <head>A SHORT SKETCH OF THE<lb/>
PAST HISTORY AND THE PRESENT POSITION
<lb/>OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN AMERICA.</head>
        <p>THE history of “the peculiar institution” in the United
States of America since the Declaration of Independence, is
one fraught with the most astounding wickedness. That a
people who had engaged in a successful struggle for their
political rights;—who had boasted throughout the long and
exciting period of the Revolutionary War that their cause was
that of universal Justice and Liberty; and who had asserted in
their Declaration of Independence that “all men are created
equal;”—that such a people should legalise a slavery which
reduces its victims to the condition of “chattels personal to all
intents, purposes, and constructions whatsoever;” that, in
after years, instead of seeking to abolish it, or to narrow its
boundaries, they should be constantly aiming at, and in too
many instances securing, its extension; and that they should
be seeking to establish it on a permanent basis, and to prevent
agitation against it by Compromise Measures and Fugitive
Slave Laws; that, in short, they should thus perpetuate and
strengthen a tyranny ten thousandfold worse than the British
yoke which they burst asunder, is a national hypocrisy so
terrible, that history fails to furnish a parallel; and is a depth
of moral degradation lower than that into which any other
country has fallen. Well may the poet Whittier, speaking of
his native land, exclaim—</p>
        <lg>
          <l>“Is this, the land our fathers loved,</l>
          <l>The freedom which they toiled to win?</l>
          <l>Is this the soil whereon they moved?</l>
          <l>Are these the graves they slumber in?</l>
          <l>Are we the sons by whom are borne</l>
          <l>The mantles which the dead have worn?”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>There is no doubt that during, and immediately after, the
Revolutionary era, the <hi rend="italicz">gradual</hi> emancipation of every
<pb id="adamsvi" n="vi"/>
slave, on the soil of the new Republic, was regarded as an event
which would not be delayed for many years. Public opinion
was then, unquestionably, in favour of such a course; although,
unfortunately for American honour and the cause of the
down-trodden, the immediate emancipation doctrine of the revered
Dr. Samuel Hopkins was entertained but by few. From the
time of the first American Congress in 1774 until the adoption
of the Federal Constitution in 1789, several legislative bodies,
and numerous associations, conventions, ecclesiastical organizations, 
and public meetings, reiterated the sentiments
indorsed by the Virginian Convention of '74, which were, in
substance, as follows:—“The Abolition of American Slavery is
the greatest object of desire in these colonies.” By an Act of
Congress passed in 1787, Slavery was abolished in Illinois,
Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin, and Iowa; and in the Convention
that prepared the draft of the Constitution, the most thorough
Anti-Slavery sentiments were freely expressed and cordially
received. But, strange to say, notwithstanding these facts, and
the testimonies given against Slavery by statesmen no less
illustrious than Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, and Jay, the
Federal Constitution provided for the reclamation of Fugitive
Slaves, empowered the use of the United States army and navy
to put down outbreaks of the Slaves, and bestowed three votes
to the Slaveholder for every four Slaves he possesses. The
subsequent history of “the peculiar institution” is most
lamentable. True it was that in course of time Slavery ceased to
exist in those States that are north of Mason and Dixon's line;
but it has increased in strength at the South; it has been fortified
by the recreant public opinion of the North; it has widely
extended its boundaries; and it has added millions to its victims.
With the exception of Cassius Clay, in Kentucky, a few Anti-Slavery
Wesleyans in North Carolina, the <hi rend="italics">National Era</hi> newspaper at
Washington, and solitary individuals scattered here and there,
where is to be heard the voice of Anti-Slavery truth on the
Slavery-cursed soil of the South?</p>
        <p>And if we look at the North what do we see? We
find the great political parties chained to the car of
<pb n="vii"/>
Slavery: “The Union and Southern rights”, is their battle-cry.
To be an Abolitionist is to be a “traitor”—to talk of “the rights
of the coloured race,” is to speak in the language of “madmen”—
to deny that the Bible sanctions compulsory servitude, is to be
unpardonably heterodox. Look, too, at the sordid, ambitious,
never-satisfied desire of the Slaveholders for fresh soil upon
which to plant the upas tree of Slavery. Their limits are being
constantly widened; but still they ask for more territory,
heeding not the coming day of retribution, nor the warning
voice of a just God. Since the adoption of the Constitution,
Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisana, Alabama, Mississipi,
Missouri, Arkansas, and, lastly, Texas (all Slave States) have
been added to the Union to weaken the strength of Freedom,
and to add fresh power to that institution which has
somewhere been called “the corner-stone of the Republican
edifice;” and while in 1776 the number of Slaves in the
Southern States was but four hundred and fifty-six thousand,
it is now more than three million two hundred thousand. But
many earnest voices, and many brave hearts, were protesting
against the Pro-Slavery course of American statesmen during
the dark years to which we have hastily referred. Truth was
not without its witnesses; men, and women too, who were
ready not only to devote their lives to the Anti-Slavery work,
despite the storm of obloquy to which they were exposed, but
to meet death itself if such a testimony were needed. Among
the early pioneers of the Anti-Slavery movement, none
deserve more respectful mention than President Edwards, and
Dr. Samuel Hopkins, men who in their day fought the battles
of Freedom with holy faithfulness. Among the greatest of the
heroes of the cause of Abolitionism, William Lloyd Garrison
must ever hold a front rank. It was he who, at a time when his
fellow-countrymen seemed to be wholly prostrate at the feet
of the Slave power, stepped forward, and boldly grappled
almost single-handed with the monster, and, in reply to the
threats of his enemies, declared that he “would be heard;” he
“would not be put down;” but would wage war against Slavery
until either he or it perished in the conflict. The annals of
history do not
<pb id="adamsviii" n="viii"/>
present a brighter example of disinterested and self-denying
devotion to a noble principle. Beautifully appropriate was the
language of the great Anti-Slavery poet adressed to him:—
<q direct="unspecified"><lg><l>“Champion of those who groan beneath</l><l>Oppression's iron hand,</l><l>In view of penury, hate, and death,</l><l>I see thee fearless stand;</l><l>Still bearing up thy lofty brow</l><l>In the steadfast strength of truth,</l><l>In manhood sealing well the vow</l><l>And promise of thy youth.”</l></lg></q>
Garrison was peculiarly the man for the times. Although
one of the people, he possessed a rich and cultivated
intellect, a vigorous and eloquent pen, that accustomed
itself to write the truth with transparent clearness, and
in language terribly just. His powers as an orator,
although inferior to those of his brilliant colleague, the
“golden-mouthed” Wendell Phillips, were of no mean
order, and those who have heard him know how convincing
is his logic, and how scathing is his invective; and above
all he possessed that enthusiastic love of right principles,
which eminently fitted him for the post of a great moral
reformer. We have not space fully to trace the course
of Mr. Garrison and his friends, since he became associated with
Benjamin Lundy in the publication of <hi rend="italics">The Genius of Universal
Emancipation</hi> at Baltimore. While occupying this important post,
he was imprisoned for his energetic denunciations
of a particular instance of Pro-Slavery wickedness, but,
after fifty days confinement, he was released,
through the generous aid of Mr. Arthur Tappan. In January,
1832, the New England Anti-Slavery Society commenced its
important career; shortly afterwards other societies were
organized, and the Anti-Slavery cause began to exhibit a
vitality and a power that alarmed the Slaveholders and their
abettors. Then came the time of trial and persecution, Rewards
were offered for the heads of William Lloyd Garrison, Arthur
Tappan, and other leaders of the Abolition movement. Riots
took place in New York, and Tappan's house was sacked.
Garrison was dragged through the streets of Boston with a halter
<pb id="adamsix" n="ix"/>
round his neck. George Thompson was secreted that he
might escape assassination. The devoted Lovejoy was
murdered for editing an Anti-Slavery newspaper in Alton,
Illinois. Pennsylvania Hall was burned down by an
infuriated gang of Pro-Slavery ruffians. The coloured
people of Philadelphia, Cincinnati, and other places, were
shamefully maltreated. Then with regard to those who,
from their high position, ought to have been the first to
stem the torrent of popular passion, it is a fact that the
legislatures of several Southern States passed resolutions
similar to one adopted by the legislature of North Carolina,
which was as follows:—“Resolved that our sister States
are respectfully requested to enact <hi rend="italics">penal laws,</hi> prohibiting
the printing, within their respective limits, of all such
publications as may have a tendency to make our Slaves
discontented.” To the disgrace of several of the Northern
States, they assented to the propriety of these demands,
which happily, however, were not enforced. An attempt
was then made to prevent Anti-Slavery documents from
being transmitted to the South by post. Then the right
of the Abolitionists to petition Congress against Slavery
was, for a time, successfully assailed; but, mainly through
the labours of John Quincy Adams, in 1845 the right
was restored. But, throughout these long years of the
most unscrupulous opposition, the friends of the Slave
stood by the cause they had taken in hand with unflinching
courage. Some desertions, produced by ecclesiastical
influences, political ambition, love of gain, or cowardice,
have unquestionably taken place, but the Stantons have
been but few in number, while the great mass of the
Abolitionists, like Garrison, Jackson, Quincy, Mrs. Chapman,
and others, have proved faithful always. The persecutions
with which the Abolitionists were attacked, necessarily
helped to increase their numbers and to strengthen their
agitation, by rallying around them multitudes of thinking,
right-minded persons, whose dormant consciences were
awakened by the violence of the advocates of Slavery.
Such is the aid that persecution ever renders to truth</p>
        <p>In 1848 and 1849, an exciting controversy agitated
Congress on what is known as the Wilmot Proviso, which
<pb id="adamsx" n="x"/>
proposed to prevent the existence of Slavery in any
territories that might be annexed to the United States
after it was passed. It was the time of an Anti-Slavery
revival in the Free States; and no less than fourteen
States “protested, through their legislatures, against any
enlargement of the area of Slavery.” This vigorous
agitation caused the Pro-Slavery conspirators to plot
mischief; and the result was an attempt to introduce into the
Union the territory of California as a State, without Slavery
being interdicted on its soil. This “non-intervention”
policy met with the favour of all the great party leaders,
as well as of the Cabinet, as it was confidently believed
that a majority of the citizens of California would vote
for the legalization of Slavery in the State. California
was accordingly urged to apply for admission into the
Confederacy; but, to the horror of the South, and the
astonishment of the whole country, the Constitutional
Convention determined that one of the articles of the new
Constitution, should be as follows:—<hi rend="italics">“Neither Slavery nor
involuntary servitude, except for the punishment of crime,
shall be tolerated in this State;”</hi> and this article was ratified
by the votes of the people. A furious re-action took
place at the South: with black inconsistency, the Pro-
Slavery party in Congress, headed by that embodiment of
despotism, John C. Calhoun, demanded that the application
of California should be rejected! Then followed one of
the fiercest struggles in American history. The writer
was in the United States during this eventful era, and
never shall he forget the intense excitement that prevailed.</p>
        <p>Inspired by the noble example of California, New Mexico
framed an Anti-Slavery Constitution, and asked for admission
into the Union. The advocates of the South then demanded a
compromise—they required that the equilibrium of political
power should be restored. They felt that their influence in the
national councils was imperilled—that a spirit of freedom was
being evoked which, if not speedily quelled, would endanger
the very existence of Slavery itself. Then came the midnight
time of the Anti-Slavery cause. A dissolution of the Union was
threatened by the Slaveholders unless their demands were
<pb id="adamsxi" n="xi"/>
complied with. Never was there a cry more unreal—never was
empty bombast carried to a higher pitch; for if the Union were
dissolved, the fugitive Slave would find the road to freedom
some hundreds of miles shorter than it is now; no Fugitive Slave
Law could then reach him in the Free States; Northern soldiers
could no longer be employed to suppress Slave insurrections, or
to extend the area of Slavery, as in the case of Texas; and how
could thirty thousand Slaveholders put down a rising of their
victims, who are numbered by millions, if they were unable to
appeal to the North for aid? But the miserable cry of “disunion”
answered its base purpose. Symptoms of treachery and
cowardice, dressed up in the borrowed garb of patriotism,
appeared at the North. “Our glorious Union is in danger;” “the
Compromises of the Constitution must be fulfilled;” “the rights
of our Southern brethren must be protected;” and similar cries
were shouted by Northern merchants who held mortgages on
slave-property; who dealt largely in the Southern markets; who
had many Slaveholders among their best customers; or who had
friends and relations possessing a large stake in the man-merchandise
of the peculiar institution; and who for these and
other reasons sold their souls, and allowed their consciences to
be gagged.</p>
        <p>Henry Clay—the statesman who said that “a hundred years'
legislation had sanctified Slavery”—early in 1850 successfully
played his part in the national tragedy. He proposed a
“Compromise.” It was accepted, not, however, without a
severe struggle on the part of a noble band of Free Soilers,
who, in a spirit, and with a courage, more God-like than that of
the ancient Spartans, defended “the Anti-Slavery
Thermopylae” Their championship of freedom was in vain:
Slavery again triumphed. By “the Compromise,” California
was received into the Union as a Free State. New Mexico and
Utah, while they continued territories, and when they were
formed into States, were to maintain or prohibit Slavery, as
they pleased. The importation of Slaves into the District of
Columbia for sale was interdicted. Such were the benefits
conferred on the cause of freedom by “the Compromise:” but now
<pb id="adamsxii" n="xii"/>
for the dark side of the picture. Ten millions of dollars were
paid into the Treasury of Texas, and ninety thousand square
miles of free soil were given to that State, upon which the
accursed institution of Slavery was to be established; and the
Fugitive Slave Law was granted to the South—a measure whose
atrocity language utterly fails to depict; and whose manifestly
flagrant violation of the first principles of justice was so great
that, had not the Congress that passed it, and the President who
sanctioned it, been utterly devoid of moral integrity and the
common feelings of humanity, it would, from the first moment
it was brought forward, have been treated as a proposal fit only
to be entertained by a nation of savages. This law, which is
supplementary to that of the law of 1793, gives extraordinary
facilities for the reclamation of Fugitive Slaves who have found
a refuge in the Free States. It vests all the powers of judge and
jury in Commissioners, who, in the majority of instances, are
appointed in consequence of their Pro-Slavery tendencies, and
who receive ten dollars if they <hi rend="italics">convict</hi> the supposed fugitive,
while five dollars only is their fee if they declare him innocent
of the crime of running away with himself; and, as the Hon.
