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        <title><emph>NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS,</emph> 
<emph>AN AMERICAN SLAVE. Written by Himself: </emph>
Electronic Edition.</title>
        <author>Frederick Douglass, 1818-1895</author>
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        <pubPlace>University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, </pubPlace>
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teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability 
is included in the text.</p>
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        <note anchored="yes">Call number E 449 D746 1845 
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<title>Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave</title>
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    <front>
      <div1 type="cover image">
        <p>
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            <p>[Cover Image]</p>
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      <div1 type="frontispiece image">
        <p>
          <figure id="frontis" entity="douglfp">
            <p>Frederick Douglass<lb/>[Frontispiece Image]</p>
          </figure>
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      </div1>
      <div1 type="title page image">
        <p>
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            <p>[Title Page Image]</p>
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            <p>[Title Page Verso Image]</p>
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      </div1>
      <titlePage>
        <docTitle>
          <titlePart type="main">NARRATIVE
<lb/>
OF THE
<lb/>
LIFE
<lb/>
OF
<lb/>
FREDERICK DOUGLASS,
<lb/>
AN
<lb/>
AMERICAN SLAVE.</titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <docAuthor>WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.</docAuthor>
        <docImprint><pubPlace>BOSTON:</pubPlace>
<publisher>PUBLISHED AT THE ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE,<lb/>
No. 25 CORNHILL</publisher>
<docDate>1845.</docDate></docImprint>
        <pb id="douglassverso" n="verso"/>
        <docImprint>Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1845,
<lb/>
BY FREDERERICK DOUGLASS,
<lb/>
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.</docImprint>
      </titlePage>
      <div1 type="preface">
        <pb id="douglassiii" n="iii"/>
        <head>PREFACE.</head>
        <p>IN the month of August, 1841, I attended an
antislavery convention in Nantucket, at which it was my
happiness to become acquainted with FREDERICK
DOUGLASS, the writer of the following Narrative.
He was a stranger to nearly every member of that body;
but, having recently made his escape from the southern
prison-house of bondage, and feeling his curiosity excited
to ascertain the principles and measures of the
abolitionists,—of whom he had heard a somewhat vague
description while he was a slave,—he was induced to give
his attendance, on the occasion alluded to, though at that
time a resident in New Bedford.</p>
        <p>Fortunate, most fortunate occurrence!—fortunate
for the millions of his manacled brethren, yet panting
for deliverance from their awful thraldom!—fortunate
for the cause of negro emancipation, and of universal
liberty!—fortunate for the land of his birth, which he
has already done so much to save and bless!—fortunate
for a large circle of friends and acquaintances,
whose sympathy and affection he has strongly secured
by the many sufferings he has endured, by his virtuous
traits of character, by his ever-abiding remembrance
of those who are in bonds, as being bound with them!
—fortunate for the multitudes, in various parts of our
republic, whose minds he has enlightened on the subject
of slavery, and who have been melted to tears by
his pathos, or roused to virtuous indignation by his stirring
eloquence against the enslavers of men!—fortunate
for himself, as it at once brought him into the
<pb id="douglassiv" n="iv"/>
field of public usefulness, “gave the world assurance of a
MAN,” quickened the slumbering energies of his soul, and
consecrated him to the great work of breaking the rod of
the oppressor, and letting the oppressed go free!</p>
        <p>I shall never forget his first speech at the convention—the
extraordinary emotion it excited in my own mind—the
powerful impression it created upon a crowded auditory,
completely taken by surprise—the applause which
followed from the beginning to the end of his
felicitous remarks. I think I never hated slavery so
intensely as at that moment; certainly, my perception
of the enormous outrage which is inflicted by it, on
the godlike nature of its victims, was rendered far more
clear than ever. There stood one, in physical proportion
and stature commanding and exact—in intellect richly
endowed—in natural eloquence a prodigy—in soul manifestly
“created but a little lower than the angels”—yet a slave,
ay, a fugitive slave,—trembling for his safety, hardly daring
to believe that on the American soil, a single white person
could be found who would befriend him at all hazards, for
the love of God and humanity! Capable of high attainments as
an intellectual and moral being—needing nothing but a
comparatively small amount of cultivation to make him an
ornament to society and a blessing to his race
—by the law of the land, by the voice of the people,
by the terms of the slave code, he was only a piece of 
property, a beast of burden, a chattel personal, nevertheless!</p>
        <p>A beloved friend from New Bedford prevailed on Mr.
DOUGLASS to address the convention. He came forward
to the platform with a hesitancy and embarrassment,
necessarily the attendants of a sensitive mind in such a
novel position. After apologizing for his
ignorance, and reminding the audience that slavery
was a poor school for the human intellect and heart,
<pb id="douglassv" n="v"/>
he proceeded to narrate some of the facts in his own
history as a slave, and in the course of his speech gave
utterance to many noble thoughts and thrilling reflections.
As soon as he had taken his seat, filled with
hope and admiration, I rose, and declared that PATRICK
HENRY, of revolutionary fame, never made a speech
more eloquent in the cause of liberty, than the one we
had just listened to from the lips of that hunted fugitive.
So I believed at that time,—such is my belief
now. I reminded the audience of the peril which surrounded
this self-emancipated young man at the North,
—even in Massachusetts, on the soil of the Pilgrim
Fathers, among the descendants of revolutionary sires; and
I appealed to them, whether they would ever allow him to
be carried back into slavery,—law or no law,
constitution or no constitution. The response was
unanimous and in thunder-tones—“NO!” “Will you
succor and protect him as a brother-man—a resident of
the old Bay State?” “YES!” shouted the whole mass, with
an energy so startling, that the ruthless tyrants south of
Mason and Dixon's line might almost have heard the
mighty burst of feeling, and recognized it as the pledge of
an invincible determination, on the part of those who gave
it, never to betray him that wanders, but to hide the
outcast, and firmly to abide the consequences.</p>
        <p>It was at once deeply impressed upon my mind, that,
if Mr. DOUGLASS could be persuaded to consecrate his
time and talents to the promotion of the anti-slavery
enterprise, a powerful impetus would be given to it, and a
stunning blow at the same time inflicted on northern
prejudice against a colored complexion. I therefore
endeavored to instil hope and courage into his mind, in
order that he might dare to engage in a vocation so
anomalous and responsible for a person in his situation;
and I was seconded in this effort by warm-hearted friends,
especially by the late General
<pb id="douglassvi" n="vi"/>
Agent of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, Mr.
JOHN A. COLLINS, whose judgment in this instance entirely
coincided with my own. At first, he could give no
encouragement; with unfeigned diffidence, he expressed his
conviction that he was not adequate to the performance of
so great a task; the path marked out was wholly an
untrodden one; he was sincerely apprehensive that he
should do more harm than good. After much deliberation,
however, he consented to make a trial; and ever since that
period, he has acted as a lecturing agent, under the
auspices either of the American or the Massachusetts
Anti-Slavery Society. In labors he has been most
abundant; and his success in combating prejudice, in
gaining proselytes, in agitating the public mind, has far
surpassed the most sanguine expectations that were raised
at the commencement of his brilliant career. He has borne
himself with gentleness and meekness, yet with true
manliness of character. As a public speaker, he excels in
pathos, wit, comparison, imitation, strength of reasoning,
and fluency of language. There is in him that union of
head and heart, which is indispensable to an enlightenment
of the heads and a winning of the hearts of others. May his
strength continue to be equal to his day! May he continue
to “grow in grace, and in the knowledge of God,” that he
may be increasingly serviceable in the cause of bleeding
humanity, whether at home or abroad!</p>
        <p>It is certainly a very remarkable fact, that one of the
most efficient advocates of the slave population, now
before the public, is a fugitive slave, in the person of
FREDERICK DOUGLASS; and that the free colored population of
the United States are as ably represented by one of their
own number, in the person of CHARLES LENOX
REMOND, whose eloquent appeals have extorted the
highest applause of multitudes on both sides of the
Atlantic. Let the calumniators of the colored
<pb id="douglassvii" n="vii"/>
race despise themselves for their baseness and illiberality
of spirit, and henceforth cease to talk of the natural
inferiority of those who require nothing but time and
opportunity to attain to the highest point of human
excellence.</p>
        <p>It may, perhaps, be fairly questioned, whether any
other portion of the population of the earth could have
endured the privations, sufferings and horrors of slavery,
without having become more degraded in the scale of
humanity than the slaves of African descent. Nothing has
been left undone to cripple their intellects, darken their
minds, debase their moral nature, obliterate all traces of
their relationship to mankind; and yet how wonderfully
they have sustained the mighty load of a most frightful
bondage, under which they have been groaning for
centuries! To illustrate the effect of slavery on the white
man,—to show that he has no powers of endurance, in such
a condition, superior to those of his black brother, —
DANIEL O'CONNELL, the distinguished advocate of
universal emancipation, and the mightiest champion of
prostrate but not conquered Ireland, relates the following
anecdote in a speech delivered by him in the Conciliation
Hall, Dublin, before the Loyal National Repeal
Association, March 31, 1845. “No matter,” said Mr.
O'CONNELL, “under what specious term it may disguise
itself, slavery is still hideous. <hi rend="italics">It has a natural, an inevitable
tendency to brutalize every noble faculty of man.</hi> An
American sailor, who was cast away on the shore of
Africa, where he was kept in slavery for three years, was,
at the expiration of that period, found to be imbruted and
stultified—he had lost all reasoning power; and having
forgotten his native language, could only utter some savage
gibberish between Arabic and English, which nobody could
understand, and which even he himself found difficulty in
pronouncing. So much for the humanizing influence of 
THE DOMESTIC INSTITUTION!”
