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        <title><emph>The Black Man, His Antecedents, His Genius, and His Achievements:</emph>
Electronic Edition.</title>
        <author>William Wells Brown, 1814?-1884</author>
        <funder>Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities
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teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability 
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        <note anchored="yes">Call number E185.96 .B86       1863 
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    <front>
      <div1 type="cover image">
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      <titlePage>
        <docTitle>
          <titlePart type="main">THE<lb/>
BLACK MAN,</titlePart>
          <titlePart type="main">HIS ANTECEDENTS, HIS GENIUS,
AND HIS ACHIEVEMENTS.</titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <byline>BY</byline>
        <docAuthor>WILLIAM WELLS BROWN,<lb/>
AUTHOR OF “CLOTELLE,” “SKETCHES OF PLACES AND PEOPLE ABROAD,”
“MIRALDA, OR THE BEAUTIFUL QUADROON,” ETC.</docAuthor>
        <epigraph>
          <p>
            <hi rend="italics">
              <foreign lang="lat">EX PEDE HERCULEM.</foreign>
            </hi>
          </p>
        </epigraph>
        <docImprint><pubPlace>NEW YORK : </pubPlace>
<publisher>THOMAS HAMILTON, 48 BEEKMAN STREET.</publisher>
<pubPlace>BOSTON: R. F. WALLCUT, 221 WASHINGTON ST.</pubPlace>
<docDate>1863.</docDate></docImprint>
        <pb id="brownverso" n="verso"/>
        <docImprint><docDate>Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1863, by<lb/>
WILLIAM WELLS BROWN,<lb/>
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.</docDate>
STEREOTYPED AT THE<lb/>
BOSTON STEREOTYPE FOUNDRY.</docImprint>
      </titlePage>
      <div1 type="dedication">
        <pb id="brown3" n="3"/>
        <p>TO<lb/>
<hi>The Advocates and Friends</hi><lb/>
OF<lb/>
NEGRO FREEDOM AND EQUALITY,<lb/>
WHEREVER FOUND,<lb/>
This Volume is Respectfully Dedicated,<lb/>
BY THE AUTHOR.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="preface">
        <pb id="brown5" n="5"/>
        <head>PREFACE.</head>
        <p>THE calumniators and traducers of the Negro are
to be found, mainly, among two classes. The first
and most relentless are those who have done them
the greatest injury, by being instrumental in their
enslavement and consequent degradation. They
delight to descant upon the “natural inferiority” of
the blacks, and claim that we were destined only for
a servile condition, entitled neither to liberty nor the
legitimate pursuit of happiness. The second class
are those who are ignorant of the characteristics of
the race, and are the mere echoes of the first. To
meet and refute these misrepresentations, and to
supply a deficiency, long felt in the community, of a
work containing sketches of individuals who, by their
own genius, capacity, and intellectual development,
have surmounted the many obstacles which slavery
<pb id="brown6" n="6"/>
and prejudice have thrown in their way, and raised
themselves to positions of honor and influence, this
volume was written. The characters represented in
most of these biographies are for the first time put
in print. The author's long sojourn in Europe, his
opportunity of research amid the archives of England
and France, and his visit to the West Indies, have
given him the advantage of information respecting
the blacks seldom acquired.</p>
        <p>If this work shall aid in vindicating the Negro's
character, and show that he is endowed with those
intellectual and amiable qualities which adorn and
dignify human nature, it will meet the most
sanguine hopes of the writer.</p>
        <closer>
          <dateline>CAMBRIDGEPORT, MASS., 1863.</dateline>
        </closer>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="contents">
        <pb id="brown7" n="7"/>
        <head>CONTENTS.</head>
        <list type="simple">
          <item>MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown11">11</ref></item>
          <item>THE BLACK MAN AND HIS ANTECEDENTS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown31">31</ref></item>
          <item>THE BLACK MAN, HIS GENIUS AND HIS ACHIEVEMENTS.</item>
          <item>BENJAMIN BANNEKER, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown51">51</ref></item>
          <item>NAT TURNER, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown59">59</ref></item>
          <item>MADISON WASHINGTON, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown75">75</ref></item>
          <item>HENRY BIBB, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown86">86</ref></item>
          <item>PLACIDO, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown88">88</ref></item>
          <item>JEREMIAH B. SANDERSON, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown91">91</ref></item>
          <item>TOUSSAINT L'OUVERTURE, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown92">92</ref></item>
          <item>CRISPUS ATTUCKS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown106">106</ref></item>
          <item>DESSALINES, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown110">110</ref></item>
          <item>IRA ALDRIDGE, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown118">118</ref></item>
          <item>JOSEPH CINQUE, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown124">124</ref></item>
          <item>ALEXANDRE DUMAS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown128">128</ref></item>
          <item>HENRI CHRISTOPHE, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown132">132</ref></item>
          <item>PHILLIS WHEATLEY, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown138">138</ref></item>
          <item>DENMARK VESEY, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown142">142</ref></item>
          <item>HENRY HIGHLAND GARNETT, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown149">149</ref></item>
          <pb id="brown8" n="8"/>
          <item>JAMES M. WHITFIELD, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown152">152</ref></item>
          <item>ANDRE RIGAUD, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown153">153</ref></item>
          <item>FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown160">160</ref></item>
          <item>EX-PRESIDENT ROBERTS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown163">163</ref></item>
          <item>ALEXANDER CRUMMELL, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown165">165</ref></item>
          <item>ALEXANDRE PETION, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown169">169</ref></item>
          <item>MARTIN R. DELANY, M. D., . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown174">174</ref></item>
          <item>ROBERT SMALL, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown175">175</ref></item>
          <item>FREDERICK DOUGLASS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown180">180</ref></item>
          <item>CHARLES L. REASON, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown187">187</ref></item>
          <item>CHARLOTTE N. FORTEN, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown190">190</ref></item>
          <item>WILLIAM H. SIMPSON, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown199">199</ref></item>
          <item>JEAN PIERRE BOYER, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown202">202</ref></item>
          <item>JAMES M'CUNE SMITH, M. D., . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown205">205</ref></item>
          <item>BISHOP PAYNE, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown207">207</ref></item>
          <item>WILLIAM STILL, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown211">211</ref></item>
          <item>EDWIN M. BANNISTER, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown214">214</ref></item>
          <item>LEONARD A. GRIMES, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown217">217</ref></item>
          <item>PRESIDENT GEFFRARD, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown220">220</ref></item>
          <item>GEORGE B. VASHON, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown223">223</ref></item>
          <item>ROBERT MORRIS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown227">227</ref></item>
          <item>WILLIAM J. WILSON, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown230">230</ref></item>
          <item>JOHN MERCER LANGSTON, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown235">235</ref></item>
          <item>WILLIAM C. NELL, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown238">238</ref> </item>
          <item>JOHN SELLA MARTIN, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown241">241</ref></item>
          <item>CHARLES LENOX REMOND, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown246">246</ref></item>
          <item>GEORGE T. DOWNING, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown250">250</ref></item>
          <item>ROBERT PURVIS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown253">253</ref></item>
          <item>JOSEPH JENKINS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown259">259</ref></item>
          <pb id="brown9" n="9"/>
          <item>JOHN S. ROCK, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown266">266</ref></item>
          <item>WILLIAM DOUGLASS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown271">271</ref></item>
          <item>ELYMAS PAYSON ROGERS, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown272">272</ref></item>
          <item>J. THEODORE HOLLY, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown274">274</ref></item>
          <item>JAMES W. C. PENNINGTON, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown276">276</ref></item>
          <item>A MAN WITHOUT A NAME, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown278">278</ref></item>
          <item>SAMUEL R. WARD, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown284">284</ref></item>
          <item>SIR EDWARD JORDAN, . . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="brown286">286</ref></item>
        </list>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <div1 type="section">
        <pb id="brown11" n="11"/>
        <head>MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.</head>
        <p>I WAS born at Lexington, Kentucky. My father, as I
was informed, was a member of the Wickliffe family; my
mother was of mixed blood; her father, it was said, was
the noted Daniel Boone, and her mother a negress. My
early life on the plantation was such as generally falls to
the lot of the young slave, till I arrived at the age of nine
years, when my position was changed. My master's brother
lost his wife, she leaving an infant son a few months old,
whom my mistress took to bring up. When this boy
became old enough to need a playmate to watch over him,
mistress called the young slaves together, to select one for
the purpose. We were all ordered to run, jump, wrestle,
turn somersets, walk on our hands, and go through the
various gymnastic exercises that the imagination of our
brain could invent, or the strength and activity of our
limbs could endure. The selection was to be an important
one, both to the mistress and the slave. Whoever should
gain the place was in the future to become a house servant;
the ask-cake thrown aside, that unmentionable garment
that buttons around the neck, which we all wore, and
nothing else, was to give way to the whole suit of tow
linen. Every one of us joined heartily in the contest,
while old mistress sat on the piazza, watching our every
movement—some fifteen of us, each dressed in his one
garment, sometimes standing on our heads with feet in the
air—still the lady looked on. With me it seemed a
<pb id="brown12" n="12"/>
matter of life and death; for, being blood kin to master, I
felt that I had more at stake than my companions. At
last the choice was made, and I was told to step aside as
the “lucky boy,” which order I obeyed with an alacrity
seldom surpassed. That night I was put to soak, after
which I was scraped, scrubbed, washed, and dried. The
next day, the new suit came down to the quarters; I
slipped into it; the young slaves gathered about me, and I
was the star of the plantation. My mother, one of the best
of mothers, placed her hands on my head, and, with tears
in her eyes, said, “I knowed you was born for good luck,
for a fortune-teller told me so when you was a baby layin'
in your little sugar trough. Go up to de great house where
you belong.” With this blessing I bade farewell to the log
hut and the dirt floor, and started towards the “big house.”
Mistress received me, and laid down the law which was to
govern my future actions. “I give your young master
over to you,” said she; “and if you let him hurt himself,
I'll pull your ears; if you let him cry, I'll pull your ears;
if he wants any thing, and you don't give it to him, I'll
pull your ears; when he goes to sleep, if you let him wake
before it is time, I'll pull your ears.” And right well did
she keep her promise, for my ears felt the impress of her
tender fingers and gold rings almost every day, and at
times nearly every hour.</p>
        <p>Yet I would not have you suppose, gentle reader, that
my old mistress was of low or common origin; but on the
contrary, she boasted that the best blood of the south
coursed through her blue veins. My master, Dr. John
Young, was a man of considerable standing in his section
of the state. A member of the church, his set was not
often empty during religious service. He was very strict
as to the observance of the Sabbath, held prayer night and
morning, and entertained more travelling preachers than
almost any one in his neighborhood.</p>
        <p>The doctor did not surpass his wife in devotedness to
<pb id="brown13" n="13"/>
religious observances. Of these travelling ministers, each
had a favorite, who in turn used to spend several days on
the plantation, hunting, shooting, fishing, visiting, and at
times preaching. The Rev. Mr. Pinchen was my mistress's
favorite, and he was indeed an interesting character. Short
and stout, somewhat inclined to corpulency, deeply pock-marked,
quick in his motions, and with a strong voice, he
was one of the funniest of men when telling his long stories
about his religious and other experiences in the south.</p>
        <p>I had been in the great house nearly three years, when
Mr. Pinchen was expected to make his annual visit. The
stir about the dwellings, the cleaning of paint, the scalding
out of the bedbugs, an the orders and counter-orders
from Mrs. Young, showed plainly that something uncommon
was to take place. High and angry words had passed
between master and mistress, one morning, when the latter
weepingly and snuffingly exclaimed, “Never mind; you'll
not have me here always to hector and to worry: I'll die
one of these days, and then you'll be glad of it. Never
mind, keep on, and you'll send me to my grave before the
time. Never mind; one of these days the Lord will make
up his <hi rend="italics">jewels, call me home to glory</hi>, and I'll be out of your
way, and I'll be devilish glad of it too.” Her weeping increased,
and she continued, “Never mind, brother Pinchen
will be here soon, and then I'll have somebody to talk to
me about religion.” At this moment, Hannah, the waiting
maid, entered the room, and Mrs. Young gave orders with
regard to Mr. Pinchen's visit. “Go, Hannah,” said she,
“and get the chamber ready for brother Pinchen: put on
the new linen sheets, and see that they are dry, and well
aired; if they are not, I'll air <hi rend="italics">you</hi>, my lady.” The arrival
of the clergyman, the next day, was the signal for new and
interesting scenes. After the first morning's breakfast
was over, family prayer finished, the Bible put away, the
brandy replaced in the sideboard, and Dr. Young gone to
his office, Mr. Pinchen commenced the delivery of one of
<pb id="brown14" n="14"/>
those religious experiences for which be was so celebrated
wherever he was known. Mrs. Young and the minister
were seated at the round table, I standing behind her
chair, and Hannah clearing off the breakfast table, when
the servant of God began by saying, “Well, sister Young,
I've seen a heap since I was here last.”</p>
        <p>“I am so glad to hear it,” responded she, “for I want to
bear something good. Now do give me your experience,
brother Pinchen; it always draws me nearer and nearer to
the Lord's side.”</p>
        <p>“Well, sister Young, I've had great opportunity in my
time to study the human heart. I've attended a great
many camp meetings, revival meetings, protracted meetings,
and death-bed scenes, and I am satisfied, sister Young,
that the heart of man is full of sin and desperately wicked.