Horace Mann says, “the law provides that evidence taken in a
Southern State, at any time or place which a claimant may
select, without any notice, or any possibility of knowledge on
the part of the person to be robbed and enslaved by it, may be
clandestinely carried or sent to any place where it is to be used,
and there spring upon its victim, as a wild beast springs from its
jungle on the passer-by; and it provides that this evidence, thus
surreptitiously taken and used, shall be conclusive proof of the
facts, and of escape from slavery. It does not submit the
sufficiency of the evidence to the judgment of the tribunal, but
it arbitrarily makes it conclusive whether sufficient or not.” The
consequence was that four, out of the first eight persons who
were enslaved under this law, were free men. We have it on the
authority of the Hon. Horace Mann that, “in a case in
Philadelphia, Commissioner Ingraham decided some points
directly against law and authority; and when the
<pb id="adamsxiii" n="xiii"/>
decision of a judge of the United States Court was brought
against him, he coolly said he differed from the judge, made out
the certificate, pocketed the ten dollars, and sent a human
being to bondage. <hi rend="italics">There could be no appeal from this iniquity,
for the law allows none.</hi>”</p>
        <p>The Fugitive Slave Law also renders all persons aiding in the
escape of Slaves liable to a fine of two thousand dollars, and six
months imprisonment. A re-action, however, took place. The
arrests of Hamlet, Long, William and Ellen Crafts, and other
Fugitive Slaves, caused an intense excitement in the Northern
mind, which induced thousands to rally around the standard of
liberty, who had never previously been identified with the cause
of the oppressed. The Abolitionists everywhere openly avowed
their intention to violate the law. Numerous mass meetings were
held, at which resolutions were passed denouncing the measure
in the fiercest language, The authorities in some towns refused to
aid in its execution. Some, though not many, ministers, like
Henry Ward Beecher and Theodore Parker, advised their
congregations to obey the “higher law,”and protect the fugitive
even at the risk of imprisonment and death. The Slave-hunters
wherever they went were the subjects of the most unmitigated
public opprobrium and, contempt. A panic at first seized the
coloured population, but their courage did not long fail them.
They provided themselves with revolvers; and, hundreds, if not
thousands, of Fugitive Slaves, armed to the teeth,
fled into Canada to seek that security under the flag of
Queen Victoria which was denied them in the model Republic.
The re-action was so great that, in the language of the Fifteenth
Report of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society,<ref id="ref1" n="1" rend="sc" target="note1" targOrder="U">* </ref> “the Fugitive
Slave Law, though still in our statute books, is shorn of its
terrors, and is fast falling into contempt.” Except in some places where,
the light of Anti-Slavery truth has not effected an entrance,
the Fugitive Slave  Law is almost a dead letter.<ref id="ref2" n="2" rend="sc" target="note2" targOrder="U">†</ref> The
<note id="note1" n="1" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref1"><p>*  An auxillary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, the President of which
is William Lloyd Garrison.</p></note>
<note id="note2" n="2" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref2">† As a proof of this statement, we cull the following from the Buffalo
Republic, a Democratic paper:—“There is at this day, all through
the Free States, four times the sympathy for Fugitive Slaves that there was in
1849. This increase of sympathy produces a corresponding increase of facilities
for safe escape, when once the runaway is out of the territory of Slavedom And
even those who are prejudiced against an increase f coloured population, and
would on that account send information to masters of runaway Slaves, will do
no such thing now, but rather help them over the line, as a most ready way of
getting clear of them. And we do not suppose that there is a ferryman on the
whole frontier that would not take one of them across free, merely for cheating a
cruel statute of its victim.</note>
<pb id="adamsxiv" n="xiv"/>
following statistics carefully prepared by the Rev. Edward
Mathews, the excellent agent to the American Free Mission
Baptists, show that Slavery has not gained much by the
Fugitive Slave Law, while it has lost a great deal of its power
in the North by the outrageous character of the enactment:—
</p>
        <p>
          <figure id="fig1" entity="adamsxiv">
            <p>[Statistical Data]</p>
          </figure>
        </p>
        <p>It will be seen that the total number of Slaves is 50; rescued, 6; shot, 1; purchased, 5; set free after trial, 5; now held in Slavery, 33.<ref id="ref3" n="3" rend="sc" target="note3" targOrder="U">*</ref></p>
        <p>Although the Fugitive Slave Law has almost become a nullity,
it does not necessarily follow that all who oppose it are equally
arrayed against Slavery itself. On the contrary, we have great
reason to believe that a very large proportion of those who
have been strenuous in their hostility to a measure which converts
the Free States into a hunting-ground on which Fugitive
Slaves are to be pursued, do not take any decided action
against the “peculiar institution,”but, on the contrary, are
disposed to allow it to continue undisturbed within its present
<note id="note3" n="3" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref3"><p>*  Mr. Mathews, who prepared the above statistics, was mobbed in Kentucky
in 1851, and barely escaped with his life.</p></note>
<pb id="adamsxv" n="xv"/>
boundaries. We have even heard a, New York audience
cheer a Southern senator when he was boasting that he
was the owner of the largest amount of slave-property
in that part of the South in which he resided; and not
a few meetings have we attended at which speeches in
favour of maintaining the Compromise Measures and the
Fugitive Slave Law were enthusiastically cheered by large
assemblages of persons, in which all classes were represented,
not even excepting the clergy. Everywhere, too, in the
North is the foul prejudice against colour manifested.
The most remote connexion by birth with the African
race is sufficient to render a man an outcast from society;
to prevent him from filling any office of trust or honour;
to make him an object of degradation and contempt; and
to place him in the Negro pew in the very church of
God, so that he may not pollute by his touch the white
believers in that Great Teacher (Himself dark-complexioned!)
who said, “As ye would that others should do unto you,
do ye even so unto them.”</p>
        <p>Such are some of the usages of society in the Free States; and
they apply to such men even as Professor Allen, Frederick
Douglas, Dr. Pennington, Charles L. Remond, and William
Wells Brown, men who, by their characters and talents, would
adorn any society, and who are infinitely elevated above their
miserable oppressors in everything that constitutes true dignity
and moral worth. It is sometimes imagined that universal
suffrage exists in the Free States. This is entirely a mistake; for
no coloured man is allowed the <hi rend="italics">right</hi> to vote unless he
possesses a certain amount of property, which varies in
different States; and as every possible obstacle short of Slavery
itself is placed in the way of his success in life it follows that if
he enjoys the elective franchise he is one of the very few
exceptions to the general rule. The Illinois Legislature has
recently passed a law against coloured persons which is equal
in its infamy to its accursed predecessor, the Fugitive Slave
Law. This measure declares that any Negro or Mulatto
entering the State, and remaining there a longer period than ten
days, shall be fined; and if unable to pay the fine, <hi rend="italics">he shall be</hi>
<pb id="adamsxvi" n="xvi"/>
<hi rend="italics">sold on an auction-block, and the proceeds shall be devoted to
charitable purposes. </hi>What execrable villany! The money raised
by the sale of MEN, created in the image of God, and endowed
with noble intelligences and a still nobler immortality, to be
appropriated to benevolent objects—perhaps to the conversion
of the heathen! Judas Iscariot has many successors. An
enactment somewhat similar was previously passed by the
Legislature of Indiana; so that custom and law are alike the
enemies of that unfortunate race—whose colour is made a crime—
in the Free States of a land boasting of her liberty, and of the
number of her churches. And then, after having sought to keep
them as low as possible in the social scale, hypocritical
apologists for Slavery point, with malevolent exultation, to
their backward condition as a proof that they are a very
imperfect and degraded type of humanity!</p>
        <p>The mercantile influences existing at the North in favour
of Slavery, or of neutrality on the question, are among
its mightiest supporters. The cotton merchants and
manufacturers are averse to any interference with “the
exciting topic,“because it harmonises with their sordid
interest to be on good terms with their “Southern
brethren.” “The agitation of Slavery at the North 
endangers the security of the Union,” say they in effect.
“It might provoke a civil war; it might lead to a general
revolt of the Slaves; in short, twenty things prejudicial
to trade might ensue. Let the South alone: she knows
best what to do with her own institutions. And besides,
are we not seeking to elevate the coloured race by our
support of the Colonization Society? and may not Slavery,
after all, be a Missionary Institution?”—(as the Rev. W.