<pb id="douglassviii" n="viii"/>
Admitting this to have been an extraordinary case of mental
deterioration, it proves at least that the white slave can sink as
low in the scale of humanity as the black one.</p>
        <p>Mr. DOUGLASS has very properly chosen to write his own
Narrative, in his own style, and according to the best of his
ability, rather than to employ some one else. It
is, therefore, entirely his own production; and, considering
how long and dark was the career he had to run as a slave,
—how few have been his opportunities to
improve his mind since he broke his iron fetters
—it is, in my judgment, highly creditable to his head and
heart. He who can peruse it without a tearful eye, a
heaving breast, an afflicted spirit,—without being
filled with an unutterable abhorrence of slavery and
all its abettors, and animated with a determination to
seek the immediate overthrow of that execrable system,
—without trembling for the fate of this country
in the hands of a righteous God, who is ever on the
side of the oppressed, and whose arm is not shortened
that it cannot save,—must have a flinty heart, and be
qualified to act the part of a trafficker “in slaves and
the souls of men.” I am confident that it is essentially
true in all its statements; that nothing has been
set down in malice, nothing exaggerated, nothing drawn
from the imagination; that it comes short of the reality,
rather than overstates a single fact in regard to
SLAVERY AS IT IS. The experience of FREDERICK
DOUGLASS, as a slave, was not a peculiar one; his lot
was not especially a hard one; his case may be regarded
as a very fair specimen of the treatment of
slaves in Maryland, in which State it is conceded that they
are better fed and less cruelly treated than in Georgia,
Alabama, or Louisiana. Many have suffered incomparably
more, while very few on the plantations have suffered less,
than himself. Yet how deplorable was his situation! what
terrible chastisements were
<pb id="douglassix" n="ix"/>
inflicted upon his person! what still more shocking
outrages were perpetrated upon his mind! with all his
noble powers and sublime aspirations, how like a brute
was he treated, even by those professing to have the same
mind in them that was in Christ Jesus! to what
dreadful liabilities was he continually subjected! how
destitute of friendly counsel and aid, even in his
greatest extremities! how heavy was the midnight of woe
which shrouded in blackness the last ray of hope,
and filled the future with terror and gloom! what longings
after freedom took possession of his breast,
and how his misery augmented, in proportion as he grew
reflective and intelligent,—thus demonstrating that a
happy slave is an extinct man! how he thought, reasoned,
felt, under the lash of the driver, with the
chains upon his limbs! what perils he encountered in his
endeavors to escape from his horrible doom! and how
signal have been his deliverance and preservation in the midst of a
nation of pitiless enemies!</p>
        <p>This Narrative contains many affecting incidents,
many passages of great eloquence and power; but I think
the most thrilling one of them all is the description
DOUGLASS gives of his feelings, as he stood soliloquizing
respecting his fate, and the chances of his one
day being a freeman, on the banks of the Chesapeake Bay
—viewing the receding vessels as they flew
with their white wings before the breeze, and apostrophizing
them as animated by the living spirit of freedom. Who can read
that passage, and be insensible
to its pathos and sublimity? Compressed into it is a
whole Alexandrian library of thought, feeling, and
sentiment—all that can, all that need be urged, in the form
of expostulation, entreaty, rebuke, against that
crime of crimes,—making man the property of his
fellow-man! O, how accursed is that system, which entombs the
godlike mind of man, defaces the divine image, reduces
those who by creation were crowned
<pb id="douglassx" n="x"/>
with glory and honor to a level with four-footed beasts,
and exalts the dealer in human flesh above all that is called
God! Why should its existence be prolonged one hour? Is
it not evil, only evil, and that continually? What does its
presence imply but the absence of all fear of God, all
regard for man, on the part of the people of the United
States? Heaven speed its eternal overthrow!</p>
        <p>So profoundly ignorant of the nature of slavery are many
persons, that they are stubbornly incredulous whenever
they read or listen to any recital of the cruelties which are
daily inflicted on its victims. They do not deny that the 
slaves are held as property; but that terrible fact seems to
convey to their minds no idea of injustice, exposure to
outrage, or savage barbarity. Tell them of cruel scourgings,
of mutilations and brandings, of scenes of pollution and
blood, of the banishment of all light and knowledge, and
they affect to be greatly indignant at such enormous 
exaggerations, such wholesale misstatements, such abominable
libels on the character of the southern planters! As
if all these direful outrages were not the natural results
of slavery! As if it were less cruel to reduce a human
being to the condition of a thing, than to give him
a severe flagellation, or to deprive him of necessary
food and clothing! As if whips, chains, thumb-screws,
paddles, bloodhounds, overseers, drivers, patrols, were
not all indispensable to keep the slaves down, and to
give protection to their ruthless oppressors! As if,
when the marriage institution is abolished, concubinage,
adultery, and incest, must not necessarily abound; when
all the rights of humanity are annihilated, any barrier
remains to protect the victim from the fury of the
spoiler; when absolute power is assumed over life and
liberty, it will not be wielded with destructive sway!
Skeptics of this character abound in society. In some
few instances, their incredulity arises from a want of
<pb id="douglassxi" n="xi"/>
reflection; but, generally, it indicates a hatred of the light,
a desire to shield slavery from the assaults of its foes, a
contempt of the colored race, whether bond or free. Such
will try to discredit the shocking tales of slaveholding
cruelty which are recorded in this truthful Narrative; but
they will labor in vain. Mr. DOUGLASS has frankly disclosed
the place of his birth, the names of those who claimed
ownership in his body and soul, and the names also of
those who committed the crimes which he has alleged
against them. His statements, therefore, may easily be
disproved, if they are untrue.</p>
        <p>In the course of his Narrative, he relates two instances
of murderous cruelty,—in one of which a planter
deliberately shot a slave belonging to a neighboring
plantation, who had unintentionally gotten within his
lordly domain in quest of fish; and in the other, an
overseer blew out the brains of a slave who had fled to a
stream of water to escape a bloody scourging. Mr.
DOUGLASS states that in neither of these instances was any
thing done by way of legal arrest or judicial investigation.
The Baltimore American, of March 17, 1845, relates a
similar case of atrocity, perpetrated with similar impunity
—as follows:—“<hi rend="italics">Shooting a Slave.</hi>—We learn, upon the
authority of a letter from Charles county, Maryland,
received by a gentleman of this city, that a young man,
named Matthews, a nephew of General Matthews, and
whose father, it is believed, holds an office at Washington,
killed one of the slaves upon his father's farm by shooting
him. The letter states that young Matthews had been left
in charge of the farm; that he gave an order to the servant,
which was disobeyed, when he proceeded to the house,
<hi rend="italics">obtained a gun, and, returning, shot the servant.</hi> He
immediately, the letter continues, fled to his father's
residence, where he still remains unmolested.”—Let it never
be forgotten, that no slaveholder or
<pb id="douglassxii" n="xii"/>
overseer can be convicted of any outrage perpetrated on
the person of a slave, however diabolical it may be, on the
testimony of colored witnesses, whether bond or free. By
the slave code, they are adjudged to be as incompetent to
testify against a white man, as though they were indeed a
part of the brute creation. Hence, there is no legal
protection in fact, whatever there may be in form, for the
slave population; and any amount of cruelty may be
inflicted on them with impunity. Is it possible for the
human mind to conceive of a more horrible state of
society?</p>
        <p>The effect of a religious profession on the conduct of
southern masters is vividly described in the following
Narrative, and shown to be any thing but salutary. In the
nature of the case, it must be in the highest degree
pernicious. The testimony of Mr. DOUGLASS, on
this point, is sustained by a cloud of witnesses, whose
veracity is unimpeachable. “A slaveholder's profession of
Christianity is a palpable imposture. He is a
felon of the highest grade. He is a man-stealer. It is of no
importance what you put in the other scale.”</p>
        <p>Reader! are you with the man-stealers in sympathy
and purpose, or on the side of their down-trodden victims?
If with the former, then are you the foe of God and man.
If with the latter, what are you prepared to do and dare in
their behalf? Be faithful, be vigilant, be untiring in your
efforts to break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free.
Come what may—cost what it may—inscribe on the banner
which you unfurl to the breeze, as your religious and political motto 
—“NO COMPROMISE WITH SLAVERY! NO UNION WITH
SLAVEHOLDERS!”</p>
        <closer><signed>WM. LLOYD GARRISON.</signed>
<dateline><date>BOSTON, <hi rend="italics">May</hi> 1, 1845.</date></dateline></closer>
      </div1>
      <pb id="douglassxiii" n="xiii"/>
      <div1 type="letter">
        <head>LETTER</head>
        <head>FROM WENDELL PHILLIPS, ESQ.</head>
        <q direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <opener><dateline><date>BOSTON, <hi rend="italics">April 22</hi>, 1845.</date></dateline>
<salute>My Dear Friend:</salute></opener>
                <p>You remember the old fable of “The Man and
the Lion,” where the lion complained that he should
not be so misrepresented “when the lions write
history.”</p>
                <p>I am glad the time has come when the “lions write
history.” We have been left long enough to gather
character of slavery from the involuntary evidence of the
masters. One might, indeed, rest sufficiently satisfied with
what, it is evident, must be, in general the results of such
a relation, without seeking farther to find whether they
have followed in every instance. Indeed, those who stare
at the half-peck of corn a week, and love to count the
lashes on the slave's back, are seldom the “stuff ” out of
which reformers and abolitionists are to be made. I
remember that, in 1838, many were waiting for the results
of the West India experiment, before they could come
into our ranks. Those “results” have come long ago; but, alas! few of
that number have come with them, as converts. A man must
be disposed to judge of emancipation by other tests
than whether it has increased the produce of sugar,—and
to hate slavery for other reasons because it starves
men and whips, women,—before he is ready to lay the
first stone of his anti-slavery life<corr>.</corr>
<pb id="douglassxiv" n="xiv"/>
I was glad to learn, in your story, how early the most
neglected of God's children waken to a sense of their
rights, and of the injustice done them. Experience is a keen
teacher; and long before you had mastered your A B C, or
knew where the “white sails” of the Chesapeake were
bound, you began, I see, to gauge the wretchedness of the
slave, not by his hunger and want, not by his lashes and
toil, but by the cruel and blighting death which gathers
over his soul.</p>
                <p>In connection with this, there is one circumstance
which makes your recollections peculiarly valuable, and
renders your early insight the more remarkable. You come
from that part of the country where we are told slavery
appears with its fairest features. Let us hear, then, what it
is at its best estate—gaze on its bright side, if it has one;
and then imagination may task her powers to add dark
lines to the picture, as she travels southward to that (for
the colored man) Valley of the Shadow of Death, where
the Mississippi sweeps along.</p>
                <p>Again, we have known you long, and can put the most
entire confidence in your truth, candor, and sincerity.