This is a wicked world, sister, a wicked world.”</p>
        <p>Mrs. Young asked, “Were you ever in Arkansas, brother
Pinchen? I've been told that the people out there are
very ungodly.”</p>
        <p>Mr. Pinchen said, “O, yes, sister Young; I once spent a
year at Little Rock, and preached in all the towns round
about there; and I found some hard cases out there, I can
tell you. I was once spending a week in a district where
there were a great many horse thieves, and one night
somebody stole my pony. Well, I knowed it was no use
to make a fuss; so I told brother Tarbox to say nothing
about it, and I'd get my horse by preaching God's
everlasting gospel; for I had faith in the truth, and knowed
that my Saviour would not let me lose my pony. So the
next Sunday I preached on horse-stealing, and told the
brethren to come up in the evenin' with their hearts filled
with the grace of God. So that night the house was
crammed brim full with anxious souls, panting for the
bread of life. Brother Bingham opened with prayer, and
brother Tarbox followed, and I saw right off that we were
gwine to have a blessed time. After I got 'em pretty well
<pb id="brown15" n="15"/>
warmed up, I jumped on to one of the seats, stretched out
my hands, and said: ‘I know who stole my pony; I've
found out; and you are here tryin' to make people believe
that you've got religion; but you ain't got it. And if you
don't take my horse back to brother Tarbox's pasture this
very night, I'll tell your name right out in meetin'
to-mor-row night. Take my pony back, you vile and wretched
sinner, and come up here and give your heart to God.’
So the next mornin', I went out to brother Tarbox's pasture,
and sure enough, there was my bob-tail pony. Yes,
sister, there he was, safe and sound. Ha, ha, ha!”</p>
        <p>With uplifted hands, old mistress exclaimed, “O, how
interesting, and how fortunate for you to get your pony!
And what power there is in the gospel! God's children
are very lucky. O, it is so sweet to sit here and listen to
such good news from God's people!”</p>
        <p>Hannah was so entranced with the conversation that she
had left her work, and, with eyes and mouth open, was
listening to the preacher. Turning aside, and in a low
voice, Mrs. Young harshly said, “Hannah, what are you
standing there listening for, and neglecting your work?
Never mind, my lady, I'll whip you well when I am done
here. Go at your work this moment, you lazy hussy.
Never mind, I'll whip you well.” Then, turning again to
the preacher, she said, “Come, do go on, brother Pinchen,
with your godly conversation. It is so sweet! It draws
me nearer and nearer to the Lord's side.”</p>
        <p>“Well, sister Young,” continued he, “I've had some
mighty queer dreams in my time—that I have. You see,
one night I dreamed that I was dead and in heaven; and
such a place I never saw before. As soon as I entered the
gates of the celestial empire, I saw many old and familiar
faces that I had seen before. The first person that I saw
was good old Elder Pike, the preacher that first called my
attention to religion. The next person I saw was Deacon
Billings, my first wife's father; and then I saw a host of
<pb id="brown16" n="16"/>
godly faces. Why, sister Young, you knew Elder 
Goosbee—didn't you?”</p>
        <p>“Yes,” replied she; “did you see him there?”</p>
        <p>“O yes, sister Young, I saw the elder, and he looked
for all the world as if he had just come out of a revival
meeting.”</p>
        <p>“Did you see my first husband there, brother Pinchen?”</p>
        <p>“No, sister Young, I didn't see brother Pepper, but I've
no doubt but that he was there.”</p>
        <p>“Well, I don't know,” said she; “I have my doubts.
He was not the happiest man in the world. He was always
borrowing trouble about something or another. Still, I
saw some happy moments with Mr. Pepper. I was happy
when I made his acquaintance, happy during our courtship,
happy a while after our marriage, and happy when he died.”</p>
        <p>Here she put her handkerchief to her eyes, and wept
bitterly for a moment. At this juncture Hannah asked,
“Did you see my husband, Ben, up in hebben, Massa
Pinchen?”</p>
        <p>“No, no, Hannah, I didn't go amongst the blacks,”
answered he.</p>
        <p>“Of course not,” said mistress; “brother Pinchen didn't
go among the niggers.” Turning aside to Hannah, and in
a whisper, she exclaimed, “What are you asking questions
for? Never mind, my lady, I'll whip you well when I'm
done here. I'll skin you from head to foot. Do go on with
your heavenly conversation, brother Pinchen; it does my
very soul good. This is indeed a precious moment for me.
I do love to hear of Christ and him crucified.”</p>
        <p>After the conversation had ceased, and the preacher
gone out to call on Mrs. Daniels, Mrs. Young said to the
maid, “Now, Hannah, brother Pinchen is gone; you get
the cowhide, and I'll whip you well, for aggravating me as
you did to-day. It seems as if I can never sit down to
take a little comfort with the Lord, without the devil
putting it into your head to cross me. I've no doubt, Hannah,
<pb id="brown17" n="17"/>
that I'll miss going to heaven on your account; but
I'll whip you well before I leave this world—that I will.”
The servant received a flogging, Mrs. Young felt easier,
and I was in the kitchen amusing my fellow-slaves. with
telling over Mr. Pinchen's last experience. Here let me
say, that we regarded the religious profession of the whites
around us as a farce, and our master and mistress, together
with their guest, as mere hypocrites. During the entire
visit of the preacher, the servants had a joyful time over
my representations of what was going on in the great
house.</p>
        <p>The removal of my master's family and slaves to the
centre of the State of Missouri about this time, caused
some change in our condition. My young master, William,
had now grown to be a stout boy of five years of age. No
restraint thrown around him by the doctor or his wife, aunt
Dolly, his nurse, not permitted to control any of his
actions, William had become impudent, petulant, peevish
and cruel. Sitting at the tea table, he would often desire
to make his entire meal out of the sweetmeats, the sugar-bowl,
or the cake; and when mistress would not allow him
to have them, he, in a fit of anger, would throw any thing
within his reach at me; spoons, knives, forks, and dishes
would be hurled at my head, accompanied with language
such as would astonish any one not well versed in the
injurious effects of slavery upon the rising generation.
Thomas Jefferson, in 1788, in a letter to M. Warville,
Paris, writing upon slavery, alludes to its influence upon
the young as follows:—</p>
        <p>“The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments
of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller
slaves, GIVES LOOSE TO HIS WORST PASSIONS; and, thus
<hi rend="italics">nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny</hi>, cannot
but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities.”</p>
        <p>In the Virginia legislature, in the year 1832, Hon.
Lewis Summers said,—</p>
        <pb id="brown18" n="18"/>
        <p>“A slave population exercises the <hi rend="italics">most pernicious
influence</hi> upon the manners, habits and character of those
whom it exists. <hi rend="italics">Lisping infancy</hi> learns the vocabulary
of abusive epithets, and struts, the <hi rend="italics">embryo tyrant</hi> of
its little domain. The consciousness of <hi rend="italics">superior destiny</hi>
takes possession of his mind at its earliest dawning, and
<hi rend="italics">love of power and rule</hi> ‘grows with his growth and
strengthens with his strength.’ Unless enabled to rise
above the operation of those powerful causes, <hi rend="italics">he enters the
world with miserable notions of self-importance, and under
the government of an unbridled temper</hi>.”</p>
        <p>Having, by speculation and mismanagement, lost the
most of his property, Dr. Young resumed the practice of
medicine in Missouri, and soon obtained a lucrative run of
custom. Here, as in Kentucky, the doctor took great
interest in matters of religion, and was considered one of
the pillars in the church.</p>
        <p>Being sent one Sabbath morning to carry the sacramental
wine to the church, about a mile distant, I could
not withstand the temptation it presented of tasting it.
Having had one swallow, I was tempted further on, till the
beverage disappeared out of the neck of the bottle, so that
I felt afraid that if noticed by master, I should be flogged.
It occurred to me that I might fill up the bottle from one
of the sap tubs, as I passed through the sugar camp; for it
was the spring of the year, and we were making maple
sugar. I tried to pour the sap into the bottle, but it flared
over the top, leaving the wine still some inches down the
neck. After ransacking my inventive faculties, I fortunately
bit upon a plan and filled it up. Placing the bottle
on the ground, and sucking my mouth full of the juice, I
stood directly over the bottle and let it stream in until it
was full. Putting the stopple in, I started off towards the
church, feeling that I had got the advantage of master
once more.</p>
        <p>My fair complexion was a great obstacle to my happiness,
<pb id="brown19" n="19"/>
both with whites and blacks, in and about the great
house. Often mistaken by strangers for a white boy, it
annoyed my mistress very much. On one occasion, a
visitor came to the place in the absence of the doctor.
While Mrs. Young was entertaining the major (for he was
a military man), I passed through the room, and going
near the stranger, he put out his hand and said to me,
“How do you do, bub?” and turning to the lady, he
exclaimed, “Madam, I would have known that he was the
doctor's son, if I had met him in California, for he is so
much like his papa.” Mistress ordered me out of the
room, and remarked that I was one of the servants, when
the major begged pardon for the mistake. After the
stranger was gone, I was flogged for his blunder.</p>
        <p>Dr. Young sold his large farm, which was situated in
the central part of the state, and removed to St. Louis,
where a number of the servants were let out. I was put
to work tending upon the hands in the office of the “St.
Louis Times,” a newspaper owned and published by Lovejoy
&amp; Miller, and edited by Elijah P. Lovejoy. Here my
young heart began to feel more longings for liberty. The
love of freedom is a sentiment natural to the human heart,
and the want of it is felt by him who does not possess it.
He feels it a reproach; and with this sting, this wounded
pride, hating degradation, and looking forward to the
cravings of the heart, the enslaved is always on the alert
for an opportunity to escape from his oppressors and to
avenge his wrongs. What greater injury and indignity
can be offered to man, than to make him the bond-slave of
his fellow-man?</p>
        <p>My sojourn in the printing office was of short duration,
and I was afterwards let out to a slave-trader named
Walker. This heartless, cruel, ungodly man, who neither
loved his Maker nor feared Satan, was a fair representative
of thousands of demons in human form that are engaged
in buying and selling God's children.</p>
        <pb id="brown20" n="20"/>
        <p>One year with Walker, beholding scenes of cruelty that
can be better imagined than described, I was once more
taken home, and soon after hired out as an under steward
on the steamer Patriot, running to New Orleans. This
opened to me a new life, and gave me an opportunity to
see different phases of slave life, and to learn something
more of the world. Life on the Mississippi River is an
exciting one. I had not been on the boat but a few weeks
when one of those races for which the southern steamers
are so famous took place.</p>
        <p>At eight o'clock on the evening of the third day of the
passage, the lights of another steamer were seen in the
distance, and apparently coming up very fast. This was
the signal for a general commotion on board the Patriot,
and every thing indicated that a steamboat race was at
hand. Nothing can exceed the excitement attendant upon
the racing of steamers on the Mississippi.</p>
        <p>By the time the boats had reached Memphis they were
side by side, and each exerting itself to get in advance of
the other. The night was clear, the moon shining brightly,
and the boats so near to each other that the passengers
were within speaking distance. On board the Patriot the
firemen were using oil, lard, butter, and even bacon, with
wood, for the purpose of raising the steam to its highest
pitch. The blaze mingled with the black smoke that issued
from the pipes of the other boat, which showed that she
also was burning something more combustible than wood.</p>
        <p>The firemen of both boats, who were slaves, were singing
songs such as can only be heard on board a southern
steamer. The boats now came abreast of each other, and
nearer and nearer, until they were locked so that men
could pass from one to the other. The wildest excitement
prevailed among the men employed on the steamers, in
which the passengers freely participated.</p>
        <p>At this moment the engineer of the Patriot was seen to
fasten down the safety-valve, so that no steam should
<pb id="brown21" n="21"/>
escape. This was indeed a dangerous resort, and a few
who saw what had taken place, fearing that an explosion
would be the consequence, left that part of the boat for
more secure quarters.</p>
        <p>The Patriot now stopped to take in passengers; but still
no steam was permitted to escape. On the starting of the
boat again, cold water was forced into the boilers by the
feed-pumps, and, as might have been expected, one of the
boilers exploded with terrific force, carrying away the
boiler deck and tearing to pieces much of the machinery.
One dense fog of steam filled every part of the vessel,
while shrieks, groans, and cries were heard on every side.
Men were running hither and thither looking for their
wives, and women were flying about, in the wildest
confusion, seeking for their husbands. Dismay appeared on
every countenance.</p>
        <p>The saloons and cabins soon looked more like hospitals
than any thing else; but by this time the Patriot had
drifted to the shore, and the other steamer had come alongside
to render assistance to the disabled boat. The killed
and wounded (nineteen in number) were put on shore, and
the Patriot, taken in tow by the Washington, was once
more on her journey.</p>
        <p>It was half past twelve, and the passengers, instead of
retiring to their berths, once more assembled at the gaming
tables. The practice of gambling on the western waters
has long been a source of annoyance to the more moral
persons who travel on our great rivers. Thousands of
dollars often change owners during a passage from St. Louis
or Louisville to New Orleans on a Mississippi steamer.