Hooker, of Philadelphia, says it is)—“the object of which
is, through the Colonization Society, to evangelise the
dark regions of Africa in due time.” We are not now
putting the case unfairly; we are giving the ideas which
are almost daily expressed in that time-serving paper, the
<hi rend="italics">New York Journal of Commerce</hi>, the organ of the
Pro-Slavery merchants of the North. We know not to what
extent any of these individuals may be owners, or part
<pb id="adamsxvii" n="xxvii"/>
owners, of Southern cotton plantations; but we do know
that many a Northern merchant, bearing a high character
for piety, possesses mortgages on slave-estates, and does
not scruple, if his sordid interests demand it, to bring
them to the hammer; and, like a Theological Synod in North
Carolina, who sold eight Slaves to assist in the education
of some Presbyterian ministers, the merchants who thus
dispose of the liberties of their fellow-creatures can, with
the pride of a Pharisee, subscribe towards the conversion of
the inhabitants of Madagascar, or talk of intervention by force
of arms in the affairs Of Hungary against the Austrian oppressor,
as did that creature of Slavery, General Cass.</p>
        <p>Never did these men of “property and standing” show their
subserviency to the South more clearly than after
the passing of the Compromise Measures. In New York,
we remember, some thousands of them signed a requisition
convening a meeting to consider those measures, and to adopt
means for the due execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. We
attended this meeting. Of course the Abolitionists were there
regarded as most detestable characters, being especially the
enemies of “the Union” and the Church. A “Union Safety
Committee” was formed, and some thousands of dollars were
subscribed to its funds; but, with the exception of publishing the
names of all who signed the requisition, and endeavouring to
effect the conviction of a few Fugitive Slaves, we believe that
all their bluster has gone for nothing. The publication
of the names of the requisitionists was a
commercial speculation, inasmuch as Southern traders were
advised not to do business with any merchant in New
York whose name was not printed in the list; indeed at
one time it was proposed that the names of all persons who
<hi rend="italics">refused</hi> to sign the document should be prominently published,
so that their enmity to “Southern rights” might become more
widely known, and their “stores” more generally shunned
by the friends of “the Union.” This was actually done in the
case of Messrs. Bowen and Mc'Namee, the proprietors of that
excellent journal, the <hi rend="italics">New York Independent</hi>, and in one or
<pb id="adamsxviii" n="xviii"/>
two other instances. But it was almost too disgraceful even for
the depravity of New York Pro-Slavery morals. These facts
serve to show what a powerful instrumentality in favour of
Slavery the great commercial party of the North forms.</p>
        <p>As would be anticipated, the two chief political parties—the
Whig and the Democratic—do not essentially differ from each
other in their action on the Slavery question, excepting that
perhaps the greatest number of “fillibusters,” or annexationists,
exist among the Democrats. The Democratic platform adopted
at Baltimore in June, 1850, declared that that party “will abide
by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the
Compromise Measures settled by the last Congress—the act for
reclaiming fugitives from service or labour included—which act
being designed to carry out an express provision of the
Constitution, cannot with fidelity thereto be repealed, or so
changed as to restore or impair its efficiency. Resolved that the
Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing in
Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the Slavery question,
under whatever shape or colour the attempts may be made.”
Shortly after the adoption of these principles by the
Democratic party, the Whig Convention was held at Baltimore
also, and a resolution was passed which, after approving of the
Compromise Measures, declared that, “so far as the Fugitive
Slave Law is concerned, we will maintain the same, and insist
on its strict enforcement, until time and experience shall
demonstrate the necessity of future legislation against evasion
and abuse, but not impairing its present efficiency.”</p>
        <p>Enough has been quoted to show that both parties are deeply
involved in Pro-Slavery guilt; and yet many men professing
Anti-Slavery principles (some of whom we could name,) blinded
by party feeling, voted for Pierce, or Scott, as the case might
be, although there was a Free Soil Candidate in the field in the
person of John P. Hale. But although General Pierce is
unquestionably as unsound on the Slavery question as a man
can be, we cannot but rejoice at the defeat of the Candidature
for the Presidency .in their respective party Conventions, of
Webster, Cass,
<pb id="adamsxix" n="xix"/>
and Douglass, men who had sought to raise themselves into the
highest office of the State by their support of the Compromise
measures. They utterly failed to secure the prize which had
caused them to sacrifice their consciences, and to blast their
characters for ever. The first died broken-hearted—miserably
disappointed in the great object of his ambition just as he
thought he had it within his grasp, and conscious that his fame
was darkened with a stain that time could never obliterate.
Thus does judgment sometimes descend on the statesman who,
for the sake of power, dares to trifle with the sacred rights of
humanity, and to act as if he were a God. But let us
<q direct="unspecified"><lg><lg><l>“Revile him not—the Tempter hath</l><l>A snare for all;</l><l>And pitying tears, not scorn and wrath,</l><l>Befit his fall!</l></lg><lg><l>Oh! dumb be passion's stormy rage,</l><l>When he who might</l><l>Have lighted up, and led his age,</l><l>Falls back in night.</l></lg><lg><l>Scorn! would the angels laugh to mark</l><l>A bright soul driven,</l><l>Fiend-goaded, down the endless dark,</l><l>From hope and Heaven?”</l></lg></lg></q></p>
        <p>Franklin Pierce, the present President of the United States, in
his inaugural address, plainly described the policy on the
Slavery question, that would guide him. He said “I believe that
involuntary servitude as it exists, in different states in this
confederacy, is recognized by the Constitution. I believe that it
stands like any other admitted right, and that the states where it
exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the
Constitutional Provisions. I hold that the laws of 1850,
commonly called the Compromise Measures, are strictly
constitutional, and to be unhesitatingly carried into effect. I
believe that the constituted authorities of this Republic are
bound to regard the rights of the South in this respect, as
they would any other legal and constitutional right, and
that the laws to enforce them should be respected and
<pb id="adamsxx" n="xx"/>
obeyed; not with a reluctance encouraged by abstract opinions
as to their propriety in a different state of society, but
cheerfully and according to the doctrines of the tribunals to
which their expositions belong. Such have been and are my
convictions, and upon them I shall act.” It is well known that
he is in favour of the annexation of Cuba, and of the conquest
of Mexico.</p>
        <p>We have glanced at some of the causes of the retrogression
of America as regards Slavery, and of the present powerful
position of the Slaveholders; but we have not yet given that
prominence to the <hi rend="italic">primary cause</hi> which it deserves. We have
no hesitation in pointing to the recreancy of the American
Church as the principal reason why Slavery was not abolished
years ago. Is not trading in human bodies and immortal souls
justified in her pulpits, and sanctioned in her synods and
assemblies? Do not Doctors of Divinity, like Moses Stuart and
Gardiner Spring, blasphemously assert that the righteousness
of American Slavery is proved by the Mosaic law, and allowed
by the religion of Him who said “I come to break the bonds of
the oppressor.” And when the professed ministers of the
Most High, speaking with all the authority of their sacred
office, assert with the Reverend Doctor Joel Parker, (the
<hi rend="italics">threatened</hi> prosecutor of Mrs. Stowe,) that “Slavery is a good—
a great good,” who can wonder that church members should
prove false to the Slave; and that men whose God is Mammon,
should sacrifice the rights of their fellow-man on its altars! To
prove the guilt of the Southern Church, we need not quote
from the sermons of its ministers, or the resolutions of its
synods. The following figures, compiled with great care by the
Rev. Edward Mathews, speak for themselves:—
<figure id="fig2" entity="adamsxx"><p>[Statistical Data]</p></figure>
<pb id="adamsxxi" n="xxi"/>
Six hundred and sixty thousand five hundred and sixty-
three Slaves held by members of Christian Churches in the
South! How frightful is the iniquity perpetrated within the
pale of what professes to be the Church of Christ! Comparing
Slavery to a fearful fire that has been raging for a
long time, Mrs. Stowe admirably remarks “The Church of
Christ burns with that awful fire! Evermore burning,
burning! Burning over church and altar; burning over
senate-house and forum; burning up liberty, burning up
religion! No earthly hands kindled that fire. From its
sheeted flame and wreaths of sulphurous smoke glares out
upon thee the eye of that <hi rend="italics">enemy</hi> who was a murderer
from the beginning. It is a fire that burns to the
lowest hell!”</p>
        <p>But it would naturally be supposed that however the
Southern Churches may have apostatised from the true faith,
yet the religious bodies of the Free States would remain
steadfast in supporting the cause of the oppressed. The
ministers and churches of the South exist amid the
contaminating influences of Slavery itself; but in the North the
church of God can plead no such extenuating circumstances.
How fearful, then, is the fact that many prominent ministers of
the North, defend Slavery as a religious institution; that a still
larger number support the Fugitive Slave Law; and that the
leading ecclesiastical organizations either openly avow their
Pro-Slavery predilections, or endeavour to take a neutral
course; in which latter policy, however, they invariably fail, as
silence on such a question is impossible. Since the Declaration
of Independence, the action of the American Church on Slavery
has more and more retrogressed. At that period the testimonies
against Slavery, in the pulpit and the synod, were very general;
but gradually they have become less and less in number and
faithfulness. The Episcopalian Church in the North, admits
Slaveholders within its pale; and its principal organ, the <hi rend="italic">New
York Churchman</hi>, is notorious for its hostility to the Abolitionists.
An important body of Anti-Slavery men exists among the
Congregationalists, but the vast majority are either Pro-Slavery,
or they adopt a temporizing course. In 1851, Mr. Fisk, who
<pb id="adamsxxii" n="xxii"/>
delivered a sermon in favour of the Fugitive Slave Law, was
appointed by the Maine Congregational Conference, as a
delegate to a kindred religious society. Many prominent divines
of this denomination, (as, for example, Dr. Moses Stuart,) have
distinguished themselves by their advocacy of Slavery. The
Baptist Churches, by their general subserviency to the Slave
power, as well as by the admission of Slaveholders into their
Missionary Society, have earned a dark reputation. The
Presbyterian and the Methodist Episcopal Churches, are
notorious for their unblushing recreancy on the Slavery
question.</p>
        <p>Dr. Gardiner Spring, an eminent Presbyterian minister, whose
<hi rend="italic">evangelical</hi> works are well known in this country, said, in a
sermon which he preached in defence of the atrocious Fugitive
Slave Act, in 1850, that “If by one prayer he could liberate
every Slave in the world, he would not dare to offer it.” We
heard him offer up a prayer, just before an oration was delivered
on General Washington, in which he dared to ask the Almighty
to stop the mouths of the agitators—meaning, of course, the
Abolitionists. The orator was no other than General Foote, then
a Senator for the Slave State of Mississipi, who a few weeks
before had pointed a loaded pistol at the breast of Colonel
Benton, the Free Soil Senator for Missouri, on the floor of the
Senate itself; and would, in all probability, have shot him, had
not the deadly weapon been snatched from his grasp. Dr. Moses
Stuart, the celebrated Professor of Andover College,
Massachussets, says in relation to the Fugitive Slave Law, that
“Though we may <hi rend="italic">pity</hi> the fugitive, yet the Mosaic law does not
authorize the rejection of the claims of the Slaveholders to their
lost or strayed <hi rend="italics">property</hi>.” The Right Rev. Bishop Hopkins, of
Vermont, after having asked “What effect had the Gospel in
doing away with Slavery?” answers to the satisfaction of his Pro-
Slavery heart, “None whatever;” as if Christianity was
responsible for the infamous deeds of her professed disciples!—
as if the glory of Christ should be tarnished by the dark
teachings of an oppression-loving Bishop! The Rev. W. Hooker,
in a pamphlet recently written, again presents Slavery in the aspect in
<pb id="adamsxxiii" n="xxiii"/>
which Calhoun was wont to describe it:—“Allow it then,” says
he, “to be asked of the Christian who duly prizes this highest
freedom, to consider of Southern Slavery as a <hi rend="italics">Missionary</hi>
institution for the conversion of the heathen. In this light let it
be candidly looked on for a  passing moment, and you cannot
fail to contemplate it, for ever, hereafter, with other feelings
than Abolitionism would excite in you.” But similar quotations
might be multiplied without end. The leading<hi rend="italics"> religious</hi> journals,
with the exception of the <hi rend="italics">New York Independent</hi>, and one or
two others, indulge in a similar strain.</p>
        <p>Dr. Bond, the Editor of the <hi rend="italics">Christian Advocate and Journal</hi>,
the principal organ of the Methodist Episcopal Church,
recently described the Abolition movement as a “senseless
agitation.” The infamous character of the chief Presbyterian
newspaper, the<hi rend="italics"> New York Observer</hi>, is well known. As the
most virulent antagonist of Mrs. Stowe and the coarse and
malignant traducer of the Abolitionists, this paper has obtained
one of the darkest places in the foul Pro-Slavery literature of
the day. At the recent meeting of the Presbyterian New School
General Assembly, held at Buffalo, a letter was read from the
Oswego <sic corr="Presbytery">Prebytery</sic>, in which that body refused to send a
delegate to it until it took improved action with regard to
Slavery. The <hi rend="italics">Buffalo Christian Advocate</hi> says of this matter, “The
Slavery question of course had to be disposed of, for whoever
knew a body of Christian ministers to convene in latter times,
when a fire-brand was not thrown into their midst in the form
of this agitation.”</p>
        <p>Slavery is an institution which its advocates cannot bear to
be touched; it shuns the light of investigation. And why?