Every one who has heard you speak has felt, and, I am
confident, every one who reads your book will feel,
persuaded that you give them a fair specimen of the whole
truth. No one-sided portrait,—no wholesale complaints,—
but strict justice done, whenever individual kindliness has
neutralized, for a moment, the deadly system with which
it was strangely allied. You have been with us, too, some
years, and can fairly compare the twilight of rights, which
your race enjoy at the North, with that “noon of night”
under which they labor south of Mason and Dixon's line.
Tell us whether, after all, the half-free colored man of
Massachusetts is worse off than the pampered slave of
the rice swamps!</p>
                <p>In reading your life, no one can say that we have
<pb id="douglassxv" n="xv"/>
unfairly picked out some rare specimens of cruelty. We
know that the bitter drops, which even you have drained
from the cup, are no incidental aggravations, no individual
ills, but such as must mingle always and necessarily in the
lot of every slave. They are the essential ingredients, not
the occasional results, of the system.</p>
                <p>After all, I shall read your book with trembling for you.
Some years ago, when you were beginning to tell me your
real name and birthplace, you may remember I stopped
you, and preferred to remain ignorant of all. With the
exception of a vague description, so I continued, till the
other day, when you read me your memoirs. I hardly
knew, at the time, whether to thank you or not for the
sight of them, when I reflected that it was still dangerous,
in Massachusetts, for honest men to tell their names!
They say the fathers, in 1776, signed the Declaration of
Independence with the halter about their necks. You, too,
publish your declaration of freedom with danger
compassing you around. In all the broad lands which the
Constitution of the United States overshadows, there is
no single spot,—however narrow or desolate,—where
a fugitive slave can plant himself and say, “I am safe.”
The whole armory of Northern Law has no shield for you.
I am free to say that, in your place, I should throw the
MS. into the fire.</p>
                <p>You, perhaps, may tell your story in safety, endeared
as you are to so many warm hearts by rare gifts, and a
still rarer devotion of them to the service of others. But it
will be owing only to your labors, and the fearless efforts
of those who, trampling the laws and Constitution of
the country under their feet, are determined that they will
“hide the outcast,” and that their hearths shall be, spite of
the law, an asylum for the oppressed, if, some time or
other, the humblest may stand in our
<pb id="douglassxvi" n="xvi"/>
streets, and bear witness in safety against the cruelties
of which he has been the victim.</p>
                <p>Yet it is sad to think, that these very throbbing hearts
which welcome your story, and form your best safeguard
in telling it, are all beating contrary to the “statute in such
case made and provided.” Go on, my dear friend, till you,
and those who, like you, have been saved, so as by fire,
from the dark prison-house, shall stereotype these free,
illegal pulses into statutes; and New England, cutting
loose from a blood-stained Union, shall glory in being the
house of refuge for the oppressed;—till we no longer
merely “<hi rend="italics">hide</hi> the outcast,” or make a merit of standing
idly by while he is hunted in our midst; but, consecrating
anew the soil of the Pilgrims as an asylum for the
oppressed, proclaim our <hi rend="italics">welcome</hi> to the slave so loudly,
that the tones shall reach every hut in the Carolinas, and
make the broken-hearted bondman leap up at the thought
of old Massachusetts.</p>
                <p>God speed the day!</p>
                <closer><salute>Till then, and ever,
<lb/>
Yours truly,</salute>
<signed>WENDELL PHILLIPS.</signed>
<salute>FREDERICK DOUGLASS.</salute></closer>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="douglass1" n="1"/>
        <head>CHAPTER I.</head>
        <p>I WAS born in Tuckahoe, near Hillsborough, and
about twelve miles from Easton, in Talbot county,
Maryland. I have no accurate knowledge of my age,
never having seen any authentic record containing it. By
far the larger part of the slaves know as little of their ages
as horses know of theirs, and it is the wish of most
masters within my knowledge to keep their slaves thus
ignorant. I do not remember to have ever met a slave who
could tell of his birthday. They seldom come nearer to it
than planting-time, harvest-time, cherry-time, spring-time,
or fall-time. A want of information concerning my own
was a source of unhappiness to me even during childhood.
The white children could tell their ages. I could not tell
why I ought to be deprived of the same privilege. I was
not allowed to make any inquiries of my master concerning
it. He deemed all such inquiries on the part
of a slave improper and impertinent, and evidence of
<pb id="douglass2" n="2"/>
a restless spirit. The nearest estimate I can give makes me
now between twenty-seven and twenty-eight years of age.
I come to this, from hearing my master say,
some time during 1835, I was about seventeen years old.</p>
        <p>My mother was named Harriet Bailey. She was the
daughter of Isaac and Betsey Bailey, both colored, and
quite dark. My mother was of a darker complexion than
either my grandmother or grandfather.</p>
        <p>My father was a white man. He was admitted to be such
by all I ever heard speak of my parentage. The opinion
was also whispered that my master was my father; but of
the correctness of this opinion, I know nothing; the means
of knowing was withheld from me. My mother and I were
separated when I was but an infant—before I knew her as
my mother. It is a common custom, in the part of
Maryland from which I ran away, to part children from
their mothers at a very early age. Frequently, before the
child has reached its twelfth month, its mother is taken
from it, and hired out on some farm a considerable distance
off, and the child is placed under the care of an old woman,
too old for field labor. For what this separation is done, I
do not know, unless it be to hinder the development of the
child's affection toward its mother, and to blunt and
destroy the natural affection of the mother for the child.
This is the inevitable result.</p>
        <p>I never saw my mother, to know her as such, more than
four or five times in my life; and each of these times was
very short in duration, and at night. She was hired by a
Mr. Stewart, who lived about twelve
<pb id="douglass3" n="3"/>
miles from my home. She made her journeys to see me in
the night, travelling the whole distance on foot, after the
performance of her day's work. She was a field hand, and a
whipping is the penalty of not being in the field at sunrise,
unless a slave has special permission from his or her master
to the contrary—a permission which they seldom get, and
one that gives to him that gives it the proud name of being a
kind master. I do not recollect of ever seeing my mother by
the light of day. She was with me in the night. She would lie
down with me, and get me to sleep, but long before I waked
she was gone. Very little communication ever took place
between us. Death soon ended what little we could have
while she lived, and with it her hardships and suffering. She
died when I was about seven years old, on one of my
master's farms, near Lee's Mill. I was not allowed to be
present during her illness, at her death, or burial. She was
gone long before I knew any thing about it. Never having
enjoyed, to any considerable extent, her soothing presence,
her tender and watchful care, I received the tidings of her
death with much the same emotions I should have probably
felt at the death of a stranger.</p>
        <p>Called thus suddenly away, she left me without the
slightest intimation of who my father was. The whisper
that my master was my father, may or may not be true;
and, true or false, it is of but little consequence to my
purpose whilst the fact remains, in all its glaring
odiousness, that slaveholders have ordained, and by law
established, that the children of slave women shall in all
cases follow the condition of their
<pb id="douglass4" n="4"/>
mothers; and this is done too obviously to administer to
their own lusts, and make a gratification of their wicked
desires profitable as well as pleasurable; for by this
cunning arrangement, the slaveholder, in cases not a few,
sustains to his slaves the double relation of master and father.</p>
        <p>I know of such cases; and it is worthy of remark that such slaves
invariably suffer greater hardships, and have more to
contend with, than others. They are, in the first place, a
constant offence to their mistress. She is ever disposed to
find fault with them; they can seldom do any thing to
please her; she is never better pleased than when she sees
them under the lash, especially when she suspects her
husband of showing to his mulatto children favors which
he withholds from his black slaves. The master is
frequently compelled to sell this class of his slaves, out of
deference to the feelings of his white wife; and, cruel as
the deed may strike any one to be, for a man to sell his
own children to human flesh-mongers, it is often the
dictate of humanity for him to do so; for, unless he does
this, he must not only whip them himself, but must stand
by and see one white son tie up his brother, of but few
shades darker complexion than himself, and ply the
gory lash to his naked back; and if he lisp one word of
disapproval, it is set down to his parental partiality,
and only makes a bad matter worse, both for
himself and the slave whom he would protect and
defend.</p>
        <p>Every year brings with it multitudes of this class of
slaves. It was doubtless in consequence of a knowledge
of this fact, that one great statesman of the south
<pb id="douglass5" n="5"/>
predicted the downfall of slavery by the inevitable laws of
population. Whether this prophecy is ever fulfilled, or not,
it is nevertheless plain that a very different-looking class of
people are springing up at the south, and are now held in
slavery, from those originally brought to this country from
Africa; and if their increase will do no other good, it will do
away the force of the argument, that God cursed Ham, and
therefore American slavery is right. If the lineal
descendants of Ham are alone to be scripturally enslaved,
it is certain that slavery at the south must soon become
unscriptural; for thousands are ushered into the world,
annually, who, like myself, owe their existence to white
fathers, and those fathers most frequently their own
masters.</p>
        <p>I have had two masters. My first master's name was
Anthony. I do not remember his first name. He was
generally called Captain Anthony—a title which, I
presume, he acquired by sailing a craft on the Chesapeake
Bay. He was not considered a rich slaveholder. He owned
two or three farms, and about thirty slaves. His farms and
slaves were under the care of an overseer. The overseer's
name was Plummer. Mr. Plummer was a miserable
drunkard, a profane swearer, and a savage monster. He
always went armed with a cowskin and a heavy cudgel. I
have known him to cut and slash the women's heads so
horribly, that even master would be enraged at his cruelty,
and would threaten to whip him if he did not mind himself.