Many men are completely ruined on such occasions, and
duels are often the consequence.</p>
        <p>“Go call my boy, steward,” said Mr. Jones, as he took
his cards one by one from the table.</p>
        <p>In a few minutes a fine-looking, bright-eyed mulatto
boy, apparently about sixteen years of age, was standing
by his master's side at the table.</p>
        <pb id="brown22" n="22"/>
        <p>“I am broke, all but my boy,” said Jones, as he ran his
fingers through his cards; “but he is worth a thousand
dollars, and I will bet the half of him.”</p>
        <p>“I will call you,” said Thompson, as he laid five hundred
dollars at the feet of the boy, who was standing on the
table, and at the same time throwing down his cards before
his adversary.</p>
        <p>“You have beaten me,” said Jones; and a roar of laughter
followed from the other gentleman as poor Joe stepped
down from the table.</p>
        <p>“Well, I suppose I owe you half the nigger,” said
Thompson, as he took hold of Joe and began examining
his limbs.</p>
        <p>“Yes,” replied Jones, “he is half yours. Let me have
five hundred dollars, and I will give you a bill of sale of
the boy.”</p>
        <p>“Go back to your bed,” said Thompson to his chattel,
“and remember that you now belong to me.”</p>
        <p>The poor slave wiped the tears from his eyes, as, in
obedience, he turned to leave the table.</p>
        <p>“My father gave me that boy,” said Jones, as he took
the money, “and I hope, Mr. Thompson, that you will
allow me to redeem him.”</p>
        <p>“Most certainly, sir,” replied Thompson; “whenever
you hand over the cool thousand the negro is yours.”</p>
        <p>Next morning, as the passengers were assembling in the
cabin and on deck, and while the slaves were running
about waiting on or looking for their masters, poor Joe
was seen entering his new master's state-room, boots in
hand.</p>
        <p>Such is the uncertainty of a slave's life. He goes to bed
at night the pampered servant of his young master, with
whom he has played in childhood, and who would not see
his slave abused under any consideration, and gets up in
the morning the property of a man whom he has never
before seen.</p>
        <p>To behold five or six tables in the saloon of a steamer,
<pb id="brown23" n="23"/>
with half a dozen men playing cards at each, with
money, pistols, and bowie-knives spread in splendid
confusion before them, is an ordinary thing on the Mississippi
River.</p>
        <p>Continued intercourse with educated persons, and meeting
on the steamer so many travellers from the free states,
caused me to feel more keenly my degraded and unnatural
situation. I gained much information respecting the north
and Canada that was valuable to me, and I resolved to
escape with my mother, who had been sold to a gentleman
in St. Louis. The attempt was made, but we were unsuccessful.
I was then sold to Mr. Samuel Willi, a merchant
tailor. I was again let out to be employed on a Mississippi
steamboat, but was soon after sold to Captain E. Price, of
the Chester. To escape from slavery and become my own
master, was now the ruling passion of my life. I would
dream at night that I was free, and, on awaking, weep to
find myself still a slave.
<q direct="unspecified"><lg type="verse"><l>“I would think of Victoria's domain;</l><l>In a moment I seemed to be there;</l><l>But the fear of being taken again</l><l>Soon hurried me back to despair.”</l></lg></q>
Thoughts of the future, and my heart yearning for liberty,
kept me always planning to escape.</p>
        <p>The long-looked-for opportunity came, and I embraced
it. Leaving the steamer upon which my now master had
me at work, I started for the north, travelling at night and
lying by during the day. It was in the winter season,
and I suffered much from cold and hunger. Supposing
every person to be my enemy, I was afraid to appeal to
any one, even for a little food, to keep body and soul
together. As I pressed forward, my escape to Canada
seemed certain, and this feeling gave me a light heart; for
<q type="verse" direct="unspecified"><lg><l>“Behind I left the whips and chains,</l><l>Before me were sweet Freedom's plains.”</l></lg></q>
<pb id="brown24" n="24"/>
While on my journey at night, and passing farms, I would
seek a corn-crib, and supply myself with some of its
contents. The next day, while buried in the forest, I would
make a fire and roast my corn, and drink from the nearest
stream. One night, while in search of corn, I came upon
what I supposed to be a hill of potatoes, buried in the
ground for want of a cellar. I obtained a sharp-pointed
piece of wood, with which I dug away for more than an
hour, and on gaining the hidden treasure, found it to be
turnips. However, I did not dig for nothing. After
supplying myself with about half a dozen of the turnips, I
again resumed my journey. This uncooked food was indeed
a great luxury, and gave strength to my fatigued limbs.
The weather was very cold,—so cold, that it drove me
one night into a barn, where I lay in the hay until morning.
A storm overtook me when about a week out. The
rain fell in torrents, and froze as it came down. My clothes
became stiff with ice. Here again I took shelter in a barn,
and walked about to keep from freezing. Nothing but the
fear of being arrested and returned to slavery prevented
me, at this time, seeking shelter in some dwelling.</p>
        <p>After many days of weary travelling, and sick from ex-
exposure, I determined to seek shelter and aid; and for this
purpose, I placed myself behind some fallen trees near the
main road, hoping to see some colored person, thinking I
should be more safe under the care of one of my own
color. Several farmers with their teams passed, but the
appearance of each one frightened me out of the idea of
asking for assistance. After lying on the ground for some
time, with my sore, frost-bitten feet benumbed with cold,
I saw an old, white-haired man, dressed in a suit of drab,
with a broad-brimmed bat, walking along, leading a horse.
The man was evidently walking for exercise. I came out
from my hiding-place and told the stranger I must die
unless I obtained some assistance. A moment's conversation
satisfied the old man that I was one of the oppressed,
<pb id="brown25" n="25"/>
fleeing from the house of bondage. From the difficulty
with which I walked, the shivering of my limbs, and the
trembling of my voice, he became convinced that I had
been among <hi rend="italics">thieves</hi>, and be acted the part of the Good
Samaritan. This was the first person I had ever seen of
the religious sect called “Quakers,” and his name was
Wells Brown. I remained here about a fortnight, and
being fitted out with clothes, shoes, and a little money, by
these good people, I was again ready to resume my journey.
I entered their house with the single name that I
was known by at the south, “William;” I left it with the
one I now bear.</p>
        <p>A few days more, and I arrived at Cleveland, Ohio,
where I found employment during the remainder of the
winter. Having no education, my first thoughts went in
that direction. Obtaining a situation the following spring
on a Lake Erie Steamer, I found that I could be very
serviceable to slaves who were escaping from the south to
Canada. In one year alone I assisted <hi rend="italics">sixty</hi> fugitives in
crossing to the British queen's dominions. Many of these
escapes were attended with much interest. On one occasion,
a fugitive had been hid away in the house of a noted
abolitionist in Cleveland for ten days, while his master was
in town, and watching every steamboat and vessel that
left the port. Several officers were also on the watch,
guarding the house of the abolitionist every night. The
slave was a young and valuable man, of twenty-two years
of age, and very black. The friends of the slave had
almost despaired of getting him away from his hiding-place,
when I was called in, and consulted as to the best
course to be taken. I at once inquired if a painter could
be found who would paint the fugitive white. In an hour,
by my directions, the black man was as white, and with as
rosy cheeks, as any of the Anglo-Saxon race, and disguised
in the dress of a woman, with a thick veil over her face.
As the steamer's bell was tolling for the passengers to
<pb id="brown26" n="26"/>
come on board, a tall lady, dressed in deep mourning, and
leaning on the arm of a gentleman of more than ordinary
height, was seen entering the ladies' cabin of the steamer
North America, who took her place with the other 
<hi rend="italics">ladies</hi>. Soon the steamer left the wharf, and the
slave-catcher and his officers, who had been watching the boat
since her arrival, went away, satisfied that their slave had
not escaped by the North America, and returned to
guard the house of the abolitionist. After the boat had
got out of port, and fairly on her way to Buffalo, I showed
the tall lady to her state-room. The next morning, the
fugitive, dressed in his plantation suit, bade farewell to his
native land, crossed the Niagara River, and took up his
abode in Canada.</p>
        <p>I remained on Lake Erie during the sailing season, and
resided in Buffalo in the winter. In the autumn of 1843 I
was invited by the officers of the Western New York
Anti-Slavery Society to take an agency as a lecturer in behalf
of my enslaved countrymen, which offer I accepted, and
soon commenced my labors. Mobs were very frequent in
those days. Being advertised to address the citizens of
Aurora, Erie County, New York, on one occasion, I went
to fulfil the appointment, and found the church surrounded
by a howling set of men and boys, waiting to give me a
warm reception. I went in, opened the meeting, and
began my address. But they were resolved on having a
good time, and the disturbance was so great that I had to
stop. In the mean time, a bag of flour had been brought
to the church, taken up into the belfry, directly over the
entrance door, and a plan laid to throw the whole of it
over me as I should pass out of the house, of all which my
friends and I were unaware. After I bad been driven
from the pulpit by the unsalable eggs, which were thrown
about very freely, I stopped in the body of the church to
discuss a single point with one of the respectable rowdies,
when the audience became silent, and I went on and spoke
<pb id="brown27" n="27"/>
above an hour, all the while receiving the strictest attention
from every one present. At the conclusion the lights
were put out, and preparation made to flour me over,
although I had evidently changed the opinions of many of
their company. As we were jamming along towards the
door, one of the mob whispered to me, “They are going
to throw a bag of flour on you; so when you hear any one
say, ‘Let it slide,’ you look out.” Thus on my guard, and
in possession of their signal, I determined to have a little
fun at their expense. Therefore, when some of the best
dressed and most respectable looking of their own
company, or those who had no sympathy with my mission,
filled up the doorway, I cried out in a disguised voice,
“Let it slide;” and down came the contents of the bag, to
the delight of my friends and the consternation of the
<hi rend="italics">enemy</hi>. A quarrel arose among the men at the door, and
while they were settling their difficulty, my few friends and
I quietly walked away unharmed.</p>
        <p>Invited by influential English abolitionists, and elected
a delegate to the Peace Congress at Paris, I sailed for
Liverpool in the Royal Mail Steamship Canada, in the
month of July, 1849. The passage was pleasant, and we
arrived out in less than ten days.</p>
        <p>I visited Dublin, where I partook of the hospitality of
Richard D. Webb, Esq., and went from there to London;
thence to Paris, to discharge the duties of my mission on
peace.</p>
        <p>In the French capital I met some of the most noted of
the English philanthropists, who were also there in attendance
on the Congress—Joseph Sturge, Richard Cobden,
and men of that class.</p>
        <p>Returning to London after the adjournment of the peace
gathering, I was invited to various parts of the United
Kingdom, and remained abroad a little more than five
years, during which time I wrote and published three
books, lectured in every town of any note in England,
<pb id="brown28" n="28"/>
Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, besides visiting the Continent
four times.</p>
        <p>Anxious to be again in my native land, battling the
monster <hi rend="italics">Slavery</hi>, I returned home to America in the
autumn of 1854; since which time I have travelled the
length and breadth of the free states.</p>
        <q type="quotation" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="quotation">
                <head>
                  <hi rend="italics">From the Scotch Independent, June 20,1852.</hi>
                </head>
                <head>WILLIAM WELLS BROWN.</head>
                <p>ONE of the best arguments against the institution of slavery in America, and
in favor of letting the African and his descendants go free, is to be found in the
natural genius, manly courage, and ability exhibited by specimens of the race
which have come to us from the other side of the Atlantic. Our citizens have
not forgotten the visit of Mr. William Wells Brown, who so charmed them
with his eloquent addresses on that occasion. But it is not on the platform
that this gentleman makes the best show of talent. We have just received his
“Three Years in Europe,” and it is as a writer that he creates the most
profound sensation.</p>
                <p>He is no ordinary man, or he could not have so remarkably surmounted the
many difficulties and impediments of his training as a slave. By dint of
resolution, self-culture, and force of character, he has rendered himself a popular
lecturer to a British audience, and vigorous expositor of the evils and atrocities
of that system whose chains he has shaken off so triumphantly and forever.
We may safely pronounce William Wells Brown a remarkable man, and a full
refutation of the doctrine of the inferiority of the negro.</p>
                <p>This is an interesting volume, ably written, bearing on every page the
impress of honest purpose and noble aspiration. One is amused by the well-told
anecdotes, and charmed with the painter-like descriptions of towns, cities, and
natural scenery. Indeed, our author gives many very recognizable sketches of
the places he has seen and people he has met.</p>
                <p>We are not alone in our high estimation of the author's abilities, for we
observe that the press of this country is unanimous in its praise of his book.