Because its “deeds are evil.” A severe rebuke was administered
by the Assembly to its refractory auxiliary, and Dr. Cox talked
very glibly about “kicking” the memorial under the table.
Slaveholding, it was true, was declared an “offence;” but then it
was not so if the Slaves were held from humane motives, or in
trust for others, or if the law would not permit their
emancipation; so that this resolution might just as well not
have been passed at all. It was true also that a
<pb id="adamsxxiv" n="xxiv"/>
Committee of Inquiry into the number and condition of the
Slaves held by Presbyterians in the South was talked about; but
the matter was left in the hands of the <hi rend="italic">Slaveholding</hi>
Presbyteries! the criminals were left to convict themselves! At
the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church,
held a short time ago, the committee appointed to report on the
Slavery question, in reply to certain Anti-Slavery memorials,
recommended that no action should be taken to keep
Slaveholders out of the church. We think these facts show the
guiltiness of the churches of the North in the frightful sin of
Slavery; that both ministers and people have been fearfully
unfaithful to the cause of the down-trodden. And how greatly is
their criminality increased by the fact that if they had aided the
Anti-Slavery cause as they might have done, the “peculiar
institution” would now, in all probability, have ceased to exist;
and at any rate Texas would not have been added to the area,
and the Fugitive Slave Law to the power of Slavery.</p>
        <p>When William Lloyd Garrison and his coadjutors first
commenced the Anti-Slavery movement, it was with the
conviction that their cause would very soon be warmly
espoused by the churches of the North; but their glowing
anticipations quickly vanished. With some honourable
exceptions, those churches, instead of helping the good work,
gave nothing but opposition; and so they who ought to have
been first to engage in the strife with Slavery, were foremost in
the ranks of its friends. It is our pleasing duty, however, to
present some gratifying facts in juxta-position to these
unpleasant ones. In most of the churches a powerful Anti-
Slavery minority exists, who are constantly agitating the
question; but it is a great pity, and, as we think, a serious
neglect of duty, that they do not at once and for ever come out
from these perfidious religious denominations. There are,
however, several important and growing secessions from the
great Pro-Slavery churches. The Wesleyan Methodists,
numbering upwards of twenty thousand members, have seceded
from the Methodist Episcopal Church, and taken
thoroughly Anti-Slavery ground. “No communion with
<pb n="xxv"/>
Slaveholders,” is one of their fundamental principles; and their
weekly organ, the <hi rend="italics">Wesleyan</hi>, edited by the Rev. Lucius
Matlack, is an able advocate of Abolitionism. The American
Baptist Free Missionary Society is equally faithful. The
Presbyterian Secession, the Friends, the Free Will Baptists,
and a few other churches, are also conspicuous for their Anti-
Slavery character.</p>
        <p>There are some ministers of commanding talents and
influence, such as Henry Ward Beecher and Theodore Parker,
who are on the side of the Slave; but, generally speaking, the
<hi rend="italics">great</hi> men and the <hi rend="italics">great</hi> churches are to be found in the ranks of
his enemies. It is in what Theodore Parker calls the “little
churches,” where “the pulpits of commerce” do not exist, that
the true Anti-Slavery spirit is commonly to be found, and as he
truly says, “In little country towns, in the bye-ways and alleys
of great cities, silently and unseen they are sowing the seeds of
a piety, which will spring up justice, and bear philanthropic
fruit.” It is our happiness to know some of the members of
these “little churches,” and we can testify to the important
assistance they are rendering to the enslaved. If a fugitive is to
be tried, they are ever ready to assist him with a competent
counsel, or, if necessary, to aid in his escape; nobody is better
acquainted with the mysteries of “the underground railroad,”
than they; and in all practical operations for the Abolition of
Slavery, they are always up to the mark. Would that the great
bulk of their co-religionists would follow their example! If they
did, the doom of Slavery would soon be scaled for ever.</p>
        <p>But what are the signs of the times in 
America?—what the prospects for the future? This is a question 
that proceeds from many lips, and few can solve the problem to
their own satisfaction. This much, however, is gratifying, that
the progress that has taken place since the American Anti-
Slavery Society was first originated has been very great. The
friends of freedom could then be numbered by scores only;
but now they form a mighty host. Sorry are we that they are
somewhat divided among themselves as to the proper
course of action to be taken;
<pb id="adamsxxvi" n="xxvi"/>
and still more deeply do we regret that in some instances these
dissensions, which are sure to exist in every great movement,
have assumed the form of personal animosities, which must
have done injury to the cause. The Anti-Slavery movement
should be essentially unsectarian: men of all creeds and parties,
who are willing to subscribe to the doctrine of “immediate and
unconditional emancipation,” should be admitted to its fellowship.
Such has been the course of the American Anti-Slavery Society<ref id="ref4" n="4" rend="sc" target="note4" targOrder="U">*</ref>,
from its commencement. Those who have studied the history of
bigotry can readily guess the consequence. A Pro-Slavery Church,
with its usual disregard of the truth, has denounced this great
institution as “infidel” in its character; and numerous timid
Anti-Slavery persons, afraid to be associated with any but the strictly
“orthodox,” have refused to join its ranks, thus preferring to sacrifice
the cause of the Slave at the shrine of a mistaken sectarianism. The
cry of infidelity raised against the Abolitionists at home has, of course,
been shouted abroad. Calumnies the most wicked, perversions
of the truth the most scandalous, have been spread throughout
the length and breadth of Great Britain against the men who are
engaged in the very thickest of the fight with Slavery. The voice
of slander has done its work; but the truth is now being
everywhere known. Again and again have the enemies of the
American Anti-Slavery Society been asked to prove that on any
of its platforms Christianity has ever been treated with the
slightest disrespect, but they have
<note id="note4" n="4" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref4">* In addition to the American Anti-Slavery Society, there are two other
Abolitionist movements, viz: the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society,
and the Liberty party. The operations of the first Society are very limited,
although its Secretary, Mr. Lewis Tappan, fulfils the duties of his office with much
energy. The Liberty party puts an Anti-Slavery interpretation on the American
Constitution, and therefore takes political action. The Free Soilers are not
properly Abolitionists, as they chiefly aim at the <hi rend="italics">non-extension</hi> of Slavery, and
the abolition of that institution in the District of Columbia. The American
Anti-Slavery Society is the great <hi rend="italics">movement</hi>; and we say this without in the
least degree disparaging the valuable labours of such men as Charles Sumner, Horace
Mann, William Jay, Gerritt Smith, John P. Hale, Mr. Giddings, Mr.
Chase, Lewis Tappan, and their associates, who belong to other parties. The
world knows their services; and the Slave has often felt the value of them.</note>
<pb id="adamsxxvii" n="xxvii"/>
utterly failed to do so. No; Christianity has not been attacked,
and they know it full well; but a Church that professes to be
the Christian Church, but which tramples under foot every
precept of Christ—every law of God, has been denounced by
that Society as false to its mission, and hypocritical in its
course. And is not this true? The seven hundred thousand
Slaveholders who are members of religious denominations in
the Southern States, the Pro-Slavery action of most of the
ecclesiastical assemblies of the North, the Negro pews that
exist in almost every Church, and the sermons that have been
preached in favour of Slavery and the Fugitive Slave Law from
multitudes of pulpits, supply an answer in the affirmative
terribly convincing in its truthfulness. What, then, is the duty
of every honest Abolitionist—of every one, too, who has the
interest of the Christian Church at heart? Is it not to pull down
the unfaithful Church, and to raise in its stead a noble edifice in
which, trumpet-tongued, the wickedness of Slavery shall be
preached, and in which the nation shall be commanded to cease
the practice of this great iniquity, not in mild, honied phrases,
but with the same fidelity that characterized the Saviour's
denunciations of Pharasaical hypocrisy? And if such a Church
as this be raised, not less certainly will Slavery pass away,
than did the darkness of the middle ages disappear before the
light of advancing civilization.</p>
        <p>But it is urged against the American Anti-Slavery Society
that it refuses to take political action: hence ensues the absurd
charge that it is opposed to civil government altogether. The
United States' Constitution consists of a foul compromise. It
directly sanctions Slavery; it provides for the capture of
Fugitive Slaves; it vests political power in the Slaveholder
according to the amount of slave-property he possesses. True,
the Liberty party hold that the Constitution is an Anti-Slavery
instrument; but all the great American lawyers put an opposite
construction upon it; and their view seems to us to be clearly
proved. With this belief then, how can an Abolitionist by his
vote sanction this Constitution; for be it remembered that
every member of Congress is required to <hi rend="italics">swear obedience</hi>
<pb id="adamsxxviii" n="xxviii"/>
<hi rend="italics">to it.</hi> Moral honesty requires of the thorough Abolitionist
that he should abstain from declaring allegiance by his
lips to a Pro-Slavery institution, which he spurns with
indignant contempt and hatred in his heart. Then, again,
it is said to the supposed disparagement of the American
Anti-Slavery Society that it is in favour of a dissolution
of the American Union. But if that Union can only be
maintained by a gross sacrifice of principle, can it be
honestly supported by the Abolitionist? Besides, is it
not a disgraceful anomaly that States professing to love
and to support freedom, should live under the same
government with other States who are in the constant
practice of an infamous slavery, and who claim the right
to hunt down its fugitives who seek refuge on Northern soil?
If the American Union is to be kept up on no
other terms than those of subserviency to the slave-power,
then we earnestly trust that the federal compact may be
speedily torn in pieces and scattered to the winds. A
Union based upon such a foundation is what Garrison
termed it—“a covenant with death” and “an agreement
hell;” and with him we would say, “Henceforth
the watchword of every uncompromising Abolitionist, of
every friend of God and liberty, must be, both in a religious
and a political sense, ‘No Union with Slaveholders.’ ”</p>
        <p>Meanwhile this Society is performing its work most
vigorously, and with great success. Various attempts have been
made to hold its Anniversary Meetings in New York, the great
Northern centre of the cotton party; but hitherto, Pro-Slavery
mobs have prevented them. This year, however, they were
succcessful; and the magnificent oration of Wendell Phillips
(grand as a master-piece of eloquence, but more admirable still
for its Christ-like faithfulness) and the glowing speeches of
William Lloyd Garrison, Edmund Quincy, Henry Ward
Beecher, Frederic Douglas, and other apostles of the Anti-
Slavery cause, were listened to with breathless attention by
enthusiastic thousands. The Empire City is awaking; and we
hope soon to hear that neither the power of party platforms, of
the cotton pulpits and newspapers, or of Southern merchants
and planters, can prevent the rapid progress
<pb id="adamsxxix" n="xxix"/>
of genuine Anti-Slavery principles in its midst.</p>
        <p>There are other gleams of light to be seen just now besides
those to which we have alluded. The next to political
annihilation of the great Whig party must do good, as its
members who are favourably disposed towards Anti-Slavery
principles will not have the same temptation to continue their
allegiance to it that they have hitherto had. And some Whig
journals are even now speaking after the fashion of the <hi rend="italics">Forest
City</hi>, published in Cleveland, Ohio:—“We feel as Christian did in
the Pilgrim's Progress, when the load of sin was taken off his
back. We repudiate the Baltimore platform—spit upon it, and
return to the Whig principles of 1847:—‘No executive
usurpation, no more Slave territory, no further extension of
Slavery, no more Slave States, but free soil for free men.’ ”Such
is the repudiation of the Baltimore platform, which we hope to
see become general in the ranks of the Whigs. Similar action has
been taken by the Loco-focos, or Democrats, in Ohio. At their
late State Convention the former Anti-Slavery position of the
party was resumed The important testimonies of Pro-Slavery
journals as to the progress of Abolitionism is equally
gratifying. A rabid Pro-Slavery paper called the <hi rend="italics">New York
Express</hi> said very recently, “That Abolitionism is recovering
from the heavy blows struck at it both in the Whig and the
Democratic Baltimore Conventions, we have not a doubt, as an
evening contemporary intimates, and that it is about to present
a <hi rend="italics">formidable front in the moral and political field, we feel sure</hi>.