Master, however, was not a humane slaveholder. It
required extraordinary barbarity on the part of an
overseer to affect him. He was a cruel
<pb id="douglass6" n="6"/>
man, hardened by a long life of slaveholding. He would at
times seem to take great pleasure in whipping a slave. I
have often been awakened at the dawn of
day by the most heart-rending shrieks of an own aunt
of mine, whom he used to tie up to a joist, and whip
upon her naked back till she was literally covered
with blood. No words, no tears, no prayers, from his gory
victim, seemed to move his iron heart from its bloody
purpose. The louder she screamed, the harder he whipped;
and where the blood ran fastest, there he whipped
longest. He would whip her to make her scream, and whip
her to make her hush; and not until overcome by fatigue,
would he cease to swing the blood-clotted cowskin. I
remember the first time I ever witnessed this horrible
exhibition. I was quite a child, but I well remember it. I
never shall forget it whilst I remember any thing. It was
the first of a long series of such outrages, of which I was
doomed to be a witness and a participant. It struck me
with awful force. It was the blood-stained gate, the
entrance to the hell of slavery, through which I was about
to pass. It was a most terrible spectacle. I wish I could
commit to paper the feelings with which I beheld it.</p>
        <p>This occurrence took place very soon after I went to
live with my old master, and under the following
circumstances. Aunt Hester went out one night,—where or
for what I do not know,—and happened to be absent
when my master desired her presence. He had ordered her
not to go out evenings, and warned her that she must
never let him catch her in company with a young man,
who was paying attention to her,
<pb id="douglass7" n="7"/>
belonging to Colonel Lloyd. The young man's name was
Ned Roberts, generally called Lloyd's Ned. Why master
was so careful of her, may be safely left to conjecture. She
was a woman of noble form, and of graceful proportions,
having very few equals, and fewer superiors, in personal
appearance, among the colored or white women of our
neighborhood.</p>
        <p>Aunt Hester had not only disobeyed his orders in going
out, but had been found in company with Lloyd's Ned;
which circumstance, I found, from what he said while
whipping her, was the chief offence. Had he been a man of
pure morals himself, he might have been thought interested
in protecting the innocence of my aunt; but those who
knew him will not suspect him of any such virtue. Before
he commenced whipping Aunt Hester, he took her into the
kitchen, and stripped her from neck to waist, leaving her
neck, shoulders, and back, entirely naked. He then told her
to cross her hands, calling her at the same time a d—d b—h.
After crossing her hands, he tied them with a strong rope,
and led her to a stool under a large hook in the joist, put in
for the purpose. He made her get upon the stool, and tied
her hands to the hook. She now stood fair for his infernal
purpose. Her arms were stretched up at their full length, so
that she stood upon the ends of her toes. He then said to
her, “Now, you d—d b—h, I'll learn you how to disobey my
orders!” and after rolling up his sleeves, be commenced to
lay on the heavy cowskin, and soon the warm, red blood
(amid heart-rending shrieks from her, and horrid oaths from
him) came dripping to the floor. I was so terrified and
horror-stricken at the
<pb id="douglass8" n="8"/>
sight, that I hid myself in a closet, and dared not
venture out till long after the bloody transaction was over.
I expected it would be my turn next. It was all new to me.
I had never seen any thing like it before. I had always
lived with my grandmother on the outskirts of the
plantation, where she was put to raise the children of the
younger women. I had therefore been, until now, out of
the way of the bloody scenes that often occurred on the
plantation.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <head>CHAPTER II.</head>
        <p>My master's family consisted of two sons, Andrew and
Richard; one daughter, Lucretia, and her husband, Captain
Thomas Auld. They lived in one house, upon the home
plantation of Colonel Edward Lloyd. My master was
Colonel Lloyd's clerk and superintendent. He was what
might be called the overseer of the overseers. I spent two
years of childhood on this plantation in my old master's
family. It was here that I witnessed the bloody
transaction recorded in the first chapter; and as I received
my first impressions of slavery on this plantation,
I will give some description of
it, and of slavery as it there existed. The plantation is
about twelve miles north of Easton, in Talbot county, and
is situated on the border of Miles River. The principal
products raised upon it were tobacco, corn, and wheat.
These were raised in great abundance;
<pb id="douglass9" n="9"/>
so that, with the products of this and the other
farms belonging to him, he was able to keep in almost
constant employment a large sloop, in carrying them to
market at Baltimore. This sloop was named Sally Lloyd,
in honor of one of the colonel's daughters. My master's
son-in-law, Captain Auld, was master of the vessel; she
was otherwise manned by the colonel's own slaves. Their
names were Peter, Isaac, Rich, and Jake. These were
esteemed very highly by the other slaves, and looked
upon as the privileged ones of the plantation; for it was no
small affair, in the eyes of the slaves, to be allowed to see
Baltimore.</p>
        <p>Colonel Lloyd kept from three to four hundred slaves
on his home plantation, and owned a large number more on
the neighboring farms belonging to him. The names of the
farms nearest to the home plantation were Wye Town and
New Design. “Wye Town” was under the overseership of
a man named Noah Willis. New Design was under the
overseership of a Mr. Townsend. The overseers of these,
and all the rest of the farms, numbering over twenty,
received advice and direction from the managers of the
home plantation. This was the great business place. It was
the seat of government for the whole twenty farms. All
disputes among the overseers were settled here. If a slave
was convicted of any high misdemeanor, became
unmanageable, or evinced a determination to run away, he
was brought immediately here, severely whipped, put on
board the sloop, carried to Baltimore, and sold to Austin
Woolfolk, or some other slave-trader, as a warning to the
slaves remaining.</p>
        <p>Here, too, the slaves of all the other farms received
<pb id="douglass10" n="10"/>
their monthly allowance of food, and their yearly
clothing. The men and women slaves received, as their
monthly allowance of food, eight pounds of pork, or its
equivalent in fish, and one bushel of corn meal Their yearly
clothing consisted of two coarse linen shirts, one pair of
linen trousers, like the shirts, one jacket, one pair of
trousers for winter, made of coarse negro cloth, one pair of
stockings, and one pair of shoes; the whole of which could
not have cost more than seven dollars. The allowance of
the slave children was given to their mothers, or the old
women having the care of them. The children unable to
work in the field had neither shoes, stockings, jackets, nor
trousers, given to them; their clothing consisted of two
coarse linen shirts per year. When these failed them, they
went naked until the next allowance-day. Children from
seven to ten years old, of both sexes, almost naked, might
be seen at all seasons of the year.</p>
        <p>There were no beds given the slaves, unless one coarse
blanket be considered such, and none but the men and
women had these. This, however, is not considered a very
great privation. They find less difficulty from the want of
beds, than from the want of time to sleep; for when their
day's work in the field is done, the most of them having
their washing, mending, and cooking to do, and having few
or none of the ordinary facilities for doing either of these,
very many of their sleeping hours are consumed in
preparing for the field the coming day; and when this is
done, old and young, male and female, married and
single, drop down side by side, on one common bed,—the
cold, damp floor,—each covering himself or herself
<pb id="douglass11" n="11"/>
with their miserable blankets; and here they sleep till they
are summoned to the field by the driver's horn. At the
sound of this, all must rise, and be off to the field. There
must be no halting; every one must be at his or her post;
and woe betides them who hear not this morning summons
to the field; for if they are not awakened by the sense of
hearing, they are by the sense of feeling: no age nor sex
finds any favor. Mr. Severe, the overseer, used to stand by
the door of the quarter, armed with a large hickory stick
and heavy cowskin, ready to whip any one who was so
unfortunate as not to hear, or, from any other cause, was
prevented from being ready to start for the field at the
sound of the horn.</p>
        <p>Mr. Severe was rightly named: he was a cruel man. I
have seen him whip a woman, causing the blood to run
half an hour at the time; and this, too, in the midst of her
crying children, pleading for their mother's release. He
seemed to take pleasure in manifesting his fiendish
barbarity. Added to his cruelty, he was a profane swearer.
It was enough to chill the blood and stiffen the hair of an
ordinary man to hear him talk. Scarce a sentence escaped
him but that was commenced or concluded by some horrid
oath. The field was the place to witness his cruelty and
profanity. His presence made it both the field of blood and
of blasphemy. From the rising till the going down of the
sun, he was cursing, raving, cutting, and slashing among the
slaves of the field, in the most frightful manner. His career
was short. He died very soon after I went to Colonel
Lloyd's; and he died as he lived, uttering, with his dying
groans, bitter
<pb id="douglass12" n="12"/>
curses and horrid oaths. His death was regarded by the
slaves as the result of a merciful providence.</p>
        <p>Mr. Severe's place was filled by a Mr. Hopkins. He
was a very different man. He was less cruel, less profane,
and made less noise, than Mr. Severe. His course was
characterized by no extraordinary demonstrations of
cruelty. He whipped, but seemed to take no pleasure in
it. He was called by the slaves a good overseer.</p>
        <p>The home plantation of Colonel Lloyd wore the
appearance of a country village. All the mechanical
operations for all the farms were performed here. The
shoemaking and mending, the blacksmithing, cartwrighting,
coopering, weaving, and grain-grinding, were all performed
by the slaves on the home plantation. The whole place
wore a business-like aspect very unlike the neighboring
farms. The number of houses, too, conspired to give it
advantage over the neighboring farms. It was called by the slaves the
<hi rend="italics">Great House Farm</hi>. Few privileges were esteemed higher,
by the slaves of the out-farms, than that of
being selected to do errands at the Great House Farm.
It was associated in their minds with greatness. A
representative could not be prouder of his election to a
seat in the American Congress, than a slave on one of
the out-farms would be of his election to do errands at
the Great House Farm. They regarded it as evidence of 
great confidence reposed in them by their
overseers; and it was on this account, as well as a
constant desire to be out of the field from under the
driver's lash, that they esteemed it a high privilege, one
worth careful living for. He was called the smartest
<pb id="douglass13" n="13"/>
and most trusty fellow, who had this honor conferred
upon him the most frequently. The competitors for this
office sought as diligently to please their overseers, as the
office-seekers in the political parties seek to please and
deceive the people. The same traits of character might be
seen in Colonel Lloyd's slaves, as are seen in the slaves of
the political parties.</p>
        <p>The slaves selected to go to the Great House Farm, for
the monthly allowance for themselves and their
fellow-slaves, were peculiarly enthusiastic. While on their way,
they would make the dense old woods, for miles around,
reverberate with their wild songs, revealing
at once the highest joy and the deepest sadness.
They would compose and sing as they went along,
consulting neither time nor tune. The thought that came up,
came out—if not in the word, in the sound;
—and as frequently in the one as in the other. They
would sometimes sing the most pathetic sentiment in the
most rapturous tone, and the most rapturous sentiment in
the most pathetic tone. Into all of their songs they would
manage to weave something of the Great House Farm.
Especially would they do this, when leaving home. They
would then sing most exultingly the following words:—
<q direct="unspecified"><lg type="quote"><l>“I am going away to the Great House Farm! </l><l>O, yea! O, yea! O!”</l></lg></q>
This they would sing, as a chorus, to words which to
many would seem unmeaning jargon, but which,
nevertheless, were full of meaning to themselves. I have
sometimes thought that the mere hearing of those songs
would do more to impress some minds with the
<pb id="douglass14" n="14"/>
horrible character of slavery, than the reading of whole
volumes of philosophy on the subject could do.</p>
        <p>I did not, when a slave, understand the deep meaning
of those rude and apparently incoherent songs.