<hi rend="italics">The Literary Gazette</hi>, an excellent authority, says of it,— 
<q direct="unspecified"><p>“The appearance of this book is too remarkable a literary event to pass without
a notice. At the moment when attention in this country is directed to the
state of the colored people in America, the book appears with additional
advantage; if nothing else were attained by its publication, it is well to have another
proof of the capability of the negro intellect. Altogether, Mr. Brown has
written a pleasing and amusing volume, and we are glad to bear this testimony
to the literary merit of a work by a negro author.”</p></q></p>
                <p><hi rend="italics">The Eclectic Review</hi>, edited by the venerable Dr. Price, one of the best critics
in the realm, has the following :—
<q direct="unspecified"><p>“Though he never had a day's schooling in his life, he has produced a literary
work not unworthy of a highly-educated gentleman. Our readers will find
<pb id="brown29" n="29"/>
In these letters much instruction, not a little entertainment, and the beatings of
a manly heart, on behalf of a down-trodden race, with which they will not fail
to sympathize.”</p></q></p>
                <p>The Rev. Dr. Campbell, in the <hi rend="italics">British Banner</hi>, devotes nearly two columns to
Mr. Brown and his work, and concludes in these words:—
<q direct="unspecified"><p>“We have read this book with an unusual measure of interest. Seldom,
indeed, have we met with anything more captivating. It somehow happens
that all these fugitive slaves are persons of superior talents. The pith of the
volume consists in narratives of voyages and journeys made by the author in
England, Scotland, Ireland, and France; and we can assure our readers that
Mr. Brown has travelled to some purpose. The number of white men is not
great who could have made more of the many things that came before them.
There is in the work a vast amount of quotable matter, which, but for want of
space, we should be glad to extract. As the volume, however, is published
with a view to promote the benefit of the interesting fugitive, we deem it better
to give it general opinion, by which curiosity may be whetted, than to gratify it
by large citation. A book more worth the money has not, for a considerable
time, come into our hands.”</p></q></p>
                <p>And even a word of cheer comes to the author from Printing-House Square,
for <hi rend="italics">The Times</hi> reviews the book, and says,—
<q direct="unspecified"><p>“He writes with ease and ability, and his intelligent observations upon the
great question to which he has devoted and is devoting his life will be read with
interest, kind will command influence and respect.”</p></q></p>
                <p>If this be a fair representative of the American slaves, (and we see no reason
to doubt it,) the sooner that our trans-Atlantic cousins abolish their hateful
system, the better it will be for the character of those who profess to love
Christ, and to live up to his precepts. Such men as William Wells Brown,
Frederick Douglass, and the Rev. Alexander Crummell, will lose nothing by a
comparison with the best educated and most highly cultivated of the Anglo-Saxons.
We are also glad to see that his refinements and talents are appreciated
by the literary circles of London; for we observed his name among the list of
notables at a party given by Mr. Charles Dickens, on the 20th inst. Such
treatment will encourage him, while it will at the same time rebuke that spirit
of caste, on the other side of the ocean, which excludes from society the man
of true merit on account of his color.</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="section">
        <pb id="brown31" n="31"/>
        <head>THE BLACK MAN<lb/>
AND<lb/>
HIS ANTECEDENTS.</head>
        <p>OF the great family of man, the negro has, during
the last half century, been more prominently before
the world than any other race. He did not seek this
notoriety. Isolated away in his own land, he would
have remained there, had it not been for the avarice
of other races, who sought him out as a victim of
slavery. Two and a half centuries of the negro's
enslavement have created, in many minds, the opinion
that he is intellectually inferior to the rest of
mankind; and now that the blacks seem in a fair way to
get their freedom in this country, it has been asserted,
and from high authority in the government, that the
natural inferiority of the negro makes it impossible
for him to live on this continent with the white man,
unless in a state of bondage.</p>
        <p>In his interview with a committee of the colored
citizens of the District of Columbia, on the 14th of
August last, the President of the United States
intimated that the whites and the blacks could not live
together in peace, on account of one race being
superior intellectually to the other. Mr. Postmaster
<pb id="brown32" n="32"/>
General Blair, in his letter to the Union mass meeting
held at the Cooper Institute, in New York, in March
last, takes this ground. The Boston “Post” and
“Courier” both take the same position.</p>
        <p>I admit that the condition of my race, whether
considered in a mental, moral, or intellectual point of
view, at the present time cannot compare favorably
with the Anglo-Saxon. But it does not become the
whites to point the finger of scorn at the blacks, when
they have so long been degrading them. The negro
has not always been considered the inferior race.
The time was when he stood at the head of science
and literature. Let us see.</p>
        <p>It is the generally received opinion of the most
eminent historians and ethnologists, that the Ethiopians
were really negroes, although in them the physical
characteristics of the race were exhibited in a less
marked manner than in those dwelling on the coast of
Guinea, from whence the stock or American slaves
has been chiefly derived. That, in the earliest periods
of history, the Ethiopians had attained a high degree
of civilization, there is every reason to believe; and
that to the learning and science derived from them we
must ascribe those wonderful monuments which still
exist to attest the power and skill of the ancient
Egyptians.</p>
        <p>Among those who favor this opinion is our own
distinguished countryman, Alexander H. Everett, and
upon this evidence I base my argument. Volney
assumes it as a settled point that the Egyptians were
black. Herodotus, who travelled extensively through
that interesting land, set them down as black, with
curled hair, and having the negro features. The
<pb id="brown33" n="33"/>
sacred writers were aware of their complexion: hence
the question, “Can the Ethiopian change his skin?”
The image of the negro is engraved upon the
monuments of Egypt, not as a bondman, but as the master
of art. The Sphinx, one of the wonders of the world,
surviving the wreck of centuries, exhibits these same
features at the present day. Minerva, the goddess of
wisdom, was supposed to have been an African
princess. Atlas, whose shoulders sustained the globe, and
even the great Jupiter Ammon himself, were located
by the mythologists in Africa. Though there may not
be much in these fables, they teach us, nevertheless,
who were then considered the nobles of the human
race. Euclid, Homer, and Plato were Ethiopians.
Terence, the most refined and accomplished scholar of
his time, was of the same race. Hanno, the father of
Hamilear, and grandfather of Hannibal, was a negro.
These are the antecedents of the enslaved blacks on
this continent.</p>
        <p>From whence sprang the Anglo-Saxon? For, mark
you, it is he that denies the equality of the negro.
“When the Britons first became known to the Tyrian
mariners,” says Macaulay, “they were little superior
to the Sandwich Islanders.”</p>
        <p>Hume says they were a rude and barbarous people,
divided into numerous tribes, dressed in the skins of
wild beasts. Druidism was their religion, and they
were very superstitious. Such is the first account we
have of the Britons. When the Romans invaded that
country, they reduced the people to a state of vassalage
as degrading as that of slavery in the Southern
States. Their king, Caractacus, was captured and sent
a slave to Rome. Still later, Hengist and Horsa, the
<pb id="brown34" n="34"/>
Saxon generals, presented another yoke, which the
Britons wore compelled to wear. But the last dregs
of the bitter cup of humiliation were drunk when
William of Normandy met Harold at Hastings, and,
with a single blow, completely annihilated the nationality
of the Britons. Thousands of the conquered
people were then sent to the slave markets of Rome,
where they were sold very cheap on account of their
inaptitude to learn.</p>
        <p>This is not very flattering to the President's ancestors,
but it is just. Cæsar, in writing home, said of
the Britons, “They are the most ignorant people I
ever conquered. They cannot be taught music.”
Cicero, writing to his friend Atticus, advised him not
to buy slaves from England, “because,” said he, “they
cannot be taught to read, and are the ugliest and most
stupid race I ever saw.” I am sorry that Mr. Lincoln
came from such a low origin; but he is not to blame.
I only find fault with him for making mouths at me.</p>
        <lg>
          <l>“You should not the ignorant negro despise;</l>
          <l>Just such your sires appeared in Cæsar's eyes.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>The Britons lost their nationality, became amalgamated
with the Romans, Saxons, and Normans, and out of
this conglomeration sprang the proud Anglo-Saxon of
to-day. I once stood upon the walls of an English
city, built by enslaved Britons when Julius Cæsar was
their master. The image of the ancestors of President
Lincoln and Montgomery Blair, as represented
in Britain, was carved upon the monuments of Rome,
where they may still be seen in their chains. Ancestry
is something which the white American should not
speak of, unless with his lips to the dust.</p>
        <pb id="brown35" n="35"/>
        <p>“Nothing,” says Macaulay, “in the early existence
of Britain, indicated the greatness which she was
destined to attain.” Britain has risen, while proud
Rome, Once the mistress of the world, has fallen; but
the image of the early Englishman in his chains, as
carved twenty centuries ago, is still to be seen upon
her broken monuments. So has Egypt fallen ; and
her sable sons and daughters have been scattered into
nearly every land where the white man has introduced
slavery and disgraced the soil with his footprint. As
I gazed upon the beautiful and classic obelisk of
Luxor, removed from Thebes, where it had stood four
thousand years, and transplanted to the Place de la
Concorde, at Paris, and contemplated its hieroglyphic
inscription of the noble daring of Sesostris, the African
general, who drew kings at his chariot wheels, and
left monumental inscriptions from Ethiopia to India, I
felt proud of my antecedents, proud of the glorious
past, which no amount of hate and prejudice could
wipe from history's page, while I had to mourn over
the fall and the degradation of my race. But I do
not despair; for the negro has that intellectual genius
which God has planted in the mind of man, that
distinguishes him from the rest of creation, and which
needs only cultivation to make it bring forth fruit.
No nation has ever been found, which, by its own
unaided efforts, by some powerful inward impulse, has
arisen from barbarism and degradation to civilization
and respectability. There is nothing in race or blood,
in color or features, that imparts susceptibility of
improvement to one race over another. The mind left
to itself from infancy, without culture, remains a
blank. Knowledge is not innate. Development
<pb id="brown36" n="36"/>
makes the man. As the Greeks, and Romans, and
Jews drew knowledge from the Egyptians three thousand
years ago, and the Europeans received it from
the Romans, so must the blacks of this land rise in
the same way. As one man learns from another, so
nation learns from nation. Civilization is handed
from one people to another, its great fountain and
source being God our Father. No one, in the days of
Cicero and Tacitus, could have predicted that the
barbarism and savage wildness of the Germans would
give place to the learning, refinement, and culture
which that people now exhibit. Already the blacks
on this continent, though kept down under the heel of
the white man, are fast rising in the scale of intellectual
development, and proving their equality with the
brotherhood of man.</p>
        <p>In his address before the Colonization Society, at
Washington, on the 18th of January, 1853, Hon.
Edward Everett said, “When I lived in Cambridge, a
few years ago, I used to attend, as one of the board
of visitors, the examinations of a classical school, in
which was a colored boy, the son of a slave in Mississippi,
I think. He appeared to me to be of pure African
blood. There were at the same time two youths
from Georgia, and one of my own sons, attending the
same school. I must say that this poor negro boy,
Beverly Williams, was one of the best scholars at the
school, and in the Latin language he was the best
scholar in his class. There are others, I am told,
which show still more conclusively the aptitude of the
colored race for <hi rend="italics">every kind of intellectual culture</hi>.”</p>
        <p>Mr. Everett cited several other instances which
had fallen under his notice, and utterly scouted the
<pb id="brown37" n="37"/>
idea that there was any general inferiority of the
African race. He said, “They have done as well as
persons of European or Anglo-American origin would
have done, after three thousand years of similar
depression and hardship. The question has been asked,
‘Does not the negro labor under some incurable,
natural inferiority?’<hi rend="italics"> In this, for myself, I have no
belief</hi>.”</p>
        <p>I think that this is ample refutation of the charge
of the natural inferiority of the negro. President
Lincoln, in the interview to which I have already
referred, said, “But for your race among us there would
not be a war.” This reminds me of an incident that
occurred while travelling in the State of Ohio, in
1844. Taking the stage coach at a small village, one
of the passengers (a white man) objected to my being
allowed a seat inside, on account of my color. I
persisted, however, in claiming the right which my
ticket gave me, and got in. The objector at once took
a seat on a trunk on the top of the coach. The wire
netting round the top of the stage not being strong,
the white passenger, trunks and all, slid off as we were
going down a steep hill. The top passenger's shoulder
was dislocated, and in his pain he cried out, “If you
had not been black, I should not have left my seat
inside.”</p>
        <p>The “New York Herald,” the “Boston Post,” the
“Boston Courier,” and the “New York Journal of
Commerce,” take the lead in misrepresenting the
effect which emancipation in the West Indies had
upon the welfare of those islands. It is asserted that
general ruin followed the black man's liberation. As
to the British colonies, the fact is well established
<pb id="brown38" n="38"/>
that slavery had impoverished the soil, demoralized
the people, bond and free, brought the planters to a
state of bankruptcy, and all the islands to ruin, long
before Parliament had passed the act of emancipation.
All the colonies, including Jamaica, had petitioned
the home government for assistance, ten years prior to
the liberation of their slaves. It is a noticeable fact,
that the free blacks were the least embarrassed, in a
pecuniary point of view, and that they appeared in
more comfortable circumstances than the whites.