The signs of the times all about us indicate this fact. The men
that sustained the Compromise Bill in Congress in 1850, and
so saved the Union from intestine strife, are struck down both
North and South.” “If the increase of Abolitionism goes on, we
have no hesitation in saying no Northern public man can stand
against it.” The tone of the principal organs of the South is
precisely similar. “The South,” says the <hi rend="italics">Charleston Mercury</hi>
the ablest paper in that part of the country, “<hi rend="italics">has no hope
beyond itself</hi>—has no help out of its own dominions. <hi rend="italics">The world
is against it</hi>.” Speaking of the Fugitive Slave
<pb id="adamsxxx" n="xxx"/>
Law the <hi rend="italics">Savannah Georgian</hi> says, “The only hope of
enforcing this law, without an expense of time, money, and
peace more valuable than the Slaves which will be captured, is
to be found in a change, thorough and radical, of the principles
and convictions of the Northern people in relation to Slavery. Is
there any probability of such a change? None whatever.”
Another indication of progress exists in the fact that <hi rend="italics">Uncle
Tom's Cabin</hi>, which is doing so much to create a right public
sentiment in the North, is being read very extensively in the
South.</p>
        <p>Meanwhile the supporters of Slavery are also doing their
best. Again are they turning their avaricious eyes towards
Mexico, hoping to make the refusal of Santa Anna to permit the
Americans to open the River Tehuantepic a pretext for war.
That river is the nearest route to the Pacific; but it runs through
the richest provinces of Mexico. With the fate of Texas before
his eyes, it is no wonder that Santa Anna declines compliance
with the request of the American Cabinet, Cuba is another
object of slave-holding desire; and again do we hear of piratical
expeditions to rob Spain of her wealthy colony. But she will
lose it, and justly too, unless she at once takes steps to abolish
the Slave-trade and emancipate the Slaves. The policy of the
British Cabinet has been energetically directed in favour of such
a result. This is held by a great Democratic writer as
a sufficient reason why General Pierce should take the initiative
by the immediate seizure of Cuba!</p>
        <p>Henry Clay, in the pride of his heart, imagined that his
Compromise Measures would put down Abolitionism and
give the country peace; but the great statesman was miserably
mistaken. He acted as if he had forgotten that there was a God
of Infinite Justice, who can, with a breath, blast the schemes
of cabinets, and cause the most powerful to bow tremblingly
before His authority. Clay did not perceive the power of an
enlightened public opinion, guided by the finger of Him who
is the foe of tyrants, and the hater of iniquity; and who said by
His Son, eighteen centuries ago, that<hi rend="italics"> the Oppressed should
go free</hi>. If he had done so, he never would have
<pb id="adamsxxxi" n="xxxi"/>
proposed those measures which have gained him eternal
infamy, without in the least degree benefitting the cause he sought
to uphold. For they have awakened the conscience of the North
from the deep sleep into which it had fallen; and by the
blessing of God, that conscience shall never slumber again.
They have aroused the Abolitionists to an activity 
unparalleled in their history. They have affected the Church,
and the ministers of the God of liberty are increasing in
number; and in short they show that the last struggles of the
monster which has made the boasted liberty of the Great
Republic a delusion and a lie, have at length come, and that the
era of a glorious freedom is not far distant.</p>
        <closer>
          <signed>F. W. C.</signed>
        </closer>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <div1 type="text">
        <pb id="adams1" n="1"/>
        <head>GOD'S IMAGE IN EBONY.</head>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>CHAPTER I.—INTRODUCTORY.</head>
          <epigraph>
            <p>“So God created man in his own image; in the image of God created he
him; male and female created he them.<corr>”</corr>—GENESIS, i. 27.</p>
          </epigraph>
          <p>ETHNOLOGY, or the science of races, has of late years
occupied much of the attention of the learned. Many books
have been written on the subject, and many theories
propounded, to account for the diversities observable in the
physical and mental characteristics of the dwellers upon the
various portions of the habitable globe. Some, in direct
opposition to scripture, have asserted that these distinct
tribes and nations, so diverse in stature, in colour, in language,
and in physical conformation, could not all have
descended from one common parent—that the peculiarities
now observable in the structural anatomy of the different
human races, have always existed, and separated those races
as distinctly, as one tribe of animals is divided from another.
Climate and circumstances are not believed to have had any
influence in these matters, and yet the very author who
advances this opinion,<ref id="ref5" n="5" rend="sc" target="note5" targOrder="U">*</ref> tells us afterwards that race is
permanent, only so long “as the existing media and order
of things prevail.” What are we to understand by this,
if not that climate and circumstances <hi rend="italics">have</hi> power to effect
changes in the human frame, and to produce all those
diversities of character and conformation now observable in
the great divisions of the family of man? We merely mention
this to show the inconsistencies into which scientific
men are often led, when in pursuit of a favourite theory,
the more especially when that theory is at variance with
revealed truth; and to show also that those who contend
for a natural and unchangeable inferiority of race, are not
altogether so perfect in their wisdom, that we should listen
to them in preference to the word of God, who tells us
that He hath “made of one blood all the nations of men, to
dwell upon the face of the earth.” Is it not plain from
this declaration, that all men are brothers—children of one
common parent, aye, of one <hi rend="italics">earthly</hi> parent; for, if by this
<note id="note5" n="5" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref5">* Dr. Knox, <hi rend="italics">vide</hi> “The Races of Men.”</note>
<pb id="adams2" n="2"/>
is meant our Heavenly Creator only, then are we brothers with
the soulless brutes also, and we look in vain for the symbol and
pledge of our humanity; which, although fallen and degraded,
has still lingering about it some faint traces of the god-like and
divine.</p>
          <p>Those who contend that the Negro race is essentially and
unalterably inferior to any other of the distinct races, to use the
ethnologist's term, which occupy the different divisions of the
globe, do so in the face of proofs to the contrary, which one
would think ought to convince them of their error; some of
these proofs it will presently be our task to adduce; just now
we have a few more observations to offer upon the general
bearing of our subject, and aspect of the slavery question.</p>
          <p>That slave-holders, and all who would trample on and
oppress their weaker fellow-men, are advocates for this theory,
is not to be wondered at, they find in it an excuse for their acts
of cruelty and oppression; it places the slave upon the same
low ground as that occupied by their dogs and horses, and,
although the humane man (and we do not mean to deny that
there are many such proprietors of human chattels) would not
overtask or torture even these, yet, the consideration and
respect which is due to every being with an immortal soul, is
lost sight of, and so that the physical wants of his slaves are
satisfied, the master has little care for the imperishable part of
their nature. And this is the most crying evil of the whole
system: bodily torture, cold, hunger, taunts, revilings, toil
beneath the lash of the overseer, nay, death itself, are as nothing
in comparison with this annihilation of every glimmering spark
of the divine light within, (which should be as a lamp to lead the
soul to a Saviour's feet,) which generally ensues in that state of brutal
ignorance in which the slave is allowed to remain, if he be not,
as in most instances he is, kept and bound there.</p>
          <p>Education for the slave is a thing not to be thought of, not to
be tolerated; and so we hear of heavy fines and penalties, and
other punishments, inflicted on those who attempt to teach the
benighted African, dwelling in a so-called christian land, the
way of salvation; and why? because the freedom of the soul from
the thraldom of ignorance and superstition, and sensuality,
must soon be followed by the freedom of the body. If once your
slave gets but a revelation of divine truth, he is a slave no
longer; he knows that other than an earthly master hath bought
<pb id="adams3" n="3"/>
him at a high price; and bind him as securely, watch
him as closely, and torture him as severely as you may;
oh, haughty southern planter! there is a part of him—
the more noble part—which you cannot hold, nor frighten,
nor maltreat. This truth is nowhere more forcibly demonstrated
than in Mrs. Stowe's admirable work: poor Tom
dying under the lash of the fiend-like Legree, was more free
than the sin-bound and embruted creature who owned his
body, because
<q direct="unspecified"><lg><l>“He could read his title clear,</l><l>To mansions in the skies.” </l></lg></q>
And he knew full well, that the trouble and suffering
through which it was his lot to pass, was but as a rugged
gloomy passage to a bright and blissful hereafter. It is Bryant
who bids us
<q direct="unspecified"><lg><l>“Deem not the just by heaven forgot!</l><l>Though life its common gifts deny—</l><l>Though with a crushed and bleeding heart,</l><l>And spurned of man, he goes to die!</l><l>For God hath marked each sorrowing day,</l><l>And numbered every bitter tear;</l><l>And heaven's long years of bliss shall pay</l><l>For all his children suffer here.”</l></lg></q></p>
          <p>The educated and spiritually enlightened slave, we say,
knows all this, and fears not the stripes and injuries which man
can inflict; if he attempt not to escape from his earthly
bondage, which he generally will do, being conscious of his<hi rend="italics"> right</hi>
to freedom, he will shew by his aspect and demeanour, that
he claims a recognition of that common humanity which he
shares with his owner; he is no longer a brute, but a man. And
what so galling to the pride of a tyrannical master, as for that
being of an assumed inferior nature to rise up and claim
brotherhood with him, the delicately-nurtured, the highly-
educated, and refined lord of broad lands, and human chattels.</p>
          <p>To us it seems that no science can be true science, no
philosophy other than spurious, that does not recognise in every
human being, whether his skin be white or sable, a man
and a brother. “The christian philosopher,” says Dr. Chalmers,
“sees in every man a partaker of his own nature,
and a brother of his own species. He contemplates the
human mind in the generality of its great elements. He
enters upon a wide field of benevolence, and disdains the
geographical barriers by which little men would shut out
<pb id="adams4" n="4"/>
one half of the species from the kind offices of the other. Let man's
localities be what they may, it is enough for his large and
noble heart, that he is bone of the as a bone.”</p>
          <p>Let us add to this the testimony of the pious Richard Watson,
which we find quoted in Wilson Armistead's “Tribute for the
Negro,” a noble volume, to which we are indebted for much of
the information contained in the following pages; pointing to the
scripture passage which tells how our Saviour became incarnate,
“that he by the grace of God should taste death for every man.”
Watson says, ‘Behold then the foundation of the fraternity of our
race, however coloured, and however scattered. Essential distinctions
of inferiority and superiority had been, in almost every
part of the Gentile World, adopted as the palliation or the
justification of the wrongs inflicted by man on man; but against
this notion, christianity, from its first promulgation, has lifted
up its voice. God hath made the varied tribes of men ‘of one
blood.’ Dost thou wrong a human being? He is thy brother.