I was myself within the circle; so that I neither saw
nor heard as those without might see and hear. They
told a tale of woe which was then altogether beyond
my feeble comprehension; they were tones loud, long, and
deep; they breathed the prayer and complaint of souls
boiling over with the bitterest anguish. Every tone was a
testimony against slavery, and a prayer to God for
deliverance from chains. The hearing of those wild notes
always depressed my spirit, and filled me with ineffable
sadness. I have frequently found myself in tears while
hearing them. The mere recurrence to those songs, even
now, afflicts me; and while I am writing these lines, an
expression of feeling has already found its way down my
cheek. To those songs I trace my first glimmering
conception of the dehumanizing character of slavery. I can
never get rid of that conception. Those songs still follow
me, to deepen my hatred of slavery, and quicken my sympathies
for my brethren in bonds. If any one wishes to be
impressed with the soul-killing effects of slavery, let him go
to Colonel Lloyd's plantation, and, on allowance-day, place
himself in the deep pine woods, and there let him, in
silence, analyze the sounds that shall pass through the
chambers of his soul,—and if he is not thus impressed, it
will only be because “there is no flesh in his obdurate
heart.”</p>
        <p>I have often been utterly astonished, since I came to
the north, to find persons who could speak of the singing, 
<pb id="douglass15" n="15"/>
among slaves, as evidence of their contentment
and happiness. It is impossible to conceive of a greater
mistake. Slaves sing most when they are most unhappy.
The songs of the slave represent the sorrows of his heart;
and he is relieved by them, only as an aching heart is
relieved by its tears. At least, such is my experience. I have
often sung to drown my sorrow, but seldom to express my
happiness. Crying for joy, and singing for joy, were alike
uncommon to me while in the jaws of slavery. The singing
of a man cast away upon a desolate island might be as
appropriately considered as evidence of contentment and
happiness, as the singing of a slave; the songs of the one
and of the other are prompted by the same emotion.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <head>CHAPTER III.</head>
        <p>COLONEL LLOYD kept a large and finely cultivated
garden, which afforded almost constant employment for
four men, besides the chief gardener, (Mr. M'Durmond.)
This garden was probably the greatest attraction of
the place. During the summer months, people came from
far and near—from Baltimore, Easton, and Annapolis—to see
it. It abounded in fruits of almost every description, from
the hardy apple of the north to the delicate orange of the
south. This garden was not the least source of trouble on
the plantation. Its excellent fruit was quite a temptation to the hungry
<pb id="douglass16" n="16"/>
swarms of boys, as well as the older slaves, belonging to
the colonel, few of whom had the virtue or the vice to
resist it. Scarcely a day passed, during the summer, but
that some slave had to take the lash for stealing fruit. The
colonel had to resort to all kinds of stratagems to keep his
slaves out of the garden. The last most successful one
was that of tarring his fence all around; after which,
if a slave was caught with any tar upon his person,
it was deemed sufficient proof that
he had either been into the garden, or had tried to get
in. In either case, he was severely whipped by the
chief gardener. This plan worked well; the slaves became
as fearful of <hi rend="italics">tar</hi> as of the lash. They seemed to realize the
impossibility of touching tar without being defiled.</p>
        <p>The colonel also kept a splendid riding equipage. His
stable and carriage-house presented the appearance of
some of our large city livery establishments. His horses
were of the finest form and noblest blood. His carriage-house
contained three splendid coaches, three or four gigs,
besides dearborns and barouches of the most fashionable
style.</p>
        <p>This establishment was under the care of two slaves—
old Barney and young Barney—father and son. To attend
to this establishment was their sole work. But it was by
no means an easy employment; for in nothing was Colonel
Lloyd more particular than in the management of his
horses. The slightest inattention to these was
unpardonable, and was visited upon those, under whose
care they were placed, with the severest punishment; no
excuse could shield them, if the colonel only suspected any
want of attention to his
<pb id="douglass17" n="17"/>
horses—a supposition which he frequently indulged, and
one which, of course, made the office of old and young
Barney a very trying one. They never knew
when they were safe from punishment. They were
frequently whipped when least deserving, and escaped
whipping when most deserving it. Every thing depended
upon the looks of the horses, and the state of Colonel
Lloyd's own mind when his horses were brought to him for
use. If a horse did not move fast enough, or hold his head
high enough, it was owing to some fault of his keepers. It
was painful to stand near the stable-door, and hear the
various complaints against the keepers when a horse was
taken out for use. “This horse has not had proper attention.
He has not been sufficiently rubbed and curried, or he has
not been properly fed; his food was too wet or too dry; he
got it too soon or too late; he was too hot or too cold; he
had too much hay, and not enough of grain; or he had too
much grain, and not enough of hay; instead of old Barney's
attending to the horse, he had very improperly left it to his
son.” To all these complaints, no matter how unjust, the
slave must answer never a word. Colonel Lloyd could not
brook any contradiction from a slave. When he spoke, a
slave must stand, listen, and tremble; and such was literally
the case. I have seen Colonel Lloyd make old Barney, a man
between fifty and sixty years of age, uncover his bald head,
kneel down upon the cold, damp ground, and receive upon
his naked and toil-worn shoulders more than thirty lashes at
the time. Colonel Lloyd had three sons—Edward, Murray,
and Daniel,—and three sons-in-law, Mr. Winder, Mr.
Nicholson, and Mr.
<pb id="douglass18" n="18"/>
Lowndes. All of these lived at the Great House
Farm, and enjoyed the luxury of whipping the servants when
they pleased, from old Barney down to William
Wilkes, the coach-driver. I have seen Winder make
one of the house-servants stand off
from him a suitable distance to be touched with the end of his
whip, and at every stroke raise great ridges upon his back.</p>
        <p>To describe the wealth of Colonel Lloyd would be
almost equal to describing the riches of Job. He kept
from ten to fifteen house-servants. He was said to
own a thousand slaves, and I think this estimate quite
within the truth. Colonel Lloyd owned so many that
he did not know them when he saw them; nor did all
the slaves of the out-farms know him. It is reported
of him, that, while riding along the road one day, he met
a colored man, and addressed him in the usual manner
of speaking to colored people on the public highways
of the south: “Well, boy, whom do you belong to?”
“To Colonel Lloyd,” replied the slave. “Well, does
the colonel treat you well?” “No, sir,” was the
ready reply. “What, does he work you too hard?”
“Yea, sir.” “Well, don't he give you enough to eat?”
“Yes, sir, he gives me enough, such as it is.”</p>
        <p>The colonel, after ascertaining where the slave belonged,
rode on; the man also went on about his
business, not dreaming that be had been conversing
with his master. He thought, said, and heard nothing
more of the matter, until two or three weeks afterwards.
The poor man was then informed by his overseer that,
for having found fault with his master, he
was now to be sold to a Georgia trader. He was 
immediately chained and handcuffed; and thus, without a
<pb id="douglass19" n="19"/>
moment's warning, he was snatched away, and forever
sundered, from his family and friends, by a hand more
unrelenting than death. This is the penalty of telling the
truth, of telling the simple truth, in answer to a series of
plain questions.</p>
        <p>It is partly in consequence of such facts, that slaves,
when inquired of as to their condition and the character of
their masters, almost universally say they are contented, and
that their masters are kind. The slaveholders have been
known to send in spies among their slaves, to ascertain their
views and feelings in regard to their condition. The
frequency of this has had the effect to establish among the
slaves the maxim, that a still tongue makes a wise head.
They suppress the truth rather than take the consequences
of telling it, and in so doing prove themselves a part of the
human family. If they have any thing to say of their masters,
it is generally in their masters' favor, especially when
speaking to an untried man. I have been frequently asked,
when a slave, if I had a kind master, and do not remember
ever to have given a negative answer; nor did I, in pursuing
this course, consider myself as uttering what was absolutely
false; for I always measured the kindness of my master by
the standard of kindness set up among slaveholders around
us. Moreover, slaves are like other people, and imbibe
prejudices quite common to others. They think their own
better than that of others. Many, under the influence of this
prejudice, think their own masters are better than the
masters of other slaves; and this, too, in some cases, when
the very reverse is true. Indeed, it is not uncommon for
slaves even to fall out and
<pb id="douglass20" n="20"/>
quarrel among themselves about the relative goodness of
their masters, each contending for the superior goodness of
his own over that of the others. At the very same time,
they mutually execrate their masters when viewed
separately. It was so on our plantation. When Colonel
Lloyd's slaves met the slaves of Jacob Jepson, they seldom
parted without a quarrel about their masters; Colonel
Lloyd's slaves contending that he was the richest, and Mr.
Jepson's slaves that he was the smartest, and most of a
man. Colonel Lloyd's slaves would boast his ability to buy
and sell Jacob Jepson. Mr. Jepson's slaves would boast his
ability to whip Colonel Lloyd. These quarrels would
almost always end in a fight between the parties, and those
that whipped were supposed to have gained the point at
issue. They seemed to think that the greatness of their
masters was transferable to themselves. It was considered
as being bad enough to be a slave; but to be a poor man's
slave was deemed a disgrace indeed!</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <head>CHAPTER IV.</head>
        <p>MR. HOPKINS remained but a short time in the office
of overseer. Why his career was so short, I do not
know, but suppose he lacked the necessary severity to
suit Colonel Lloyd. Mr. Hopkins was succeeded by
Mr. Austin Gore, a man possessing, in an eminent
degree, all those traits of character indispensable to
<pb id="douglass21" n="21"/>
what is called a first-rate overseer. Mr. Gore had served
Colonel Lloyd, in the capacity of overseer, upon one of the
out-farms, and had shown himself worthy of the high
station of overseer upon the home or Great House Farm.
Mr. Gore was proud, ambitious, and persevering. He was
artful, cruel, and obdurate. He was just the man for such a
place, and it was just the place for such a man. It afforded
scope for the full exercise of all his powers, and he seemed
to be perfectly at home in it. He was one of those who
could torture the slightest look, word, or gesture, on the
part of the slave, into impudence, and would treat it accordingly.