There was a large proportion of free blacks in each of
the colonies, Jamaica alone having fifty-five thousand
before the day of emancipation. A large majority of
the West India estates were owned by persons residing
in Europe, and who had never seen the colonies.
These plantations were carried on by agents, overseers,
and clerks, whose mismanagement, together with the
blighting influence which chattel slavery takes with it
wherever it goes, brought the islands under impending
ruin, and many of the estates were mortgaged in
Europe for more than their value. One man alone, Neil
Malcomb, of London, had forty plantations to fall
upon his hands for money advanced on them before
the abolition of slavery. These European proprietors,
despairing of getting any returns from the West
Indies, gladly pocketed their share of the twenty million
pounds sterling, which the home government gave
them, and abandoned their estates to their ruin.
Other proprietors residing in the colonies formed
combinations to make the emancipated people labor for
scarcely enough to purchase food for them. If found
idle, the tread-wheel, the chain-gang, the dungeon,
with black bread, and water from the moat, and other
<pb id="brown39" n="39"/>
modes of legalized torture, were inflicted upon the
negroes. Through the determined and combined
efforts of the land owners, the condition of the freed
people was as bad, if not worse, for the first three
years after their liberation, than it was before. Never
was all experiment more severely tested than that of
emancipation in the West Indies.</p>
        <p>Nevertheless, the principles of freedom triumphed;
not a drop of blood was shed by the enfranchised
blacks; the colonies have arisen from the blight which
they labored under in the time of slavery; the land
has increased in value; and, above all, that which is
more valuable than cotton, sugar, or rice—the moral
and intellectual condition of both blacks and whites
is in a better state now than ever before. Sir William
Colebrook, governor of Antigua, said, six years after
the islands were freed, “At the lowest computation,
the land, without a single slave upon it, is fully as
valuable now as it was, including all the slaves, before
emancipation.” In a report made to the British
Parliament, in 1859, it was stated that three fifths of the
cultivated land of Jamaica was the <hi rend="italics">bona fide</hi> property
of the blacks. The land is in a better state of
cultivation now than it was while slavery existed, and both
imports and exports show a great increase. Every
thing, demonstrates that emancipation in the West
India islands has resulted in the most satisfactory
manner, and fulfilled the expectation of the friends of
freedom throughout the world.</p>
        <p>Rev. Mr. Underhill, secretary of the English Baptist
Missionary Society, who has visited Jamaica, and
carefully studied its condition, said, in a recent speech
in London, that the late slaves in that island had built
<pb id="brown40" n="40"/>
some two hundred and twenty chapels. The churches
that worship in them number fifty-three thousand
communicants, amounting to one eighth of the total
population. The average attendance, in other than
the state churches, is ninety-one thousand—a fourth
of the population. One third of the children—
twenty-two thousand—are in the schools. The
blacks voluntarily contribute twenty-two thousand
pounds (one hundred and ten thousand dollars)
annually for religious purposes. Their landed property
exceeds five million dollars. Valuing their
cottages at only fifty dollars each, these amount to three
million dollars. They have nearly three hundred
thousand dollars deposited in the savings banks.
The sum total of their property is much above eleven
million dollars. All this has been accumulated since
their emancipation.</p>
        <p>Thus it is seen that all parties have been benefited
by the abolition of negro slavery in the British
possessions. Now we turn to our own land. Among the
many obstacles which have been brought to bear
against emancipation, one of the most formidable has
been the series of objections urged against it upon
what has been supposed to be the slave's want of
appreciation of liberty, and his ability to provide for
himself in a state of freedom; and now that slavery
seems to be near its end, these objections are
multiplying, and the cry is heard all over the land, “What
shall be done with the slave if freed?”</p>
        <p>It has been clearly demonstrated, I think, that the
enslaved of the south are as capable of self-support as
any other class of people in the country. It is well
known that, throughout the entire south, a large class
<pb id="brown41" n="41"/>
of slaves have been for years accustomed to hire their
time from their owners. Many of these have paid
very high prices for the privilege. Some able mechanics
have been known to pay as high as six hundred
dollar per annum, besides providing themselves with
food and clothing; and this class of slaves, by their
industry, have taken care of themselves so well, and
their appearance has been so respectable, that many of
the states have passed laws prohibiting masters from
letting their slaves out to themselves, because, as it
was said, it made the other slaves dissatisfied to see so
many of their fellows well provided, and accumulating
something for themselves in the way of pocket
money.</p>
        <p>The Rev. Dr. Nehemiah Adams, whose antecedents
have not been such as to lead to the suspicion that he
favors the free colored men, or the idea of giving to
the slaves their liberty, in his “South-Side View,”
unconsciously and unintentionally gives a very valuable
statement upon this particular point. Dr. Adams
says, “A slave woman having had three hundred
dollars stolen from her by a white man, her master was
questioned in court as to the probability of her having
had so much money. The master said that he not
unfrequently had borrowed fifty and a hundred dollars
from her himself, and added that she was always very
strict as to his promised time of payment.” There
was a slave woman who had not only kept every
agreement with her master—paying him every cent she had
promised—but had accumulated three hundred
dollars towards purchasing her liberty ; and it was stolen
from her, not by a black man, but, as Dr. Adams says,
by a white man.</p>
        <pb id="brown42" n="42"/>
        <p>But one of the clearest demonstrations of the ability
of the slave to provide for himself in a state of
freedom is to be found in the prosperous condition of the
large free colored population of the Southern States.
Maryland has eighty thousand, Virginia seventy
thousand, and the other slave states have a large number.
These free people have all been slaves, or they are the
descendants of those who were once slaves; what they
have gained has been acquired in spite of the public
opinion and laws of the south, in spite of prejudice,
and every thing. They have acquired a large amount
of property; and it is this industry, this sobriety, this
intelligence, and this wealth of the free colored people
the south, that has created so much prejudice on
the part of slaveholders against them. They have felt
that the very presence of a colored man, looking so
genteelly and in such a prosperous condition, made
the slaves unhappy and discontented. In the Southern
Rights Convention which assembled at Baltimore,
June 8, 1860, a resolution was adopted, calling on
the legislature to pass a law driving the free colored
people out of the state. Nearly every speaker took
the ground that the free colored people must be driven
out to make the slave's obedience more secure. Judge
Mason, in his speech, said, “It is the thrifty and well-to-do
free negroes, that are seen by our slaves, that
make them dissatisfied.” A similar appeal was made
to the legislature of Tennessee. Judge Catron, of the
Supreme Court of the United States, in a long and
able letter to the Nashville “Union,” opposed the
driving out of the colored people. He said they were
among the best mechanics, the best artisans, and the
most industrious laborers in the state, and that to
<pb id="brown43" n="43"/>
drive them, out would be an injury to the state itself.
This is certainly good evidence in their behalf.</p>
        <p>The New Orleans “True Delta” opposed the passage
of a similar law by the State of Louisiana. Among
other things it said, “There are a large free colored
population here, correct in their general deportment,
honorable in their intercourse with society, and free
from reproach so far as the laws are concerned, not
surpassed in the inoffensiveness of their lives by any
equal number of persons in any place, north or
south.”</p>
        <p>A movement was made in the legislature of South
Carolina to expel the free blacks from that state, and
a committee was appointed to investigate the matter.
In their report the committee said, “We find that the
free blacks of this state are among our most industrious
people; in this city (Charleston) we find that they
own over two and a half millions of dollars worth of
property; that they pay two thousand seven hundred
dollars tax to the city.”</p>
        <p>Dr. Nehemiah Adams, whom I have already quoted,
also testifies to the good character of the free colored
people; but he does it unintentionally; it was not a
part of the programme; how it slipped in I cannot tell.
Here it is, however, from page 41 of his “South-Side
View:”—</p>
        <p>“A prosecuting officer, who had six or eight counties
in his district, told me that, during eight years
service, he had made out about two thousand bills
of indictment, of which not more than twelve were
against colored persons.”</p>
        <p>Hatred of the free colored people, and abuse of them,
have always been popular with the pro-slavery people
<pb id="brown44" n="44"/>
of this country; yet, an American senator from one
of the Western States—a man who never lost an
opportunity to vilify and traduce the colored man, and
who, in his last canvass for a seat in the United States
Senate, argued that the slaves were better off in
slavery than they would be if set free, and declared that
the blacks were unable to take care of themselves
while enjoying liberty—died, a short time since,
twelve thousand dollars in debt to a black man, who
was the descendant of a slave.</p>
        <p>There is a Latin phrase—<foreign lang="lat"><hi rend="italics">De mortuis nil nisi bonum.</hi></foreign>It is not saying any thing against the reputation of
Hon. Stephen A. Douglas to tell the fact that he had
borrowed money from a negro. I only find fault with
him that he should traduce the class that befriended
him in the time of need. James Gordon Bennett, of
the New York Herald, in a time of great pecuniary
distress, soon after establishing his paper, borrowed
three hundred dollars of a black man; and now he is
one of our most relentless enemies. Thus it is that
those who fattened upon us often turn round and
traduce us: Reputation is, indeed, dear to every nation
and race; but to us, the colored people of this country,
who have so many obstacles to surmount, it is doubly
dear:—
<q direct="unspecified"><lg><l>“Who steals my purse steals trash;</l><l>'Twas mine, 'tis his, and has been slave to thousands;</l><l>But he who filches from me my good name,</l><l>Robs me of that which not enriches him,</l><l>And makes me poor indeed.”</l></lg></q></p>
        <p>You know we were told by the slaveholders,
before the breaking out of the rebellion, that if we got
into any difficulty with the south, their slaves would
<pb id="brown45" n="45"/>
take up arms and fight to a man for them. Mr.
Toombs, I believe, threatened that he would arm his
slaves, and other men in Congress from the slave states
made the same threat. They were going to arm the
slaves and turn them against the north. They said
they could be trusted; and many people here at the
north really believed that the slave did not want his
liberty, would not have it if he could, and that the
slave population was a very dangerous element against
the north; but at once, on the approach of our
soldiers, the slaves are seen, with their bundles and
baskets, and hats and coats, and without bundles or
baskets, and without hats or coats, rushing to our
lines; demonstrating what we have so often said, that
all the slave was waiting for was the opportunity to get
his liberty. Why should you not have believed this?
Why should you have supposed for a moment, that,
because a man's color differs a little from yours, he is
better contented to remain a slave than you would be,
or that he has no inclination, no wish, to escape from
the thraldom that holds him so tight? What is it that
does not wish to be free?</p>
        <lg>
          <l>“Go, let a cage with grates of gold,</l>
          <l>And pearly roof, the eagle hold;</l>
          <l>Let dainty viands be its fare,</l>
          <l>And give the captive tenderest care;</l>
          <l>But say, in luxury's limits pent,</l>
          <l>Find you the king of birds content?</l>
          <l>No; oft he'll sound the startling shriek,</l>
          <l>And dash the cage with angry beak:</l>
          <l>Precarious freedom's far more dear</l>
          <l>Than all the prison's pampering cheer.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>As with the eagle, so with man. He loves to look
upon the bright day and the stormy night; to gaze
<pb id="brown46" n="46"/>
upon the broad, free ocean, its eternal surging tides, its
mountain billows, and its foam-crested waves; to tread
the steep mountain side; to sail upon the placid river;
to wander along the gurgling stream ; to trace the
sunny slope, the beautiful landscape, the majestic forest,
the flowery meadow; to listen to the howling of the
winds and the music of the birds. These are the
aspirations of man, without regard to country, clime,
or color.</p>
        <p>“What shall we do with the slave of the south?
Expatriate him,” say the haters of the negro.
Expatriate him for what? He has cleared up the swamps
of the south, and has put the soil under cultivation;
he has built up her towns, and cities, and villages; he
has enriched the north and Europe with his cotton,
and sugar, and rice; and for this you would drive him
out of the country! “What shall be done with the
slaves if they are freed?” You had better ask
“What shall we do with the slaveholders if the slaves
are freed?” The slave has shown himself better fitted
to take care of himself than the slaveholder. He is
the bone and sinew of the south; he is the producer,
while the master is nothing but a consumer, and a very
poor consumer at that. The slave is the producer,
and he alone can be relied upon. He has the sinew,
the determination, and the will; and if you will take
the free colored people of the south as the criterion,
take their past history as a sample of what the colored
people are capable of doing, every one must be
satisfied that the slaves can take care of themselves.