Art thou a murderer by war, private malice, or a wasting and exhausting
oppression? ‘The voice, of thy brother's blood crieth to God from the
ground.’ Dost thou, because of some accidental circumstance of
rank, opulence, or power, on thy part treat him with scorn and
contempt? He is thy ‘brother for whom Christ died;’ the incarnate
Redeemer assumed his nature as well as thine. He came into the world
to seek and to save him, as well as thee; and it was in reference to
him also, that he went through the scenes of the garden and the
cross. There is not then a man on earth who has not a
father in heaven, and to whom Christ is not an advocate
and patron; nay, more, because of our common humanity,
to whom he is not a brother.”</p>
          <p>Hear this, ye slave-holding churches of America! and tremble
for the account which you will have to render at the great day of
judgment, when the question shall be asked—What hast thou
done with that poor benighted African—that talent that was given
thee to improve? Hast thou squandered it? Hast thou hidden it
in a napkin; or hast thou used it in any way so that it shall
redound to the glory of God and the good of man? Alas, no! to
use thou hast put it; but to how base a use! Thou hast made it
subservient to thine own pride, and avarice, and sensuality;
and thus bast hast done thy best to efface the glorious image
of its and thy Maker, with which it was
<pb id="adams5" n="5"/>
stamped in the mint of heaven, and to substitute a figure and a
superscription which shall make it pass current in the exchange
of hell. This thou hast done; oh, false professor of a creed of
brotherhood! This thou continuest to do; and what avails it in
the sight of heaven, that thou makest long prayers, and givest
alms to the poor, and teachest and preachest with such
fervency and unction, the holy precepts of christianity, with
which thine <hi rend="italics">actions</hi> have so little agreement?</p>
          <p>How fearful, when thou standest before thy Father,
and thy Judge, to give an account of all that thou hast
done in the flesh, will be the question—“Cain where is thy
brother Abel?” Will thy trembling lips then dare to ask—
“Am I my brother's keeper?”No, for thou wilt know that
thou oughtest to have been his helper, and instructor, and
protector. Will you babble then about the Old Testament
law? Will ye point to the Gospel, and say that Paul sent
Onesimus back to bondage; ye, who have dwelt in the full
blaze of a new dispensation, and who knew, or ought to have
known, that the only bondage referred to by the Apostle, was,
that of christian fellowship, into which the poor disciple was
to be received “<hi rend="italics">as a brother</hi>.” How vain will be all such
subterfuges; and how vain do they seem even now; well may the
poor slave exclaim—
<q direct="unspecified"><lg><lg><l>“Deem our nation brutes no longer,</l><l>Till some reason ye shall find,</l><l>Worthier of regard and stronger,</l><l>Than the colour of our kind.</l></lg><lg><l>Slaves of gold! whose sordid dealings</l><l>Tarnish all your boasted powers,</l><l>Prove that you have human feelings,</l><l>Ere you proudly question ours!”</l></lg></lg></q></p>
          <p>It would be well for those who contend for the inferiority
of the Negro race, and point to the present degraded condition
of the poor Africans, as a proof of that inferiority, to glance
for a moment at Caesar's description of their own ancestors.—
“In their domestic and social habits, the Britons are as degraded
as the most savage nations. They are clothed with skins; wear the
hair of their heads unshaven and long, and shave the rest of their
bodies except their upper lip; and stain themselves a blue colour,
with woad, which gives them a horrible aspect in battle.” Deeply
sunken as they were in ignorance and superstition, uncouth in
appearance, rude in manners,
<pb id="adams6" n="6"/>
savage in war, and in their religious rites cruel and bloody, if
we wish for a parallel picture, we must look to the countries
watered by the Senegal or the Gambia; we shall see there but
the reflex of our own primitive state, and it may well be
questioned whether, if the same opportunities of civilization
and improvement which the aborigines of Britain enjoyed,
were given to the woolly-headed tribes of Africa, they would
not make more rapid advances than did the woad-stained
dwellers in these islands, proud as is the position which they
now occupy in the scale of intellect and morality.</p>
          <p>The Roman orator, Cicero, urges his friend Atticus “not to
buy slaves from Britain, on account of their stupidity, and
their inaptitude to learn music and other accomplishments.”
And he adds, that the ugliest and most stupid slaves
came from this country. No doubt, to the highly civilized
and powerful Romans, the barbarous Angles appeared like an
inferior race, whom it was alike philosophical and humane to
keep in a state of dependence and degradation. In the
correspondence of Dr. Philip, there is an instructive
passage on this head, which we cannot refrain from quoting—
“Seated one day in the house of a friend, at Cape Town, with a
bust of Cicero on my right hand, and of Sir Isaac Newton on my
left, I accidentally opened a book on the table, at that passage in
Cicero in which the philosopher speaks so contemptuously of
the natives of Great Britain. Struck with the curious coincidence
arising from the circumstances in which I found myself; pointing to
the bust of Cicero, and then to that of Sir Isaac Newton, I could not help
exclaiming—Hear what that man says of that man's country.” Dr.
Philip goes on to observe, very truly, that ,“The Romans might
have found an image of their own ancestors in the
representation they have given of ours. And we may form not
an imperfect idea of what <hi rend="italics">our</hi> ancestors were at the time when
Caesar invaded Britain, by the present condition of some of the
African tribes. By them we may perceive, as in a mirror,
the features of our progenitors; and by our own history, we may learn 
the extent to which such tribes may be elevated by means favourable
to their improvement.” To this, we may add, the testimony of
Dr. Pritchard who in his celebrated “Researches into the Physical
History of Mankind,” says, “The ancient Britons were nearly on a
level with the New Zealanders, or Tahitians of the present day or
perhaps not very superior to the Australians.” And
<pb id="adams7" n="7"/>
again, “Of all pagan nations, the Gauls and Britons appear
to have had the most sanguinary rites. They may well be
compared, in this respect, to the Ashante, Dahomehs, and
other nations of Western Africa.” Let us talk no longer then of
inferiority of race.—
<q direct="unspecified"><lg><l>“Let us not then the negro slave despise;</l><l>just such our sires appeared in Caesar's eyes.”</l></lg></q></p>
          <p>Instances might be cited, in which, what are generally
considered as the distinctive marks of the negro race, have
become greatly modified under the influence of a change of
climate and circumstances, in the course of one or two
generations; and even in the same individual a wonderful change
has been observed to take place, after his shackles have been
loosed, his mind enlightened, his physical wants satisfied, and
his natural feelings and affections studied and respected.
Frederick Douglass, cowering under the lash of Covey, the
slave-breaker, half-starved and scantily clothed, and beaten like
a dog, is a very different being from he who lately stood up
before a British audience, in a land of freedom, himself as free
as any there, and electrified thousands by his thrilling
eloquence. Gilbert, like a true artist as he is, has finely depicted
this difference in “Uncle Tom's Cabin Almanack.” Let our
readers look on the two pictures, and ask themselves,
admirably as the likeness is preserved, if it <hi rend="italics">can</hi> be the same
individual, here grovelling on the earth, and terror-stricken at
the expected punishment, like the mere animal; there upright,
as a <hi rend="italics">man</hi> should be, with flashing eyes, and a countenance
lighted with intelligence.</p>
          <p>Look again at poor Pennington, the scared run-away, when
he entered with a trembling heart and hesitating steps, the
presence of the benevolent quaker, who sheltered and fed
him for awhile; and again ask yourselves—Can this be he
who afterwards became so efficient a minister of the Gospel
of Christ; who stood up on the platform at the Paris Peace
Convention, and delivered so beautiful and impressive a
speech; “whose amiable and gentlemanly deportment, pliant
and elegant mind, and culture and power of intellect, have won
for him the esteem of very many, while his eloquence and pathos
have touched the hearts of multitudes who have been privileged to
hear him;” and on whom, a German University, from whose
venerable walls have gone forth masters in the loftiest
departments of human lore, has conferred the honourable
distinction of D. D.?</p>
          <pb id="adams8" n="8"/>
          <p>Look again at Josiah Henson, at William Wells Brown, and
others, whose biographies will be presently given, in their
enslaved and free state; mark the difference, and then ask
yourselves another question:—Can these noble specimens of
God's handiworks—these enlightened, high-souled christian men,
belong to an inferior race? Can we believe this? no, the rather let
us agree with the wise and benevolent Dr. Channing, who
addresses his countrymen thus:—</p>
          <p>“We are holding in bondage one of the best races of the
human family. The Negro is among the mildest and gentlest of
men. He is singularly susceptible of improvement from abroad.
His children, it is said, receive more rapidly than ours the
elements of knowledge. How far he can originate
improvements, time alone can teach. His nature is affectionate,
easily touched; and hence he is more open to religious
impressions than the white man. The European races have
manifested more courage, enterprise, invention; but in the
dispositions which Christianity particularly honours, how
inferior are they to the African! When I cast my eyes over our
southern region,  the land of bowie knives, Lynch law and duels—
of chivalry honour, and revenge—and when I consider that
Christianity is declared to be a spirit of charity, ‘'which seeketh
not its own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil, and
endureth all things,’—can I hesitate in deciding to which of the
races in that land Christianity is most adapted and in which its
noblest disciples are likely to be reared.”</p>
          <p>Elsewhere this eloquent advocate of the oppressed Negro
makes the following forcible observations:—“The moral
influence of slavery is to destroy the proper consciousness and spirit
of a man. The slave, regarded and treated as property, bought
and sold like a brute, denied the rights of humanity, unprotected
against insult, made a tool, and systematically subdued, that he
may be a manageable useful tool, how can he help regarding
himself as fallen below his race? How must his spirit be
crushed? How can he respect himself? He becomes bowed to
servility. This word, borrowed from his condition, expresses
the ruin wrought by slavery within him. The idea that he was
made for his own virtue and happiness scarcely dawns on his
mind. To be an instrument of the physical, material good of
another, whose will is his highest law, he is taught to regard as
the great purpose of his being. The whips and imprisonment of
slavery, and even the horrors of the middle passage from Africa
to America, these are not to be named in comparison with
<pb id="adams9" n="9"/>
this extinction of the proper consciousness of a human being,
with the degradation of a man into a brute.</p>
          <p>It may be said that the slave is used to his yoke; that his
sensibilities are blunted; and that he receives, without a pang or
a thought, the treatment which would sting other men to
madness. And to what does this apology amount? It virtually
declares that slavery has done its perfect work—has quenched the
spirit of humanity—that the Man is dead within the Slave. It is
not, however, true that this work of abasement is ever so
effectually done as to extinguish all feeling. Man is too great a
creature to be wholly ruined by Man. When he seems dead he
only sleeps. There are occasionally some sullen murmurs in the
calm of slavery, showing that life still beats in the soul, that the
idea of rights cannot be wholly effaced from the human being. It
would be too painful, and it is not needed, to detail the process
by which the spirit is broken in slavery. I refer to one only, the
selling of slaves. The practice of exposing fellow-creatures for
sale, of having markets for men as for cattle, of examining the
limbs and muscles of a man and woman as of a brute, of putting
human beings under the hammer of an auctioneer, and delivering
them, like any other article of merchandise, to the highest
bidder, all this is such an insult to our common nature, and so
infinitely degrading to the poor victim, that it is hard to
conceive of its existence except in a barbarous country. The
violation of his own rights to which he is inured from birth,
must throw confusion over his ideas of all human rights. He
cannot comprehend them; or, if he does, how can he respect
them, seeing them, as he does, perpetually trampled on in his
own person?”</p>
          <p>Other demoralizing, we had almost said demonizing,
influences, which the system of slavery calls into play, might
be dwelt upon, were they not of too dark and impure a character
to admit of more than a passing hint. Any properly constituted
and instructed mind must shrink with horror at even a distant
contemplation of those violations of virtue and decency, and
the best and holiest affections of humanity, which are of daily,
hourly occurrence in the slave states of America, if the
testimony of a “thousand witnesses” many of them favourable
to this accursed system, is to be believed.</p>
          <p>We may now quote a few remarks apropos to our subject, by
an authority of some weight in this country. In an article in
“Chambers' Edinburgh Journal,” on a work published some
years since in one of the slave states, the professed object of
which was to prove that Negroes are not human beings
<pb id="adams10" n="10"/>
in the full sense of the term, but a sort of intermediate
link between the larger of the ape tribe and the white
races of man, it is said in conclusion, “The answer to all
these arguments is, we think, not difficult. Supposing the
Negroes differ in all the alleged respects from the whites,
the difference we would say, is not such as to justify,
the whites in making a property of them, and treating
them with cruelty. But the Negroes are not, in reality,
beyond the pale of humanity, either physically or mentally,
Their external conformation is not greatly different from
that of whites. Their being the same mentally, is shewn
by the fact, that many Negroes have displayed intellectual
and moral features equal to those of whites of high endowment.