There must be no answering back to him; no explanation
was allowed a slave, showing himself to have
been wrongfully accused. Mr. Gore acted fully up to the
maxim laid down by slaveholders,—“It is
better that a dozen slaves suffer under the lash, than that
the overseer should be convicted, in the presence of the
slaves, of having been at fault.” No matter how innocent a
slave might be—it availed him nothing, when accused by
Mr. Gore of any misdemeanor. To be accused
was to be convicted, and to be convicted was
to be punished; the one always following the other
with immutable certainty. To escape punishment was to
escape accusation; and few slaves had the fortune to do
either, under the overseership of Mr. Gore. He
was just proud enough to demand the most debasing
homage of the slave, and quite servile enough to crouch,
himself, at the feet of the master. He was ambitious
enough to be contented with nothing short of the highest
rank of overseers, and persevering enough to reach the
height of his ambition. He was
<pb id="douglass22" n="22"/>
cruel enough to inflict the severest punishment, artful
enough to descend to the lowest trickery, and obdurate
enough to be insensible to the voice of a reproving
conscience. He was, of all the overseers, the most dreaded
by the slaves. His presence was painful; his eye flashed
confusion; and seldom was his sharp, shrill voice heard,
without producing horror and trembling in their ranks.</p>
        <p>Mr. Gore was a grave man, and, though a young man, he
indulged in no jokes, said no funny words, seldom smiled.
His words were in perfect keeping with his looks, and his
looks were in perfect keeping with his words. Overseers
will sometimes indulge in a witty word, even with the
slaves; not so with Mr. Gore. He spoke but to command,
and commanded but to be obeyed; he dealt sparingly with
his words, and bountifully with his whip, never using the
former where the latter would answer as well. When he
whipped, he seemed to do so from a sense of duty, and
feared no consequences. He did nothing reluctantly, no
matter how disagreeable; always at his post, never
inconsistent. He never promised but to fulfil. He was, in a
word, a man of the most inflexible firmness and stone-like
coolness.</p>
        <p>His savage barbarity was equalled only by the
consummate coolness with which he committed the
grossest and most savage deeds upon the slaves under his
charge. Mr. Gore once undertook to whip one of Colonel
Lloyd's slaves, by the name of Demby. He had given
Demby but few stripes, when, to get rid of the scourging,
he ran and plunged himself into a creek, and stood there at
the depth of his shoulders, refusing to come out.
<pb id="douglass23" n="23"/>
Mr. Gore told him that he would give him three calls, and
that, if he did not come out at the third call, he would
shoot him. The first call was given. Demby made no
response, but stood his ground. The second and third calls
were given with the same result. Mr. Gore then, without
consultation or deliberation with any one, not even giving
Demby an additional call, raised his musket to his face,
taking deadly aim at his standing victim, and in an instant
poor Demby was no more. His mangled body sank out of
sight, and blood and brains marked the water where he had
stood.</p>
        <p>A thrill of horror flashed through every soul upon the
plantation, excepting Mr. Gore. He alone seemed cool and
collected. He was asked by Colonel Lloyd and my old
master, why he resorted to this extraordinary expedient.
His reply was, (as well as I can remember,) that Demby had
become unmanageable. He was setting a dangerous
example to the other slaves,—one which, if suffered to
pass without some such demonstration on his part, would
finally lead to the total subversion of all rule and order
upon the plantation. He argued that if one slave refused to
be corrected, and escaped with his life, the other slaves
would soon copy the example; the result of which would
be, the freedom of the slaves, and the enslavement of the
whites. Mr. Gore's defence was satisfactory. He was
continued in his station as overseer upon the home
plantation. His fame as an overseer went abroad. His
horrid crime was not even submitted to judicial
investigation. It was committed in the presence of slaves,
and they of course could neither institute a suit, nor
testify against him; and thus the guilty perpetrator of one
of the
<pb id="douglass24" n="24"/>
bloodiest and most foul murders goes unwhipped of
justice, and uncensured by the community in which he
lives. Mr. Gore lived in St. Michael's, Talbot county,
Maryland, when I left there; and if he is still alive, he
very probably lives there now; and if so, he is now, as he
was then, as highly esteemed and as much respected as
though his guilty soul had not been stained with his
brother's blood.</p>
        <p>I speak advisedly when I say this,—that killing a slave,
or any colored person, in Talbot county, Maryland, is not
treated as a crime, either by the courts or the community.
Mr. Thomas Lanman, of St. Michael's, killed two slaves,
one of whom he killed with a hatchet, by knocking his
brains out. He used to boast of the commission
of the awful and bloody deed. I have heard him do so
laughingly, saying, among other things, that he was the
only benefactor of his country in the company, and that
when others would do as much as he had done, we
should be relieved of “the d—d niggers.”</p>
        <p>The wife of Mr. Giles Hick, living but a short distance
from where I used to live, murdered my wife's cousin, a
young girl between fifteen and sixteen years
of age, mangling her person in the most horrible manner,
breaking her nose and breastbone with a stick, so that the
poor girl expired in a few hours afterward. She was
immediately buried, but had not been in her untimely
grave but a few hours before she was taken up and
examined by the coroner, who decided that she had come
to her death by severe beating. The offence for which this
girl was thus murdered was this:—
She had been set that night to mind Mrs. Hick's baby,
<pb id="douglass25" n="25"/>
and during the night she fell asleep, and the baby cried.
She, having lost her rest for several nights previous, did
not hear the crying. They were both in the room with
Mrs. Hicks. Mrs. Hicks, finding the girl slow to move,
jumped from her bed, seized an oak stick of wood by the
fireplace, and with it broke the girl's nose and breastbone,
and thus ended her life. I will not say that this most horrid
murder produced no sensation in the community. It did
produce sensation, but not enough to bring the murderess
to punishment. There was a warrant issued for her arrest,
but it was never served. Thus she escaped not only
punishment, but even the pain of being arraigned before a
court for her horrid crime.</p>
        <p>Whilst I am detailing bloody deeds which took place
during my stay on Colonel Lloyd's plantation, I will
briefly narrate another, which occurred about the same
time as the murder of Demby by Mr. Gore.</p>
        <p>Colonel Lloyd's slaves were in the habit of spending a
part of their nights and Sundays in fishing for oysters, and
in this way made up the deficiency of their scanty
allowance. An old man belonging to Colonel Lloyd, while
thus engaged, happened to get beyond the limits of
Colonel Lloyd's, and on the premises of Mr. Beal Bondly.
At this trespass, Mr. Bondly took offence, and with his
musket came down to the shore, and blew its deadly
contents into the poor old man.</p>
        <p>Mr. Bondly came over to see Colonel Lloyd the next
day, whether to pay him for his property, or to justify
himself in what he had done, I know not. At any rate, this
whole fiendish transaction was soon
<pb id="douglass26" n="26"/>
hushed up. There was very little said about it at all, and
nothing done. It was a common saying, even
among little white boys, that it was worth a half-cent to
kill a “nigger,” and a half-cent to bury one.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <head>CHAPTER V.</head>
        <p>As to my own treatment while I lived on Colonel
Lloyd's plantation, it was very similar to that of the other
slave children. I was not old enough to work in the field,
and there being little else than field work to do, I had a
great deal of leisure time. The most I had to do was to drive
up the cows at evening, keep the fowls out of the garden,
keep the front yard clean, and run of errands for my old
master's daughter, Mrs. Lucretia Auld. The most of my
leisure time I spent in helping Master Daniel Lloyd in
finding his birds, after he had shot them. My connection
with Master Daniel was of some advantage to me. He
became quite attached to me, and was a sort of protector
of me. He would not allow the older boys to impose upon
me, and would divide his cakes with me.</p>
        <p>I was seldom whipped by my old master, and suffered
little from any thing else than hunger and cold. I suffered
much from hunger, but much more from cold. In hottest
summer and coldest winter, I was kept almost naked—no
shoes, no stockings, no jacket, no trousers, nothing on but
a coarse tow linen shirt, reaching
<pb id="douglass27" n="27"/>
only to my knees. I had no bed. I must have perished
with cold, but that, the coldest nights, I used to steal a bag
which was used for carrying corn to the mill. I would
crawl into this bag, and there sleep on the cold, damp, clay
floor, with my head in and feet out. My feet have been so
cracked with the frost, that the pen with which I am
writing might be laid in the gashes.</p>
        <p>We were not regularly allowanced. Our food was coarse
corn meal boiled. This was called <hi rend="italics">mush</hi>. It was put into a
large wooden tray or trough, and set down upon the
ground. The children were then called, like so many pigs,
and like so many pigs they would come and devour the
mush; some with oyster-shells, others with pieces of
shingle, some with naked hands, and none with spoons.
He that ate fastest got most; he that was strongest
secured the best place; and few left the trough satisfied.</p>
        <p>I was probably between seven and eight years old when
I left Colonel Lloyd's plantation. I left it with joy. I shall
never forget the ecstasy with which I received the
intelligence that my old master (Anthony) had determined
to let me go to Baltimore, to live with Mr. Hugh Auld,
brother to my old master's son-in-law, Captain Thomas
Auld. I received this information about three days before
my departure. They were three of the happiest days I
ever enjoyed. I spent the most part of all these three days
in the creek, washing off the plantation scurf, and
preparing myself for my departure.</p>
        <p>The pride of appearance which this would indicate was
not my own. I spent the time in washing, not so
<pb id="douglass28" n="28"/>
much because I wished to, but because Mrs. Lucretia had
told me I must get all the dead skin off my feet
and knees before I could go to Baltimore; for the people in Baltimore
were very cleanly, and would laugh at me if I looked dirty.
Besides, she was going to give me a pair or trousers,
which I should not put on unless I got all the dirt off me.
The thought of owning a pair of trousers was great indeed!
It was almost a sufficient motive, not only to make me take
off what would be called by pig-drovers the mange,
but the skin itself. I went at it in good earnest, working
for the first time with the hope of reward.</p>
        <p>The ties that ordinarily bind children to their homes
were all suspended in my case. I found no severe trial in
my departure. My home was charmless; it was not home
to me; on parting from it, I could not feel that I was leaving
any thing which I could have enjoyed by staying.
My mother was dead, my grandmother lived far off, so that I seldom saw her.
I had two sisters and one brother, that lived in the same
house with me; but the early separation of us from
our mother had well nigh blotted the fact of our relationship
from our memories. I looked for home elsewhere, and was
confident of finding none which I should relish
less than the one which I was leaving.