Some say, “Let them alone; they are well cared for,
and that is enough.”</p>
        <pb id="brown47" n="47"/>
        <lg>
          <l>“O, tell us not they're clothed and fed—</l>
          <l>'Tis insult, stuff, and a' that;</l>
          <l>With freedom gone, all joy is fled,</l>
          <l>For Heaven's best gift is a' that.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>But it is said, “The two races cannot live together
in a state of freedom.” Why, that is the cry that
rung all over England thirty years ago: “If you
liberate the slaves of the West Indies, they can't live
with the whites in a state of freedom.” Thirty years
have shown the contrary. The blacks and the whites
live together in Jamaica; they are all prosperous, and
the island in a better condition than it ever was before
the act of emancipation was passed.</p>
        <p>But they tell us, “If the slaves are emancipated, we
won't receive them upon an equality.” Why, every
man must make equality for himself. No society, no
government, can make this equality. I do not expect
the slave of the south to jump into equality; all I
claim for him is, that he may be allowed to jump into
liberty, and let him make equality for himself. I have
some white neighbors around me in Cambridge; they
are not very intellectual; they don't associate with my
family; but whenever they shall improve themselves,
and bring themselves up by their own intellectual and
moral worth, I shall not object to their coming into my
society—all things being equal.</p>
        <p>Now, this talk about not letting a man come to this
place or that, and that we won't do this for him, or
won't do that for him, is all idle. The anti-slavery
agitators have never demanded that you shall take the
colored man, any more than that you shall take the
uncultivated and uncouth white man, and place him
in a certain position in society. All I demand for the
<pb id="brown48" n="48"/>
black man is, that the white people shall take their
heels off his neck, and let him have a chance to rise
by his own efforts.</p>
        <p>The idea of colonizing the slaves in some other
country, outside of the United States, seems the height
of folly. Whatever may be the mineral wealth of a
country, or the producing capabilities of the soil,
neither can be made available without the laborer. Four
millions of strong hands cannot be spared from the
Southern States. All time has shown that the negro
is the best laborer in the tropics.</p>
        <p>The slaves once emancipated and left on the lands,
four millions of new consumers will spring into existence.
Heretofore, the bondmen have consumed nothing
scarcely from the north. The cost of keeping a
slave was only about nineteen dollars per annum,
including food, clothing, and doctors' bills. Negro cloth,
negro shoes, and negro whips were all that were sent
south by northern manufacturers. Let slavery be
abolished, and stores will be opened and a new trade
take place with the blacks south. Northern manufacturers
will have to run on extra time till this new
demand will have been supplied. The slave owner,
having no longer an inducement to be idle, will go to
work, and will not have time to concoct treason against
the <hi rend="italics">stars and stripes</hi>. I cannot close this appeal without
a word about the free blacks in the non-slaveholding
states.</p>
        <p>The majority of the colored people in the Northern
States descended from slaves: many of the were
slaves themselves. In education, in morals, and in
the development of mechanical genius, the free blacks
of the Northern States will compare favorably with any
<pb id="brown49" n="49"/>
laboring class in the world. And considering the fact
that we have been shut out, by a cruel prejudice, from
nearly all the mechanical branches, and all the
professions, it is marvellous that we have attained the
position we now occupy. Notwithstanding those bars,
our young men have learned trades, become artists,
gone into the professions, although bitter prejudice
may prevent their having a great deal of practice.
When it is considered that they have mostly come out
of bondage, and that their calling has been the lowest
kind in every community, it is still more strange that
the colored people have amassed so much wealth in
every state in the Union. If this is not an exhibition
of capacity, I don't understand the meaning of the
term. And if true patriotism and devotion to the
cause of freedom be tests of loyalty, and should establish
one's claim to all the privileges that the government
can confer, then surely the black man can
demand his rights with a good grace. From the fall
of Attucks, the first martyr of the American revolution
in 1770, down to the present day, the colored
people have shown themselves worthy of any
confidence that the nation can place in its citizens in the
time that tries men's souls. At the battle of Bunker
Hill, on the heights of Groton, at the ever-memorable
battle of Red Bank, the sable sons of our country stood
side by side with their white brethren. On Lakes Erie
and Champlain, on the Hudson, and down in the valley
of the Mississippi, they established their valor and
their invincibility. Whenever the rights of the nation
have been assailed, the negro has always responded to
his country's call, at once, and with every pulsation
of his heart beating for freedom. And no class of
<pb id="brown50" n="50"/>
Americans have manifested more solicitude for the
success of the federal arms in the present struggle
with rebellion, than the colored people. At the north,
they were among the earliest to respond to the
president's first proclamation, calling for troops. At the
south, they have ever shown a preference for the <hi rend="italics">stars
and stripes</hi>. In his official despatch to Minister Adams,
Mr. Secretary Seward said,—</p>
        <p>“Every where the American general receives his
most useful and reliable information from the negro,
<hi rend="italics">who hails his coming as the harbinger of freedom</hi>.”</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="section">
        <pb id="brown51" n="51"/>
        <head>THE BLACK MAN,<lb/>
HIS GENIUS AND HIS ACHIEVEMENTS.</head>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>BENJAMIN BANNEKER.</head>
          <p>THE services rendered to science, to liberty, and to
the intellectual character of the negro by Banneker,
are too great for us to allow his name to sleep and his
genius and merits to remain hidden from the world.
BENJAMIN BANNEKER was born in the State of Maryland,
in the year 1732, of pure African parentage; their
blood never having been corrupted by the introduction
of a drop of Anglo-Saxon. His father was a slave,
and of course could do nothing towards the education
of the child. The mother, however, being free,
succeeded in purchasing the freedom of her husband,
and they, with their son, settled on a few acres of land,
where Benjamin remained during the lifetime of his
parents. His entire schooling was gained from an
obscure country school, established for the education of
the children of free negroes; and these advantages
were poor, for the boy appears to have finished studying
before be arrived at his fifteenth year. Although
out of school, Banneker was still a student, and read
with great care and attention such books as he could
get. Mr. George Ellicott, a gentleman of fortune and
<pb id="brown52" n="52"/>
considerable literary taste, and who resided near to
Benjamin, became interested in him, and lent him
books from his large library. Among these books
were Mayer's Tables, Fergusson's Astronomy, and
Leadbeater's Lunar Tables. A few old and imperfect
astronomical instruments also found their way into the
boy's hands, all of which he used with great benefit to
his own mind.</p>
          <p>Banneker took delight in the study of the languages,
and soon mastered the Latin, Greek, and German.
He was also proficient in the French. The classics
were not neglected by him, and the general literary
knowledge which he possessed caused Mr. Ellicott to
regard him as the most learned man in the town, and
he never failed to introduce Banneker to his most
distinguished guests. About this time Benjamin turned
his attention particularly to astronomy, and determined
on making calculations for an almanac, and completed
a set for the whole year. Encouraged by this attempt,
he entered upon calculations for subsequent years,
which, as well as the former, he began and finished
without the least assistance from any person or books
than those already mentioned; so that whatever merit
is attached to his performance is exclusively his own.
He published an almanac in Philadelphia for the years
1792, '3, '4, and '5, which contained his calculations,
exhibiting the different aspects of the planets, a table
of the motions of the sun and moon, their risings and
settings, and the courses of the bodies of the planetary
system. By this time Banneker's acquirements had
become generally known, and the best scholars in
the country opened correspondence with him.
Goddard &amp; Angell, the well-known Baltimore publishers,
<pb id="brown53" n="53"/>
engaged his pen for their establishment, and became
the publishers of his almanacs. A copy of his first
production was sent to Thomas Jefferson, together with
a letter intended to interest the great statesman in the
cause of negro emancipation and the elevation of the
race, in which he says,—</p>
          <p>“It is a truth too well attested to need a proof here,
that we are a race of beings who have long labored
under the abuse and censure of the world; that we
have long been looked upon with an eye of contempt
and considered rather as brutish than human, and
scarcely capable of mental endowments. I hope I
may safely admit, in consequence of the report which
has reached me, that you are a man far less inflexible
in sentiments of this nature than many others; that
you are measurably friendly and well disposed towards
us, and that you are willing to lend your aid and
assistance for our relief from those many distresses and
numerous calamities to which we are reduced. If this
is founded in truth, I apprehend you will embrace
every opportunity to eradicate that train of absurd and
false ideas and opinions which so generally prevail
with respect to us, and that your sentiments are
concurrent with mine, which are, that one universal
Father hath given being to us all; that he hath not
only made us all of one flesh, but that he hath also,
without partiality, afforded us all the same sensations,
and endowed us all with the same faculties; and that,
however variable we may be in society or religion,
however diversified in situation or in color, we are all
of the same family, and stand in the same relation to
him. If these are sentiments of which you are fully
persuaded, you cannot but acknowledge that it is the
<pb id="brown54" n="54"/>
indispensable duty of those who maintain the rights of
human nature, and who profess the obligations of
Christianity, to extend their power and influence to
the relief of every part of the human race from
whatever burden or oppression they may unjustly labor
under; and this, I apprehend, a full conviction of the
truth and obligation of these principles should lead all
to. I have long been convinced that if your love for
yourselves, and for those inestimable laws which
preserved to you the rights of human nature, was founded
on sincerity, you could not but be solicitous that every
individual, of whatever rank or distinction, might with
you equally enjoy the blessings thereof; neither could
you rest satisfied short of the most active effusion of
your exertions, in order to effect their promotion from
any state of degradation to which the unjustifiable
cruelty and barbarism of men may have reduced
them.</p>
          <p>“I freely and cheerfully acknowledge that I am one
of the African race, and in that color which is natural
to them, of the deepest dye; and it is under a sense
of the most profound gratitude to the Supreme Ruler
of the universe, that I now confess to you that I am
not under that state of tyrannical thraldom and
inhuman captivity to which too many of my brethren are
doomed; but that I have abundantly tasted of the fruition
of those blessings which proceed from that free
and unequalled liberty with which you are favored,
and which I hope you will willingly allow you have
mercifully received from the immediate hand of that
Being from whom proceedeth every good and
perfect gift.</p>
          <p>“Your knowledge of the situation of my brethren
<pb id="brown55" n="55"/>
is too extensive to need a recital here; neither shall I
presume to prescribe methods by which they may be
relieved, otherwise than by recommending to you and
to others to wean yourselves from those narrow prejudices
which you have imbibed with respect to them,
and, as Job proposed to his friends, ‘put your soul in
their souls' stead.’ Thus shall your hearts be enlarged
with kindness and benevolence towards them; and
thus shall you need neither the direction of myself or
others in what manner to proceed herein. . . .
The calculation for this almanac is the production of
my arduous study in my advanced stage of life; for
having long had unbounded desires to become
acquainted with the secrets of nature, I have had to
gratify my curiosity herein through my own assiduous
application to astronomical study, in which I need not
recount to you the many difficulties and disadvantages
which I have had to encounter.”</p>
          <p>Mr. Jefferson at once replied as follows:—</p>
          <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
            <text>
              <body>
                <div1 type="letter">
                  <opener>
                    <dateline>“PHILADELPHIA, August 30, 1791.</dateline>
                  </opener>
                  <p>“SIR: I thank you sincerely for your letter and the
almanac it contained. Nobody wishes more than I do
to see such proofs as you exhibit, that nature has given
to our black brethren talents equal to those of the other
colors of men, and that the appearance of the want
of them is owing merely to the degraded condition
of their existence, both in Africa and America. I can
add with truth, that nobody wishes more ardently to
see a good system commenced for raising their
condition, both of their body and their mind, to what it
ought to be, as far as the imbecility of their present
existence, and other circumstances, which cannot be
<pb id="brown56" n="56"/>
neglected, will admit. I have taken the liberty of
sending your almanac to Monsieur de Condorcet,
secretary of the Academy of Sciences at Paris, and a
member of the Philanthropic Society, because I consider
it as a document to which your whole color have
a right for their justification against the doubts which
have been entertained of them.</p>
                  <closer><salute>“I am, with great esteem,<lb/>
“Dear sir, your obedient, &amp;c.,</salute>
<signed>“THOMAS JEFFERSON.</signed></closer>
                  <trailer>“To MR. B. BANNEKER.”</trailer>
                </div1>
              </body>
            </text>
          </q>
          <p>The letter from Banneker, together with the
almanac, created in the heart of Mr. Jefferson a fresh
feeling of enthusiasm in behalf of freedom, and especially
for the negro, which ceased only with his life. The
American statesman wrote to Brissot, the celebrated
French writer, in which he made enthusiastic mention
of the “Negro Philosopher.” At the formation of the
“Society of the Friends of the Blacks,” at Paris, by
Lafayette, Brissot, Barnave, Condorcet, and Gregoire,
the name of Banneker was again and again referred
to to prove the equality of the races. Indeed, the
genius of the “Negro Philosopher” did much towards
giving liberty to the people of St. Domingo. In the
British House of Commons, Pitt, Wilberforce, and
Buxton often alluded to Banneker by name, as a man
fit to fill any position in society. At the setting off of
the District of Columbia for the capital of the federal
government, Banneker was invited by the Maryland
commissioners, and took an honorable part in the
settlement of the territory. But throughout all his
intercourse with men of influence, he never lost sight of
<pb id="brown57" n="57"/>
the condition of his race, and ever urged the emancipation
and elevation of the slave. He well knew that
every thing that was founded upon the admitted
inferiority of natural right in the African was calculated to
degrade him and bring him nearer to the foot of the
oppressor, and he therefore never failed to allude to
the equality of the races when with those whites whom
he could influence. He always urged self-elevation
upon the colored people whom he met. He felt that
to deprive the black man of the inspiration of
ambition, of hope, of health, of standing among his brethren
of the earth, was to take from him all incentives
to mental improvement. What husbandman incurs
the toil of seed time and culture, except with a view
to the subsequent enjoyment of a golden harvest?