We might instance Carey, Jenkins, Cuffee, Gustavus
Vasa, Toussaint, and many others.</p>
          <p>If any one Negro has shewn a character identical with that of
the white race, the whole family must be the same, though in
general inferior. The inferiority is shewn to be not in kind, but in
degree; and it would be just as proper for the clever whites to
seize and enslave the stupid ones, as for the whites in general to
enslave the blacks in general. The blacks, moreover, have shewn
a capacity of improvement. They have shewn that, as in many
districts of even our island of Great Britain, many parts of mind
appear absent only when not brought out or called into exercise,
and that by education the dormant faculties can be awakened
and called into strength, if not in one generation, at least in the
course of several. The tendency slavery is to keep down, at nearly
the level of brutes, beings who might be brightened into intellectual
and moral beauty.”</p>
          <p>Further, in their “Tract on Intelligent Negroes,” the
Messrs. Chambers either give utterance, or the sanction of their
names, to this sentiment—“Such men as Jenkins and Carey at
once close the months of those who, from ignorance or
something worse, allege an absolute difference, or specific
character, between the two races, and justify the consignment
of the black to a fate which only proves the lingering
barbarism of the white.”</p>
          <p>Yes, we are all stones from one quarry, dark of hue and rugged
of form as some may be, while others are white and
beautifully polished; coloured and shapen in accordance with
the will of the Divine Architect, we shall form eventually one
grand and symmetrical whole—a temple that shall redound to the
glory of Him who designed and fashioned it. What,
<pb id="adams11" n="11"/>
then; shall the richly sculptured capital of the slender column, or
the embossed key-stone of the stately arch, despise the dark
and rugged mass which helps to form the basement? nay, not
so; for it performs an important work in the economy of
the whole structure, and might by labour and skill have been
rendered worthy a place in its more ornamental parts. But
dropping the metaphor, truly may we say to the Negro—
<q direct="unspecified"><lg><l>“Bone of our bone, flesh of our flesh, thou art,</l><l>Co-heritor of kindred being thou;</l><l>From the full tide that warmed one mother's heart,</l><l>Thy veins and ours received the genial flow.”</l></lg></q></p>
          <p>It is plain, from the accounts which travellers give us, that
the great varieties, or races, into which ethnologists have divided
the human family, are not by any means so distinctly marked as
they would have us believe. The main distinctions of these races
are their geographical boundaries, for they melt, and, as it were,
run into each other in almost imperceptible gradations: and but for
the mountains, and seas, and rivers, which divide them, there would
be really no clear lines of demarcation. The woolly hair, protuberant
lips, and other physical characteristics, as they are generally considered,
of the Negro race, are not found in all of them, and one or other,
sometimes several of these characteristics, are found in other tribes.
There are Negroes which the most inveterate hater of a black skin could
not but acknowledge to be beautiful—perfect models of grace
and elegance; and there are white men, aye, men of the great
dominant Anglo-saxon race whose appearance would indicate a
very near approach to the lower grade of animals. That the structural
anatomy of all races closely approximates, even Dr. Knox admits,
for he says—“Strip off the outer garments of Venus, and compare her
to a bushwoman, (one of the most degraded of the African tribes,) and the
difference would be seen to be very slight.” These distinctions of race
then, on which so much stress is laid, are not organic, but merely
superficial, and therefore, as we must believe, variable according to
climate and circumstances.</p>
          <p>Wilson Armistead, whose volume contains a vast amount
of information on this head, tells us that “Professor Blumenbach,
the great German physiologist, bestowed much labour 
and research on the question of Negro capacity. He collected a
large number of skulls, and also a numerous library of 
the works of persons of African blood or descent, (which
<pb id="adams12" n="12"/>
library it is said would bear out the assertion, that there
is not a single department of taste or science, in which
some Negro has not distinguished himself.) Blumenbach is
perhaps, the greatest authority, in favour of the identity of
species, and of intellect in the black and white
races. It is to him that we are indebted for the most
complete body of information on this subject, which he
illustrated most successfully by his unrivalled collection of
the Craniæ of different nations, from all parts of the globe.</p>
          <p>From the results of the observations of Blumenbach and
others, it appears then, that there is no characteristic whatever
in the organization of the skull or brain of the Negro,
which affords a presumption of inferior endowment, either
of the intellectual of moral faculties. If it be asserted that
the African nations are inferior to the rest of mankind, from
historical facts, because they may be thought not to have
contributed their share to the advancement of human arts
and sciences, the Mandingoes may be instanced as a people
evidently susceptible of high mental culture and civilization.
They have not, indeed, contributed much towards the
advancement of human arts and sciences, but they have evinced
themselves willing and able to profit by these advantages,
when introduced among them.”And what more could the so-
called superior races have done? <hi rend="italics">They</hi> have availed themselves
of the means and opportunities of improvement offered to
them, and become elevated above the dark region of ignorance
and superstition, in which the poor Negro yet lies
grovelling; let them lend him a helping hand and lift him up
to the same height of civilization and knowledge as
that on which they now stand, and which he is as capable
of occupying and enjoying as themselves.</p>
          <p>Who can tell what a bright and glorious future may yet
be in store for this now degraded and persecuted race; how
high a position they may yet attain in the scale of humanity.
In the revolutions of past ages, what nations and
races have arisen from a state of barbarism, grown great
and flourished for awhile, and then declined; and it may
be that we ourselves have reached, and passed, our culminating
point of power and earthly glory; and that when we are
far down the descent which leads to extinction, or subjugation,
the dark-skinned dwellers in that far western continent, may
be great, and powerful, and famous; lifting aloft the lamp
of christianity—“That light which lighteneth every one
that cometh into the world;”cherishing the arts and
sciences which can no longer find a place in our deserted
<pb id="adams13" n="13"/>
schools and halls of learning; and, enriched by that commerce
which once crowded our ports with shipping, and filled our
marts to overflowing. Who can say what God in His
inscrutable wisdom, hath in store for this Negro race. We can
scarcely imagine that beneath the depth in which they now lie
bound, hand and foot, there is a lower deep still for them; the
light of knowledge and civilization, and above all, of
christianity, must reach their benighted souls; with knowledge
will come power, with power freedom; it is, it must be so
ordained. Let us then be fellow-workers with God, whose
image we recognise in this black brother of ours, crying out for
help amid the embers of his burning kraal, in the desolate
karoo, across which he journeys, faint and bleeding; on the
wide waters of the intermediate passage, nearly stifled in the
hold of the pestiferous slave ship; and in that boasted land of
liberty, where the true dignity of man is so much talked about,
but so little understood, and where independence would
appear to mean a total disregard of all the claims and rights of
human brotherhood! Listen, oh, listen, with pity and sympathy, to</p>
          <q direct="unspecified">
            <lg type="verse">
              <head>THE CRY OF THE AMERICAN SLAVE</head>
              <lg type="verse">
                <l>THERE'S promise of freedom</l>
                <l>For me and for mine;</l>
                <l>I hear the glad tidings,</l>
                <l>I see the light shine;</l>
                <l>But it shineth afar yet,</l>
                <l>The hill-tops are bright,</l>
                <l>While the vale where the slave lies</l>
                <l>Is gloomy as night;</l>
                <l>An the voice of deliverance</l>
                <l>Sounds faint when the cries</l>
                <l>And the groans of the scourged,</l>
                <l>And the fettered arise.</l>
              </lg>
              <lg type="verse">
                <l>Press on, my white brothers!</l>
                <l>The tyrants are strong,</l>
                <l>Ye have giants to cope with—</l>
                <l>Oppression and Wrong:</l>
                <l>Be brave, my white brothers!</l>
                <l>Your work is of love;</l>
                <l>All good men pray for you,</l>
                <l>And God is above;</l>
                <l>And the poor slave he crieth</l>
                <l>Unto ye for aid—</l>
                <l>Oh, be not discouraged!</l>
                <l>Oh, be not afraid!</l>
              </lg>
              <lg type="verse">
                <l>From the cotton plantation,</l>
                <l>The rice-swamp, the mill,</l>
                <l>The cane-field, the workshop</l>
                <l>The cry cometh still:—</l>
                <l>Oh! save us, and shield us,</l>
                <l>We groan and we faint;</l>
                <l>No words can our sorrows,</l>
                <l>Our miseries paint;</l>
                <l>Our souls are our masters',</l>
                <l>They sport with our lives,</l>
                <l>They torture and scourge us</l>
                <l>With whips, and with gyves.</l>
              </lg>
              <lg type="verse">
                <l>We see scowling faces</l>
                <l>On every hand;</l>
                <l>We bear on our persons,</l>
                <l>The marks of the brand;</l>
                <l>We're fed, and we're cared for,</l>
                <l>Like horses and hogs;</l>
                <l>We're cut, and we're shot at,</l>
                <l>And hunted with dogs;</l>
                <l>Like goods we are bartered,</l>
                <l>And given, and sold;</l>
                <l>And the rights of our race</l>
                <l>There are none to uphold;—</l>
              </lg>
              <lg type="verse">
                <l>Save ye, noble workers</l>
                <l>In freedom's great cause;</l>
                <l>Save ye, loud proclaimers</l>
                <l>Of God's righteous laws,</l>
                <l>Who call us your brothers,</l>
                <l>Though black be our skin,</l>
                <l>And own we have hearts</l>
                <l>These dark bosoms within—</l>
                <l>Like feelings, emotions,</l>
                <l>And passions, with those</l>
                <l>Who spurn us, and scorn us,</l>
                <l>And scoff at our woes.</l>
              </lg>
              <pb id="adams14" n="14"/>
              <lg>
                <l>Oh! press on, and hasten</l>
                <l>The good coming time,</l>
                <l>When the hue of the skin</l>
                <l>Shall no more be a crime;</l>
                <l>When a man, though a Negro,</l>
                <l>May fearless give birth</l>
                <l>To his thoughts, and his hopes,</l>
                <l>With the proudest on earth;</l>
                <l>When no master shall own him,</l>
                <l>Nor tear him apart,</l>
                <l>From the wife of his bosom,</l>
                <l>The child of his heart.</l>
              </lg>
              <lg type="verse">
                <l>I know the time's coming,</l>
                <l>I'm sure 'twill be here,</l>
                <l>For the voice of a prophet</l>
                <l>Hath sung in mine ear—</l>
                <l>“Make ready the way</l>
                <l>For the advent of Him,</l>
                <l>In whose presence the splendours</l>
                <l>Of earth shall grow dim;</l>
                <l>All pride shall be humbled,</l>
                <l>Oppression shall cease,</l>
                <l>And men, like true brethren,</l>
                <l>Shall sojourn in peace,”</l>
              </lg>
              <lg type="verse">
                <l>I see the faint glimmer</l>
                <l>Of light—shall those eyes</l>
                <l>Behold the bright sun</l>
                <l>In its glory arise?</l>
                <l>Shall these hands grasp the freedom</l>
                <l>For which I and mine,</l>
                <l>In the depths of our misery,</l>
                <l>Languish and pine?</l>
                <l>Life waneth apace—</l>
                <l>I am feeble and cold—</l>
                <l>Oh hasten to snatch me</l>
                <l>From slavery's hold!</l>
              </lg>
            </lg>
            <bibl>H. G. A.</bibl>
          </q>
          <p>We have hope that the question will arise in the minds of some of
our readers—What can I do in this matter? how can I forward the
work of Negro emancipation? To such we say, watch and seek
for opportunities of rendering your aid, and they will certainly come;
until they do, let the following forcible words of that gifted woman,
Harriet Beecher Stowe, be ever before you:—“There is one thing
that every individual can do —that they can see to it that they
feel right. An atmosphere of sympathetic influence encircles
every human being, and the man or woman who feels
strongly, healthily, and justly, on the great interests of humanity,
is a constant benefactor to the human race. See, then, to your
sympathies on this matter! Are they in harmony with the
sympathies of Christ? or are they swayed and perverted by the
sophistries of worldly policy? Let, too, the good sentiment
embodied in these lines by Pollok, be borne in memory as a
stimulant for your sympathy and exertion:—</p>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>“Unchristian thought! on what pretence soe'er</l>
            <l>Of right inherited, or else acquired,</l>
            <l>Of loss or profit, or what plea you name</l>
            <l>To buy and sell, to barter, whip, and hold</l>
            <l>In chains, a being of celestial make,</l>
            <l>Of kindred bone, of kindred faculties,</l>
            <l>Of kindred feelings, passions, thoughts, desires;</l>
            <l>Born free, born heir of an immortal hope!”</l>
          </lg>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <pb id="adams15" n="15"/>
          <head>CHAPTER II.—BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.</head>
          <head>TOUSSAINT L'OVERTURE.</head>
          <p>WE need look no farther for a contradiction of the alleged
inferiority of the Negro race, than the subject of this sketch.