If, however, I found in my new home hardship, hunger,
whipping, and nakedness, I had the consolation
that I should not have escaped any one of them by staying.
Having already had more than a taste of them
in the house of my old master, and having
endured them there, I very naturally inferred my
ability to endure them elsewhere, and especially at
Baltimore;
<pb id="douglass29" n="29"/>
for I had something of the feeling about Baltimore that
is expressed in the proverb, that “being hanged in
England is preferable to dying a natural death in Ireland.”
I had the strongest desire to see Baltimore.
Cousin Tom, though not fluent in speech, had inspired
me with that desire by his eloquent description of the
place. I could never point out any thing at the Great
House, no matter how beautiful or powerful, but that
he had seen something at Baltimore far exceeding, both
in beauty and strength, the object which I pointed out
to him. Even the Great House itself, with all its
pictures, was far inferior to many buildings in Baltimore.
So strong was my desire, that I thought a
gratification of it would fully compensate for whatever
loss of comforts I should sustain by the exchange.
I left without a regret, and with the highest hopes of
future happiness.</p>
        <p>We sailed out of Miles River for Baltimore on a
Saturday morning. I remember only the day of the week,
for at that time I had no knowledge of the days of the
month, nor the months of the year. On setting sail, I
walked aft, and gave to Colonel Lloyd's plantation what I
hoped would be the last look. I then placed myself in the
bows of the sloop, and there spent the remainder of the
day in looking ahead, interesting myself in what was in the
distance rather than in things nearby or behind.</p>
        <p>In the afternoon of that day, we reached Annapolis, the
capital of the State. We stopped but a few moments so
that I had no time to go on shore. It was the first large
town that I had ever seen, and though it would look
small compared with some of our New
<pb id="douglass30" n="30"/>
England factory villages, I thought it a wonderful place
for its size—more imposing even than the Great House
Farm!</p>
        <p>We arrived at Baltimore early on Sunday morning,
landing at Smith's Wharf, not far from Bowley's Wharf.
We had on board the sloop a large flock of sheep; and
after aiding in driving them to the slaughterhouse of Mr.
Curtis on Louden Slater's Hill, I was conducted by Rich,
one of the hands belonging on board of the sloop, to my
new home in Alliciana Street, near Mr. Gardner's
ship-yard, on Fells Point.</p>
        <p>Mr. and Mrs. Auld were both at home, and met me at
the door with their little son Thomas, to take care of
whom I had been given. And here I saw what I had never
seen before; it was a white face beaming with the most
kindly emotions; it was the face of my new mistress,
Sophia Auld. I wish I could describe the rapture that
flashed through my soul as I beheld it. It was a new and
strange sight to me, brightening up
my pathway with the light of happiness. Little Thomas
was told, there was his Freddy,—and I was told to take
care of little Thomas; and thus I entered upon the duties
of my new home with the most cheering prospect ahead.</p>
        <p>I look upon my departure from Colonel Lloyd's
plantation as one of the most interesting events of my
life. It is possible, and even quite probable, that but for
the mere circumstance of being removed from that
plantation to Baltimore, I should have to-day, instead of
being here seated by my own table, in the enjoyment of
freedom and the happiness of home, writing this
Narrative, been confined in the galling
<pb id="douglass31" n="31"/>
chains of slavery. Going to live at Baltimore laid the
foundation, and opened the gateway, to all my subsequent
prosperity. I have ever regarded it as the first plain
manifestation of that kind providence which has ever since
attended me, and marked my life with so many favors. I
regarded the selection of myself as being somewhat
remarkable. There were a number of slave children that
might have been sent from the plantation to Baltimore.
There were those younger, those older, and those of the
same age. I was chosen from among them all, and was the
first, last, and only choice.</p>
        <p>I may be deemed superstitions, and even egotistical, in
regarding this event as a special interposition of divine
Providence in my favor. But I should be false to the
earliest sentiments of my soul, if I suppressed the opinion.
I prefer to be true to myself, even at the hazard of
incurring the ridicule of others, rather than to be false, and
incur my own abhorrence. From my earliest recollection, I
date the entertainment of a deep conviction that slavery
would not always be able to hold me within its foul
embrace; and in the darkest hours of my career in slavery,
this living word of faith and spirit of hope departed not
from me, but remained like ministering angels to cheer me
through the gloom. This good spirit was from God, and to
him I offer thanksgiving and praise.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="douglass32" n="32"/>
        <head>CHAPTER VI.</head>
        <p>My new mistress. proved to be all she appeared when I
first met her at the door,—a woman of the kindest heart
and finest feelings. She had never had a slave under her
control previously to myself, and prior to her marriage she
had been dependent upon her own industry for a living.
She was by trade a weaver; and by constant application to
her business, she had been in a good degree preserved from
the blighting and dehumanizing effects of slavery. I was
utterly astonished at her goodness. I scarcely knew how
to behave towards her. She was entirely unlike any other
white woman I had ever seen. I could not approach her as
I was accustomed to approach other white ladies. My
early instruction was all out of place. The crouching
servility, usually so acceptable a quality in a slave, did not
answer when manifested toward her. Her favor was not
gained by it; she seemed to be disturbed by it. She did not
deem it impudent or unmannerly for a slave to look her in
the face. The meanest slave was put fully at ease in her
presence, and none left without feeling better for having
seen her. Her face was made of heavenly smiles, and her
voice of tranquil music.</p>
        <p>But, alas! this kind heart had but a short time to remain
such. The fatal poison of irresponsible power was already
in her hands, and soon commenced its infernal work. That
cheerful eye, under the influence of slavery, soon became
red with rage; that voice,
<pb id="douglass33" n="33"/>
made all of sweet accord, changed to one of harsh and
horrid discord; and that angelic face gave place to that of a
demon.</p>
        <p>Very soon after I went to live with Mr. and Mrs. Auld,
she very kindly commenced to teach me the A, B, C.
After I had learned this, she assisted me in learning to
spell words of three or four letters. Just at this point of
my progress, Mr. Auld found out what was going on, and
at once forbade Mrs. Auld to instruct me further, telling
her, among other things, that it was
unlawful, as well as unsafe, to teach a slave to read. To use
his own words, further, he said, “If you give a nigger an
inch, he will take an ell. A nigger should know nothing but
to obey his master—to do as he is told to do. Learning
would <hi rend="italics">spoil</hi> the best nigger in the world. Now,” said he,
“if you teach that nigger (speaking of myself) how to read,
there would be no keeping him. It would forever unfit him to be a slave. He
would at once become unmanageable, and of no value to
his master. As to himself, it could do him no
good, but a great deal of harm. It would make him
discontented and unhappy.” These words sank deep into
my heart, stirred up sentiments within that lay
slumbering, and called into existence an entirely new train
of thought. It was a new and special revelation, explaining
dark and mysterious things, with which my youthful
understanding had struggled, but struggled in vain. I now
understood what had been to me a most perplexing
difficulty—to wit, the white man's power to enslave the
black man. It was a grand achievement,
and I prized it highly. From that moment, I understood
the pathway from slavery to freedom. It was
<pb id="douglass34" n="34"/>
just what I wanted, and I got it at a time when I the least
expected it. Whilst I was saddened by the thought of losing
the aid of my kind mistress, I was gladdened by the
invaluable instruction which, by the merest accident, I had
gained from my master. Though conscious of the difficulty
of learning without a teacher, I set out with high hope, and
a fixed purpose, at whatever cost of trouble, to learn how
to read. The very decided manner with which he spoke,
and strove to impress his wife with the evil consequences
of giving me instruction, served to convince me that he was
deeply sensible of the truths he was uttering. It gave me
the best assurance that I might rely with the utmost
confidence on the results which, he said, would flow from
teaching me to read. What he most dreaded, that I most
desired. What he most loved, that I most hated. That which
to him was a great evil, to be carefully shunned, was to me
a great good, to be diligently sought; and the argument
which he so warmly urged, against my learning to read, only
served to inspire me with a desire and determination to
learn. In learning to read, I owe almost as much to the bitter
opposition of my master, as to the kindly aid of my
mistress. I acknowledge the benefit of both.</p>
        <p>I had resided but a short time in Baltimore before I
observed a marked difference, in the treatment of slaves,
from that which I had witnessed in the country. A city
slave is almost a freeman, compared with a slave on the
plantation. He is much better fed and clothed, and enjoys
privileges altogether unknown to the slave on the
plantation. There is a vestige of decency, a sense of shame,
that does much to curb and
<pb id="douglass35" n="35"/>
check those outbreaks of atrocious cruelty so commonly
enacted upon the plantation. He is a desperate
slaveholder, who will shock the humanity of his
non-slaveholding neighbors with the cries of his lacerated
slave. Few are willing to incur the odium attaching to the
reputation of being a cruel master; and above all things,
they would not be known as not giving a slave enough to
eat. Every city slaveholder is anxious to have it known of
him, that he feeds his slaves well;
and it is due to them to say, that most of them do give
their slaves enough to eat. There are, however, some
painful exceptions to this rule. Directly opposite to us, on
Philpot Street, lived Mr. Thomas Hamilton. He owned
two slaves. Their names were Henrietta and Mary.
Henrietta was about twenty-two years of age,
Mary was about fourteen; and of all the mangled and
emaciated creatures I ever looked upon, these two
were the most so. His heart must be harder than stone,
that could look upon these unmoved. The head, neck, and
shoulders of Mary were literally cut to
pieces. I have frequently felt her head, and found it nearly
covered with festering sores, caused by the
lash of her cruel mistress. I do not know that her master
ever whipped her, but I have been an eye-witness
to the cruelty of Mrs. Hamilton. I used to be in Mr.
Hamilton's house nearly every day. Mrs. Hamilton used
to sit in a large chair in the middle of the room, with a
heavy cowskin always by her side, and scarce an hour
passed during the day but was marked by the blood of one
of these slaves. The girls seldom passed her without her
saying, “Move faster, you <hi rend="italics">black gip</hi>!” at the same time
giving them a blow with the cowskin
<pb id="douglass36" n="36"/>
over the head or shoulders, often drawing the blood.
She would then say, “Take that, you <hi rend="italics">black gip</hi>!”—
continuing, “If you don't move faster, I'll move you!”