Banneker was endowed by nature with all those excellent
qualifications which are necessary previous to the
accomplishment of a great man. His memory was
large and tenacious, yet, by a curious felicity chiefly
susceptible of the finest impressions it received from
the best authors he read, which he always preserved in
their primitive strength and amiable order. He had
a quickness of apprehension and a vivacity of understanding
which easily took in and surmounted the
most subtile and knotty parts of mathematics and
metaphysics. He possessed in a large degree that
genius which constitutes a man of letters; that quality
without which judgment is cold and knowledge is
inert; that energy which collects, combines, amplifies,
and animates.</p>
          <p>He knew every branch of history, both natural and
civil, he had read all the original historians of England,
France, and Germany, and was a great
<pb id="brown58" n="58"/>
antiquarian. Criticism, metaphysics, morals, politics, voyages
and travels, were all studied and well digested by him.
With such a fund of knowledge his conversation was
equally interesting, instructive, and entertaining.
Banneker was so favorably appreciated by the first families
in Virginia, that in 1803 he was invited by Mr.
Jefferson, then President of the United States, to visit
him at Monticello, where the statesman had gone for
recreation. But he was too infirm to undertake the
journey. He died the following year, aged seventy-two.
Like the golden sun that has sunk beneath the
western horizon, but still throws upon the world, which
he sustained and enlightened in his career, the reflected
beams of his departed genius, his name can only
perish with his language.</p>
          <p>Banneker believed in the divinity of reason, and in
the omnipotence of the human understanding with
Liberty for its handmaid. The intellect impregnated
by science and multiplied by time, it appeared to him,
must triumph necessarily over all the resistance of
matter. He had faith in liberty, truth, and virtue.
His remains still rest in the slave state where he lived
and died, with no stone to mark the spot or tell that it
is the grave of Benjamin Banneker.</p>
          <p>He labored incessantly, lived irreproachably, and
died in the literary harness, universally esteemed and
regretted.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <pb id="brown59" n="59"/>
          <head>NAT TURNER.</head>
          <p>BIOGRAPHY is individual history, as distinguished
from that of communities, of nations, and of worlds.
Eulogy is that deserved applause which springs from
the virtues and attaches itself to the characters of
men. This is not intended either as a biography or a
eulogy, but simply a sketch of one whose history has
hitherto been neglected, and to the memory of whom
the American people are not prepared to do justice.</p>
          <p>On one of the oldest and largest plantations in
in Southampton county, Virginia, owned by Benjamin
Turner, Esq., Nat was born a slave, on the 2d of
October, 1800. His parents were of unmixed African
descent. Surrounded as he was by the superstition
of the slave quarters, and being taught by his mother
that he was born for a prophet, a preacher, and a
deliverer of his race, it was not strange that the child
should have imbibed the principles which were
afterwards developed in his career. Early impressed with
the belief that he had seen visions, and received
communications direct from God, he, like Napoleon,
regarded himself as a being of destiny. In his childhood
Nat was of an amiable disposition; but circumstances
in which he was placed as a slave, brought out
incidents that created a change in his disposition, and
turned his kind and docile feeling into the most
intense hatred to the white race.</p>
          <p>Being absent one night from his master's plantation
without a pass, he was caught by Whitlock and Mull,
the two district patrolers, and severely flogged. This
<pb id="brown60" n="60"/>
act of cruelty inflamed the young slave, and he
resolved upon having revenge. Getting two of the boys
of a neighboring plantation to join him, Nat obtained
a long rope, went out at night on the road through
which the officers had their beat, and stationing his
companions, one on each side of the road, he stretched
the rope across, fastening each end to a tree, and drawing
it tight. His rope thus fixed, and his accomplices
instructed how to act their part, Nat started off up
the road. The night being dark, and the rope only six
or eight inches from the ground, the slave felt sure
that he would give his enemies a “high fall.”</p>
          <p>Nat hearing them, he called out in a disguised voice,
“Is dat you, Jim?” To this Whitlock replied, “Yes,
dis is me.” Waiting until the white men were near
him, Nat started off upon a run, followed by the officers.
The boy had placed a sheet of white paper in the road,
so that he might know at what point to jump the rope,
so as not to be caught in his own trap. Arriving at
the signal he sprung over the rope, and went down the
road like an antelope. But not so with the white men,
for both were caught by the legs and thrown so hard
upon the ground that Mull had his shoulder put out
of joint, and his face terribly lacerated by the fall;
while Whitlock's left wrist was broken, and his head
bruised in a shocking manner. Nat hastened home,
while his companions did the same, not forgetting to
take with them the clothes line which had been so
serviceable in the conflict. The patrolers were left on
the field of battle, crying, swearing, and calling for
help.</p>
          <p>Snow seldom falls as far south as the southern part
of Virginia; but when it does, the boys usually have a
<pb id="brown61" n="61"/>
good time snow-balling, and on such occasions the
slaves, old and young, women and men, are generally
pelted without mercy, and with no right to retaliate.
It was only a few months after his affair with the
patrolers, that Nat was attacked by a gang of boys, who
chased him some distance, snow-balling with all their
power. The slave boy knew the lads, and determined
upon revenge. Waiting till night, he filled his pockets
with rocks, and went into the street. Very soon the
same gang of boys were at his heels, and pelting him.
Concealing his face so as not to be known, Nat
discharged his rocks in every direction, until his enemies
had all taken to their heels.</p>
          <p>The ill treatment he experienced at the hands of
the whites, and the visions be claimed to have seen,
caused Nat to avoid, as far as he could, all intercourse
with his follow-slaves, and threw around him a gloom
and melancholy that disappeared only with his life.</p>
          <p>Both the young slave and his friends averred that
a full knowledge of the alphabet came to him in a
single night. Impressed with the belief that his
mission was a religious one, and this impression strengthened
by the advice of his grandmother, a pious but
ignorant woman, Nat commenced preaching when
about twenty-five of age, but never went beyond his
own master's locality. In stature he was under the
middle size, long armed, round-shouldered, and strongly
marked with the African features. A gloomy fire
burned in his looks, and he had a melancholy expression
of countenance. He never tasted a drop of ardent
spirits all his life, and was never known to smile. In
the year 1828 new visions appeared to Nat, and he
claimed to have direct communication with God.
<pb id="brown62" n="62"/>
Unlike most of those born under the influence of
slavery, he had no faith in conjuring, fortune-telling,
or dreams, and always spoke with contempt of such
things. Being hired out to cruel masters, he ran away,
and remained in the woods thirty days, and could have
easily escaped to the free states, as did his father some
years before; but he received, as he says in his
confession a communication from the spirit, which said,
“Return to your earthly master, for he who knoweth
his Master's will, and doeth it not, shall be beaten with
many stripes.” It was not the will of his earthly, but
his heavenly Master that he felt bound to do, and
therefore Nat returned. His follow-slaves were greatly
incensed at him for coming back, for they knew well
his ability to reach Canada, or some other land of freedom,
if he was so inclined. He says further, “About
this time I had a vision, and saw white spirits and
black spirits engaged in battle, and the sun was
darkened, the thunder rolled in the heavens, and blood
flowed in streams; and I heard a voice saying, ‘Such
is your luck; such are you called on to see; and let it
come, rough or smooth, you must surely bear it.’”
Some time after this, Nat had, as he says, another
vision, in which the spirit appeared and said, “The
serpent is loosened, and Christ has laid down the yoke
he has borne for the sins of men, and you must take
it up, and fight against the serpent, for the time is fast
approaching when the first shall be last, and the last
shall be first.” There is no doubt but that this last
sentence filled Nat with enthusiastic feeling in favor
of the liberty of his race, that he had so long dreamed
of. “The last shall be first, and the first shall be
last,” seemed to him to mean something. He saw in
<pb id="brown63" n="63"/>
it the overthrow of the whites, and the establishing
of the blacks in their stead, and to this end he bent
the energies of his mind. In February, 1831, Nat
received his last communication, and beheld his last
vision. He said, “I was told I should arise and
prepare myself, and slay my enemies with their own
weapons.”</p>
          <p>The plan of an insurrection was now formed in his
own mind, and the time had arrived for him to take
others into the secret; and he at once communicated
his ideas to four of his friends, in whom he had
implicit confidence. Hark Travis, Nelson Williams, Sam
Edwards, and Henry Porter were slaves like himself,
and like him had taken their names from their masters.
A meeting must be held with these, and it must take
place in some secluded place, where the whites would
not disturb them; and a meeting was appointed. The
spot where they assembled was as wild and romantic
as were the visions that had been impressed upon the
mind of their leader.</p>
          <p>Three miles from where Nat lived was a dark swamp
filled with reptiles, in the middle of which was a dry
spot, reached by a narrow, winding path, and upon
which human feet seldom trod, on account of its
having been the place where a slave had been tortured
to death by a slow fire, for the crime of having flogged
his cruel and inhuman master. The night for the
meeting arrived, and they came together. Hank
brought a pig; Sam, bread; Nelson, sweet potatoes;
and Henry, brandy; and the gathering was turned
into a feast. Others were taken in, and joined the
conspiracy. All partook heartily of the food and
drank freely, except Nat. He fasted and prayed. It
<pb id="brown64" n="64"/>
was agreed that the revolt should commence that night,
and in their own master's households, and that each
slave should give his oppressor the death blow.
Before they left the swamp Nat made a speech, in which
he said, “Friends and brothers: We are to commence
a great work tonight. Our race is to be delivered
from slavery, and God has appointed us as the men to
do his bidding, and let us be worthy of our calling.
I am told to slay all the whites we encounter, without
regard to age or sex. We have no arms or ammunition,
but we will find these in the houses of our
oppressors, and as we go on others can join us.
Remember that we do not go forth for the sake of blood
and carnage, but it is necessary that in the commencement
of this revolution all the whites we meet should
die, until we shall have an army strong enough to
carry on the war upon a Christian basis. Remember
that ours is not a war for robbery and to satisfy our
passions; it is a struggle for freedom. Ours must be
deeds, and not words. Then let's away to the scene
of action.”</p>
          <p>Among those who had joined the conspirators was
Will, a slave, who scorned the idea of taking his
master's name. Though his soul longed to be free, he
evidently became one of the party, as much to satisfy
revenge, as for the liberty that he saw in the dim
distance. Will had seen a dear and beloved wife sold to
the negro trader and taken away, never to be beheld
by him again in this life. His own back was covered
with scars, from his shoulders to his feet. A large sear,
running from his right eye down to his chin, showed
that he had lived with a cruel master. Nearly six feet
in height, and one of the strongest and most athletic
<pb id="brown65" n="65"/>
of his race, he proved to be the most unfeeling of all
the insurrectionists. His only weapon was a broad-
axe, sharp and heavy.</p>
          <p>Nat and his accomplices at once started for the
plantation of Joseph Travis, with whom the four lived,
and there the first blow was struck. In his confession,
just before his execution, Nat said,—</p>
          <p>“On returning to the house, Hark went to the door
with an axe, for the purpose of breaking it open, as
we knew we were strong enough to murder the family
should they be awakened by the noise; but reflecting
that it might create an alarm in the neighborhood, we
determined to enter the house secretly, and murder
them whilst sleeping. Hark got a ladder and set it
against the chimney, on which I ascended, and hoisting
a window, entered and came down stairs, unbarred
the doors, and removed the guns from their places.
It was then observed that I must spill the first blood.
On which, armed with a hatchet, and accompanied by
Will, I entered my master's chamber. It being dark,
I could not give a death blow. The hatchet glanced
from his head; he sprang from the bed and called his
wife. It was his last word; Will laid him dead with
a blow of his axe, and Mrs. Travis shared the same
fate, as she lay in bed. The murder of this family,
five in number, was the work of a moment; not one
of them awoke. There was a little infant sleeping in
a cradle, that was forgotten until we had left the house
and gone some distance, when Henry and Will
returned and killed it. We got here four guns that
would shoot, and several old muskets, with a pound
or two of powder. We remained for some time at the
barn, where we paraded; I formed them in line as
<pb id="brown66" n="66"/>
soldiers, and after carrying them through all the
manœuvres I was master of, marched them off to Mr.
Salathiel Francis's, about six hundred yards distant.</p>
          <p>“Sam and Will went to the door and knocked.
Mr. Francis asked who was there; Sam replied it was
he, and he had a letter for him; on this he got up
and came to the door; they immediately seized him
and dragging him out a little from the door, he was
despatched by repeated blows on the head. There was
no other white person in the family. We started from
there to Mrs. Reese's, maintaining the most perfect
silence on our march, where, finding the door
unlocked, we entered and murdered Mrs. Reese in her
bed while sleeping; her son awoke, but only to sleep
the sleep of death; he had only time to say, ‘Who is
that?’ and he was no more. From Mrs. Reese's we
went to Mrs. Turner's, a mile distant, which we
reached about sunrise, on Monday morning. Henry,
Austin, and Sam, went to the still, where, finding Mr.