Here was a man—a true “image of God 
cut in ebony”—black, and all 
black; with no drop of other than African
blood flowing in his veins; but one generation removed from
the wild and savage state of an unreclaimed son of the
forest and the desert; a man, too, who passed the first fifty
years of his life in a state of slavery, which, although of a
mild form, admitted of but few means and opportunities of
mental improvement; and yet, by the mere force of the
moral and intellectual powers within him, he achieved a
greatness, little, if at all inferior to that of any white-skinned
warrior or legislator of his own, or any other age of
the world's history. If we were among those who would
set up the military hero as the highest type of human
excellence, we should probably find sufficient in the career
of this Toussaint L'Overture to justify our largest meed of
praise and admiration; he might indeed well be called the
“Napoleon of the Blacks,” only that his patriotism was purer,
his aims more noble and unselfish, his heart far less hard
and cruel, and his mind too benevolent and solicitous for
the good of his fellow-men, to allow of the fall and appropriate
application of such a title. Did we admit that the magnanimous
ruler, the framer and administrator of just and wholesome
laws, the calmer of unruly passions, the reconciler of
conflicting interests, and the reducer of chaotic elements
into harmonious and symmetrical order, were entitled to the
highest pinnacle of earthly glory and greatness, then might
we also claim for this erewhile chief of a black-skinned
community a lofty place in the estimation of the world. But
it is neither as the warrior nor to the legislator, great as
he undoubtedly was in both these capacities, that we look
upon Toussaint L'Overture with the greatest admiration.
Rather do we prefer to view him in his social and domestic
relations—as the attached and devoted servant, the tender
and affectionate husband and father, the faithful friend, the
strict observer of his promises and engagements, “the man
who never told a lie,” and scorned to act meanly or
<pb id="adams16" n="16"/>
disingenuously even to an enemy. These are the traits in his
character, we say, which it best pleases us to contemplate,
although they are not those, perhaps, which have contributed
most to exalt him in the eyes of the world at
 large—which have, by the blaze of his 
achievements, and the loud blast
of his renown, been attracted to that beautiful island of St.
Domingo, or Hayti, (the land of mountains,) as it was originally,
and is now again usually called—that island which has furnished us
with so striking an example of Negro capacity, both mental and
physical, and shown that the black man is not a whit inferior to
his fair-skinned brother, either in the qualities which win for him
the esteem and affection of all true hearts, or in those which are
generally allowed to constitute real greatness of character.</p>
          <p>Let us take a brief survey of the career of this extraordinary
man, and see if we can find it that which will establish his right to
the lofty position in which, by almost common consent, he has
been placed; he having been, as the “Biographie Universelle”
states, the model upon which, as Dictator and General, Napoleon
formed himself. We shall take up our hero's history at the very
earliest period of which a record can be found, in order to show
how little he was removed from the barbarous and savage state in
which the African tribes unhappily exist. Gaou Guinou, king of
one of the most powerful of these tribes, had a second son, who
was taken prisoner in war by a hostile people, and sold, as is
customary in these cases, to some white traffickers in human
merchandise. These civilized (?) and Christian (?) merchants
having a cargo of sable brothers and sisters to dispose of, brought
them to the shores of St. Domingo, into which island a large annual
importation of slaves was then taking place. The African prince was
purchased by the Count de Noé, a French proprietor of an extensive
plantation situated a few miles inland from Cape Francois. Here the
royal slave was kindly treated, and seems altogether to have led as
happy a life as one in a state of bondage could well do; he married
a maiden of his own colour and country—a fellow-slave on the same
plantation —and by her had eight children, of whom Toussaint,
born May 17th., 1743, was the eldest. To the parent, as nothing
very remarkable is recorded of him, we need make no further
allusion; it is to the illustrious son that our attention must now be
directed.</p>
          <p>Here, in this “Queen of the Antilles,” as Hayti has been
poetically called, beneath the balmy sky and amid the luxuriant
vegetation of the tropics, the Negro boy seems to
<pb id="adams17" n="17"/>
have grown up to manhood without experiencing any of those
hardships, and privations, and sufferings, to which the slave is
most commonly exposed. It appears to have been a point
of honour with most of the French proprietors of this island,
to treat their Negroes with kindness and consideration, and
hence they were held in more regard and affection than the
haughty Spaniards, who occupied, by a more ancient tenure of
possession, the larger portion of the island, and
looked upon these colonists from France with aversion and
distrust. Bayon de Libertas, the agent or manager for Toussaint's
master, who is called in some histories the Count de Breda, was
no exception to this rule, and verily he had his reward; for,
although in the sanguinary war of races or colours which by and by
deluged the beautiful island, his property was destroyed, yet was
his person and family protected, and conveyed beyond the reach
of danger, and the means furnished him, out of the wreck of the
property, to establish and maintain himself in a land of peace and
safety; and it was by Negro hands, obeying the promptings
of a warm, generous, and grateful heart, that this was effected.</p>
          <p>The weakly lad Toussaint, whose back had not been made to
bow beneath the burden, nor lacerated with stripes; whose little
strength had not been tasked beyond what it would
bear; but who had been allowed to lie about in the sunshine,
taking care of the cattle, and performing such light duties as best
suited him, had grown up then into a strong and
energetic man. Always thoughtful and serious beyond his years,
he had early attracted the attention of M. de Libertas,
who, as some authorities say, had him taught to read and write;
but this is unlikely; for, with all their affability and kindness to
their slaves, these French masters still looked upon them as an
inferior order of beings, on whom it would be useless, if not
dangerous, to bestow mental instruction. The most probable
account is that the young Toussaint gained such slight elementary
knowledge as he possessed from one Pierre Baptiste, a shrewd
and intelligent Negro on his master's estate, whose naturally
good abilities had been cultivated and improved by some
benevolent missionaries. Be this as it may, certain it is that
our hero did, during the season of his by no means heavy
bondage, snatch a few sprigs from the tree of knowledge; and
so rich was the soil of the mind in which he planted them, that
when he cast aside his shackles, came forth from his prison-house,
and stood before the world as the champion and director of his
lately enslaved, but now free brethren, all were
<pb id="adams18" n="18"/>
astonished at the abundance and maturity of the fruits there
displayed.</p>
          <p>The thoughtful and intelligent, though somewhat weakly Negro
youth, had, we say, grown up into a sturdy man. Sober,
honest, industrious, and religiously disposed, it was soon seen
that he was one in whom dependence might be placed; he was
first advanced to the office of coachman to M. de
Libertas, whose entire confidence he enjoyed; he was then
appointed to the responsible post of foreman of the sugar
works, and he now thought it well to choose for himself a wife,
in which choice he manifested his sense by
preferring to mere personal attractions, the qualities which
distinguish a good housewife and a faithful bosom friend.
Here is a beautiful picture which he once gave of conjugal
happiness and of simple earnest piety:—“We went to labour
in our fields with hand clasped in hand; we returned in
the same manner; scarcely did we feel the fatigues of the
day. Heaven bestowed a blessing on our toil; not only
we swam in abundance, but we had the pleasure of giving
provisions to Blacks who were in want. On the Sunday,
and on holidays, my wife, my relatives, and myself went to
church. Returning to our cottage, after an agreeable repast,
we spent the rest of the day in family intercourse, and we
terminated it by a prayer, in which we all joined.”</p>
          <p>Surely, amid the toils of state and harassing cares of his after
life, even in his hours of greatest triumph,—his scenes of
short-lived power and prosperity, this good man must have looked
back on such a picture, painted by memory, with a yearning regret,
even <sic corr="though">although</sic> he gazed from the broad sunshine of freedom into
the dark night of slavery; for that night to him had many
beautiful stars, that beamed down in placid loveliness, and shed
a mild radiance around his path, such as few behold who dwell
there. But it was duty which called him forth; in the first place
loyalty to the French King, whom he had never seen, nor was
ever likely to see, but whom he had been taught to consider as
the rightful claimant of his fealty and allegiance.
<q direct="unspecified"><lg type="verse"><l>“True as the dial to the sun,</l><l>Although it be not shined upon,”</l></lg></q>
was that noble heart of his, even when his better judgment
was obscured, and his strong reason fettered, by the doctrine
of blind, unquestioning obedience to the powers that be, by
means of which, and the iron grasp of tyrranous rule, it is
<pb id="adams19" n="19"/>
alone possible to keep men in a state of slavery. Loyalty, we
say, at first to the King of France, caused Toussaint to assume
the upright attitude of a free man, and once in that position, it
was not long before the conviction, which his previous reading
had frequently suggested, flashed upon his mind, that freedom
was as much the right of himself and those of his own colour,
as it was of those fair-skinned declaimers about liberty and
equality, who, in setting forth their famous declaration, that
“All men are born and continue free and equal as to their
rights,” did not probably consider that the Negroes who were held in
bondage in the various French colonies, were entitled to the
benefit of its application. “<hi rend="italics">All </hi>men” did not include them,
because they were not men, being by nature placed below the
lowest in the scale of humanity. Not so, however, thought the
Negroes themselves; and when this declaration of the
assembled representatives of the French people, uttered amid
the bloody throes of a struggle for freedom such as the world
never saw before, was proclaimed in St. Domingo, Toussaint
felt that it was a grand truth, such as the human mind conceives
and utters only when stirred to its most profound depths by those
feelings and emotions which approach the nearest to
inspiration; and he felt, too, that it was not a truth, but a
specious and delusive fallacy, if it did not apply to himself, and
his sable brethren, and to every being to whom God had given
an immortal soul.</p>
          <p>Miss Martineau, in her fine historical romance, “The Hour
and the Man,”in which the character of Toussaint is no doubt
correctly drawn, gives this revelation of the state of his mind,
before the conviction, to which we have alluded, came like a
ray of morning, and flashed light into its inmost recesses. This
was soon after the breaking out of the Negro insurrection,
which, commencing in a plantation contiguous to that belonging
to Toussaint's master, had spread like wildfire through the
colony, and involved the whole property of the French
planters in one wide scene of ruin and devastation, amid which
many of the owners and their families perished. In this
insurrection Toussaint had refused to join, because he saw
nothing great or worthy in the motives which prompted the
rising of the slaves. He assisted his kind master to escape, and
to save as much of the property as could be borne off and
rendered available for future subsistence, and when he had
made every possible effort to mitigate the evils attendant on
the state of anarchy and lawless violence into which the French
settlements in St. Domingo were
<pb id="adams20" n="20"/>
plunged, and found that he could not stay the tide of revolution, he
withdrew, with such of the Negroes as chose to accompany
him, to the Spanish part of the island, and placed
himself and his followers under the command of the Spanish
general, who sided with the French royalists, and consequently, as
Toussaint then considered, had a claim to his service and
assistance.</p>
          <p>Alluding to the sons of our hero, who, with all the ardour
of youth, were commencing their course of military discipline,
Miss Martineau says, “The strong and busy years on which
they were entering had been all spent by him in acquiring
one habit of mind, to which his temperament and training
alike conduced—a habit of endurance. It was at this time
that he acquired the power of reading enough to seek for
books; and the books that he had got hold of were Epictetus,
and some fragments of Fenelon. With all the force of youth,
he had been by turns the stoic and the quietist; and while
busied in submitting himself to the pressure of the present,
he had turned from the past, and scarcely dreamed of
the future. If his imagination glanced back to the court
of the royal grandfather, held under the palm shades, or
pursuing the lion-hunt among the jungles of Africa, he had
hastily withdrawn his mind's eye from scenes which might
create impatience o