Peebles, Austin shot him; the rest of us went to the
house. As we approached, the family discovered us
and shut the door. Vain hope! Will, with one
stroke of his axe, opened it, and we entered, and found
Mrs. Turner and Mrs. Newsome in the middle of a
room, almost frightened to death. Will immediately
killed Mrs. Turner with one blow of his axe. I took
Mrs. Newsome by the hand, and with the sword I had
when apprehended, I struck her several blows over the
head, but was not able to kill her, as the sword was
dull. Will, turning round and discovering it,
despatched her also. A general destruction of property,
and search for money and ammunition, always
succeeded the murders.</p>
          <pb id="brown67" n="67"/>
          <p>“By this time, my company amounted to fifteen,
nine men mounted, who started for Mrs. Whitehead's,
(the other six were to go through a by-way to Mr.
Bryant's, and rejoin us at Mrs. Whitehead's.) As we
approached the house we discovered Mr. Richard
Whitehead standing in the cotton patch, near the lane
fence; we called him over into the lane, and Will, the
executioner, was near at hand, with his fatal axe, to send
him to an untimely grave. As we pushed on to the
house, I discovered some one running round the
garden, and thinking it was some of the white family, I
pursued, but finding it was a servant girl belonging to
the house, I returned to commence the work of death;
but they whom I left had not been idle: all the family
were already murdered but Mrs. Whitehead and her
daughter Margaret. As I came round to the door I
saw Will pulling Mrs. Whitehead out of the house,
and at the step he nearly severed her head from her
body with his broadaxe. Miss Margaret, when I
discovered her, had concealed herself in the corner
formed by the projection of the cellar cap from the
house; on my approach she fled, but was soon overtaken,
and after repeated blows with a sword, I killed
her by a blow over the head with a fence rail. By
this time the six who had gone by Mr. Bryant's
rejoined us, and informed me they had done the work
of death assigned them. We again divided, part
going to Mr. Richard Porter's, and from thence to
Nathaniel Francis's, the others to Mr. Howell Harris's
and Mr. T. Doyles's. On my reaching Mr. Porter's,
he had escaped with his family. I understood there
that the alarm had already spread, and I immediately
returned to bring up those sent to Mr. Doyles's and Mr.
<pb id="brown68" n="68"/>
Howell Harris's; the party I left going on to Mr.
Francis's, having told them I would join them in that
neighborhood. I met those sent to Mr. Doyles's and
Mr. Howell Harris's returning, having met Mr. Doyles
on the road and killed him. Learning from some who
joined them, that Mr. Harris was from home, I immediately
pursued the course taken by the party gone on
before; but knowing that they would complete the
work of death and pillage at Mr. Francis's before I
could get there, I went to Mr. Peter Edwards's,
expecting to find them there; but they had been there
already. I then went to Mr. John T. Barrow's; they
had been there and murdered him. I pursued on their
track to Captain Newitt Harris's. I found the greater
part mounted and ready to start; the men, now
amounting to about forty, shouted and hurrahed as I
rode up; some were in the yard loading their guns,
others drinking. They said Captain Harris and his
family had escaped; the property in the house they
destroyed, robbing him of money and other valuables.
I ordered them to mount and march instantly; this
was about nine or ten o'clock, Monday morning. I
proceeded to Mr. Levi Waller's, two or three miles
distant. I took my station in the rear, and as it was
my object to carry terror and devastation wherever we
went, I placed fifteen or twenty of the best mounted
and most to be relied on in front, who generally
approached the houses as fast as their horses could run;
this was for two purposes, to prevent their escape and
strike terror to the inhabitants—on this account I
never got to the houses, after leaving Mrs. Whitehead's,
until the murders were committed, except in
one case. I sometimes got in sight in time to see the
<pb id="brown69" n="69"/>
work of death completed, viewed the mangled bodies
as they lay, in silent satisfaction, and immediately
started in quest of other victims. Having murdered
Mrs. Waller and ten children, we started for Mr.
William Williams's. We killed him and two little
boys that were there: while engaged in this, Mrs.
Williams fled, and got some distance from the house,
but she was pursued, overtaken, and compelled to get
up behind one of the company, who brought her back,
and after showing her the mangled body of her lifeless
husband, she was told to get down and lie by his
side, where she was shot dead. I then started for Mr.
Jacob Williams's, where the family were murdered.
Here we found a young man named Drury, who had
come on business with Mr. Williams; he was pursued,
overtaken, and shot. Mrs. Vaughan's was the
next place we visited; and after murdering the family
here, I determined on starting for Jerusalem. Our
number amounted now to fifty or sixty, all mounted and
armed with guns, axes, swords, and clubs. On reaching
Mr. James W. Parker's gate, immediately on the
road leading to Jerusalem, and about three miles
distant, it was proposed to me to call there; but I objected,
as I knew he was gone to Jerusalem, and my object
was to reach there as soon as possible; but some of
the men having relations at Mr. Parker's, it was agreed
that they might call and get his people. I remained
at the gate on the road, with seven or eight, the others
going across the field to the house, about half a mile
off. After waiting some time for them, I became
impatient, and started to the house for them, and on our
return we were met by a party of white men, who had
pursued our blood-stained track, and who had fired on
<pb id="brown70" n="70"/>
those at the gate, and dispersed them, which I knew
nothing of, not having been at that time rejoined by
any of them. Immediately on discovering the whites,
I ordered my men to halt and form, as they appeared
to be alarmed. The white men, eighteen in number,
approached us in about one hundred yards, when one
of them fired, and I discovered about half of them,
retreating. I then ordered my men to fire and rush
on them ; the few remaining stood their ground until
we approached within fifty yards, when they fired and
retreated. We pursued and overtook some of them,
whom we thought we left dead; after pursuing them
about two hundred yards, and rising a little hill, I
discovered they were met by another party, and had
halted, and were reloading their guns, thinking that
those who retreated first, and the party who fired on
us at fifty or sixty yards distant, had only fallen back
to meet others with ammunition. As I saw them
reloading their guns, and more coming up than I saw at
first, and several of my bravest men being wounded,
the others became panic-struck and scattered over the
field; the white men pursued and fired on us several
times. Hark had his horse shot under him, and I
caught another for him that was running by me; five
or six of my men were wounded, but none left on the
field. Finding myself defeated here, I instantly
determined to go through a private way, and cross the
Nottoway River at the Cypress Bridge, three miles
below Jerusalem, and attack that place in the rear, as I
expected they would look for me on the other road,
and I had a great desire to get there to procure arms
and ammunition.”</p>
          <p>Reënforcements came to the whites, and the blacks
<pb id="brown71" n="71"/>
were overpowered and defeated by the superior numbers
of their enemy. In this battle many were slain
on both sides. Will, the bloodthirsty and revengeful
slave, fell with his broadaxe uplifted, after having laid
three of the whites dead at his feet with his own
strong arm and his terrible weapon. His last words
were, “Bury my axe with me.” For he religiously
believed that in the next world the blacks would have
a contest with the whites, and that he would need his
axe. Nat Turner, after fighting to the last with his
short sword, escaped with some others to the woods
near by, and was not captured for nearly two months.
When brought to trial he pleaded “not guilty;”
feeling, as he said, that it was always right for one to
strike for his own liberty. After going through a
mere form of trial, he was convicted and executed at
Jerusalem, the county seat for Southampton county,
Virginia. Not a limb trembled or a muscle was
observed to move. Thus died Nat Turner, at the early
age of thirty-one years—a martyr to the freedom of
his race, and a victim to his own fanaticism. He
meditated upon the wrongs of his oppressed and
injured people, till the idea of their deliverance excluded
all other ideas from his mind, and he devoted his life
to its realization. Every thing appeared to him a
vision, and all favorable omens were signs from God.
That he was sincere in all that he professed, there is
not the slightest doubt. After being defeated he might
have escaped to the free states, but the hope of raising
a new band kept him from doing so.</p>
          <p>He impressed his image upon the minds of those
who once beheld him. His looks, his sermons, his
acts, and his heroism live in the hearts of his race, on
<pb id="brown72" n="72"/>
every cotton, sugar, and rice plantation at the south.
The present generation of slaves have a superstitious
veneration for his name, and believe that in another
insurrection Nat Turner will appear and take command.
He foretold that at his death the sun would
refuse to shine, and that there would be signs of disapprobation
given from heaven. And it is true that the
sun was darkened, a storm gathered, and more boisterous
weather had never appeared in Southampton
county than on the day of Nat's execution. The
sheriff, warned by the prisoner, refused to cut the cord
that held the trap. No black man would touch the
rope. A poor old white man, long besotted by drink,
was brought forty miles to be the executioner. And
even the planters, with all their prejudice and hatred,
believed him honest and sincere; for Mr. Gray, who
had known Nat from boyhood, and to whom he made
his confession, says of him,—</p>
          <p>“It has been said that he was ignorant and cowardly,
and that his object was to murder and rob, for the
purpose of obtaining money to make his escape. It is
notorious that he was never known to have a dollar
in his life, to swear an oath, or drink a drop of spirits.
As to his ignorance, he certainly never had the
advantages of education; but he can read and write,
and for natural intelligence and quickness of apprehension,
is surpassed by few men I have ever seen.
As to his being a coward, his reason, as given, for not
resisting Mr. Phipps, shows the decision of his character.
When he saw Mr. Phipps present his gun, he
said he knew it was impossible for him to escape, as
the woods were full of men; he therefore thought it
was better for him to surrender, and trust to fortune
<pb id="brown73" n="73"/>
for his escape. He is a complete fanatic, or plays his
part most admirably. On other subjects he possesses
an uncommon share of intelligence, with a mind capable
of attaining any thing, but warped and perverted
by the influence of early impressions. He is below
the ordinary stature, though strong and active; having
the true negro face, every feature of which is strongly
marked. I shall not attempt to describe the effect of
his narrative, as told and commented on by himself,
in the condemned hole of the prison; the calm, deliberate
composure with which he spoke of his late deeds
and intentions; the expressions of his fiend-like face,
when excited by enthusiasm—still bearing the stains
of the blood of helpless innocence about him, clothed
with rags and covered with chains, yet daring to raise
his manacled hands to heaven, with a spirit soaring
above the attributes of man; I looked on him, and
the blood curdled in my veins.”</p>
          <p>Well might he feel the blood curdle in his veins,
when he remembered that in every southern household
there may be a Nat Turner, in whose soul God
has lighted a torch of liberty that cannot be extinguished
by the hand of man. The slaveholder should
understand that he lives upon a volcano, which may
burst forth at any moment, and give freedom to his
victim.</p>
          <lg>
            <l>“Great God, hasten on the glad jubilee,</l>
            <l>When my brother in bonds shall arise and be free,</l>
            <l>And our blotted escutcheon be washed from its stains,</l>
            <l>Now the scorn of the world—four millions in chains!</l>
            <l>O, then shall Columbia's proud flag be unfurled,</l>
            <l>The glory of freemen, and pride of the world,</l>
            <l>While earth's strolling millions point hither in glee,</l>
            <l>‘To the land of the brave and the home of the free!’”</l>
          </lg>
          <pb id="brown74" n="74"/>
          <p>Fifty-five whites and seventy-three blacks lost their
lives in the Southampton rebellion. On the fatal
night when Nat and his companions were dealing
death to all they found, Captain Harris, a wealthy
planter, had his life saved by the devotion and timely
warning of his slave Jim, said to have been half-brother
to his master. After the revolt had been put
down, and parties of whites were out hunting the
suspected blacks, Captain Harris, with his faithful slave,
went into the woods in search of the negroes. In
saving his master's life, Jim felt that he had done his
duty, and could not consent to become a betrayer of
his race, and, on reaching the woods, he handed his
pistol to his master, and said, “I cannot help you hunt
down these men; they, like myself, want to be free.
Sir, I am tired of the life of a slave; please give me
my freedom, or shoot me on the spot.” Captain Harris
took the weapon and pointed it at the slave. Jim,
putting his right hand upon his heart, said,  “This is
the spot; aim here.” The captain fired, and the slave
fell dead at his foot.</p>
          <p>From this insurrection, and other manifestations of
insubordination by the slave population, the southern
people, if they are wise, should learn a grave lesson;
for the experience of the past might give them some
clew to the future.</p>
          <p>Thirty years' free discussion has materially changed
public opinion in the non-slaveholding states, and a
negro insurrection, in the present excited state of the
nation, would not receive the condemnation that it did
in 1831. The right of man to the enjoyment of
freedom is a settled point; and where he is deprived of
this, without any criminal act of his own, it is his duty
to regain his liberty at every cost.</p>
          <pb id="brown75" n="75"/>
          <p>If the oppressor is struck down in the contest, his
fall will be a just one, and all the world will applaud
the act.</p>
          <p>This is a new era, and we are in the midst of the
most important crisis that our country has yet
witnessed. And in the crisis the negro is an important
item. Every eye is now turned towards the south,
looking for another Nat Turner.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>MADISON WASHINGTON.</head>
          <p>AMONG the great number of fugitive slaves who
arrived in Canada towards the close of the year 1840,
was one whose tall figure, firm step, and piercing eye
attracted at once the attention of all who beheld him.
Nature had