Added to the cruel lashings to which these slaves were
subjected, they were kept nearly half-starved. They
seldom knew what it was to eat a full meal. I have seen
Mary contending with the pigs for the offal thrown into
the street. So much was Mary kicked and cut to pieces,
that she was oftener called “<hi rend="italics">pecked</hi>” than by her name.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <head>CHAPTER VII.</head>
        <p>I LIVED in Master Hugh's family about seven years.
During this time, I succeeded in learning to read and write.
In accomplishing this, I was compelled to resort to various
stratagems. I had no regular teacher. My mistress, who
had kindly commenced to instruct me, had, in compliance
with the advice and direction of her husband, not only
ceased to instruct, but had set her face against my being
instructed by any one else. It is due, however, to my
mistress to say of her, that she did not adopt this course
of treatment immediately. She at first lacked the depravity
indispensable to shutting me up in mental darkness. It was
at least necessary for her to have some training in the
exercise of irresponsible power, to make her equal to the
task of treating me as though I were a brute.</p>
        <pb id="douglass37" n="37"/>
        <p>My mistress was, as I have said, a kind and
tender-hearted woman; and in the simplicity of her soul
she commenced, when I first went to live with her, to
treat me as she supposed one human being ought to treat
another. In entering upon the duties of a slaveholder, she did not seem
to perceive that I sustained to her the relation of a mere
chattel, and that for her to treat me as a human being was
not only wrong, but dangerously
so. Slavery proved as injurious to her as it did to me.
When I went there, she was a pious, warm, and tender-hearted
woman. There was no sorrow or suffering for
which she had not a tear. She had bread for the hungry,
clothes for the naked, and comfort for
every mourner that came within her reach. Slavery soon
proved its ability to divest her of these heavenly
qualities. Under its influence, the tender heart became
stone, and the lamblike disposition gave way to one of
tiger-like fierceness. The first step in her downward
course was in her ceasing to instruct me. She now
commenced to practise her husband's precepts. She
finally became even more violent in her opposition than
her husband himself. She was not satisfied with
simply doing as well as he had commanded; she seemed
anxious to do better. Nothing seemed to make her more
angry than to see me with a newspaper. She seemed to
think that here lay the danger.
I have had her rush at me with a face made all up of fury,
and snatch from me a newspaper, in a manner that fully
revealed her apprehension. She was an apt
woman; and a little experience soon demonstrated, to her
satisfaction, that education and slavery were incompatible
with each other.</p>
        <pb id="douglass38" n="38"/>
        <p>From this time I was most narrowly watched. If I was
in a separate room any considerable length of time, I was
sure to be suspected of having a book, and was at once
called to give an account of myself. All this, however, was
too late. The first step had been taken. Mistress, in
teaching me the alphabet, had given me the <hi rend="italics">inch</hi>, and no
precaution could prevent me from taking the <hi rend="italics">ell</hi>.</p>
        <p>The plan which I adopted, and the one by which I was
most successful, was that of making friends of all the little
white boys whom I met in the street. As many of these
as I could, I converted into teachers. With their kindly aid,
obtained at different times and in different places, I finally
succeeded in learning to read. When I was sent of errands,
I always took my book with me, and by going one part of
my errand quickly, I found time to get a lesson before my
return. I used also to carry bread with me, enough of
which was always in the house, and to which I was
always welcome; for I was much better off in this regard
than many of the poor white children in our neighborhood.
This bread I used to bestow upon the hungry little
urchins, who, in return, would give me that more valuable
bread of knowledge. I am strongly tempted to give the
names of two or three of those little boys, as a testimonial
of the gratitude and affection I bear them; but prudence
forbids;—not that it would injure me, but it might
embarrass them; for it is almost an unpardonable offence
to teach slaves to read in this Christian country. It is
enough to say of the dear little fellows, that they lived on
Philpot Street, very near Durgin and Bailey's ship-yard. I
used to talk this matter of slavery
<pb id="douglass39" n="39"/>
over with them. I would sometimes say to them, I wished
I could be as free as they would be when they got to be
men. “You will be free as soon as you are twenty-one,
<hi rend="italics">but I am a slave for life</hi>! Have not I as good a right to be
free as you have?” These words used to trouble them;
they would express for me the liveliest sympathy, and
console me with the hope that something would occur
by which I might be free.</p>
        <p>I was now about twelve years old, and the thought of
being <hi rend="italics">a slave for life</hi> began to bear heavily upon my heart.
Just about this time, I got hold of a book entitled “The
Columbian Orator.” Every opportunity
I got, I used to read this book. Among much of other
interesting matter, I found in it a dialogue between a
master and his slave. The slave was represented as having
run away from his master three times. The dialogue
represented the conversation which took place between
them, when the slave was retaken the third time. In this
dialogue, the whole argument in behalf of slavery was
brought forward by the master, all of which was disposed
of by the slave. The slave was made to say some very
smart as well as impressive things
in reply to his master—things which had the desired
though unexpected effect; for the conversation resulted in
the voluntary emancipation of the slave on the part of the
master.</p>
        <p>In the same book, I met with one of Sheridan's
mighty speeches on and in behalf of Catholic
emancipation. These were choice documents to me. I read
them over and over again with unabated interest.
They gave tongue to interesting thoughts of my own soul,
which had frequently flashed through my mind,
<pb id="douglass40" n="40"/>
and died away for want of utterance. The moral
which I gained from the dialogue was the power of
truth over the conscience of even a slaveholder. What
I got from Sheridan was a bold denunciation of
slavery, and a powerful vindication of human rights.
The reading of these documents enabled me to utter
my thoughts, and to meet the arguments brought forward
to sustain slavery; but while they relieved me
of one difficulty, they brought on another even more
painful than the one of which I was relieved. The more
I read, the more I was led to abhor and detest my enslavers.
I could regard them in no other light than a
band of successful robbers, who had left their homes,
and gone to Africa, and stolen us from our homes, and
in a strange land reduced us to slavery. I loathed
them as being the meanest as well as the most wicked
of men. As I read and contemplated the subject, behold!
that very discontentment which Master Hugh had
predicted would follow my learning to read had already
come, to torment and sting my soul to unutterable
anguish. As I writhed under it, I would at times feel
that learning to read had been a curse rather than a
blessing. It had given me a view of my wretched
condition, without the remedy. It opened my eyes to
the horrible pit, but to no ladder upon which to get out.
In moments of agony, I envied my fellow-slaves for
their stupidity. I have often wished myself a beast.
I preferred the condition of the meanest reptile to my
own. Any thing, no matter what, to get rid of thinking! It
was this everlasting thinking of my condition that
tormented me. There was no getting rid of it. It was
pressed upon me by every object within sight or
<pb id="douglass41" n="41"/>
hearing, animate or inanimate. The silver trump of
freedom had roused my soul to eternal wakefulness.
Freedom now appeared, to disappear no more forever. It was heard in
every sound, and seen in every thing. It was ever present
to torment me with a sense of my wretched condition. I
saw nothing without seeing it, I heard nothing without
hearing it, and felt nothing without feeling it. It looked
from every star, it smiled in every calm, breathed in every
wind, and moved in every storm.</p>
        <p>I often found myself regretting my own existence, and
wishing myself dead; and but for the hope of being free, I
have no doubt but that I should have killed myself, or
done something for which I should have been killed. While
in this state of mind, I was eager to hear any one speak of
slavery. I was a ready listener. Every little while, I could
hear something about the abolitionists. It was some time
before I found what the word meant. It was always used
in such connections as to make it an interesting word to
me. If a slave ran away and succeeded in getting clear, or if
a slave killed his master, set fire to a barn, or did any thing
very wrong in the mind of a slaveholder, it was spoken of
as the fruit of <hi rend="italics">abolition</hi>. Hearing the word in this
connection very often, I set about learning what it meant.
The dictionary afforded me little or no help. I found it was
“the act of abolishing;” but then I did not know what was
to be abolished. Here I was perplexed. I did not dare to
ask any one about its meaning, for I was satisfied that it
was something they wanted me to know very little about.
After a patient waiting, I got one of our city papers,
containing
<pb id="douglass42" n="42"/>
an account of the number of petitions from the north,
praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia, and of the slave trade between the States. From
this time I understood the words <hi rend="italics">abolition</hi> and <hi rend="italics">abolitionist</hi>,
and always drew near when that word was spoken,
expecting to bear something of importance to myself and
fellow-slaves. The light broke in upon me by degrees. I
went one day down on the wharf of Mr. Waters; and seeing
two Irishmen unloading a scow of stone, I went, unasked,
and helped them. When we had finished, one of them came
to me and asked me if I were a slave. I told him I was. He
asked, “Are ye a slave for life?” I told him that I was. The
good Irishman seemed to be deeply affected by the
statement. He said to the other that it was a pity so fine a
little fellow as myself should be a slave for life. He said it
was a shame to hold me. They both advised me to run
away to the north; that I should find friends there, and that
I should be free. I pretended not to be interested in what
they said, and treated them as if I did not understand them;
for I feared they might be treacherous. White men have
been known to encourage slaves to escape, and then, to get
the reward, catch them and return them to their masters. I
was afraid that these seemingly good men might use me so;
but I nevertheless remembered their advice, and from that
time I resolved to run away. I looked forward to a time at
which it would be safe for me to escape. I was too young
to think of doing so immediately; besides, I wished to
learn how to write, as I might have occasion to write my
own pass. I consoled myself with the hope that I should
<pb id="douglass43" n="43"/>
one day find a good chance. Meanwhile, I would learn to
write.</p>
        <p>The idea as to how I might learn to write was suggested
to me by being in Durgin and Bailey's ship-yard, and
frequently seeing the ship carpenters, after hewing, and
getting a piece of timber ready for use, write on the timber
the name of that part of the ship for which it was
intended. When a piece of timber was intended for the
larboard side, it would be marked thus—“L.” When a piece
was for the starboard side, it would be marked thus—
“S.” A piece for the larboard side forward, would be
marked thus—“L. F.” When a piece was for starboard side
forward, it would be marked thus—“S. F.” For larboard
aft, it would be marked thus—“L. A.” For starboard aft, it
would be marked thus—“S. A.” I soon learned the names of
these letters, and for what they were intended when
placed upon a piece of timber in the ship-yard. I
immediately commenced copying them, and in a short
time was able to make the four letters named. After that,
when I met with any boy who I knew could write, I would
tell him I could write as well as he. The next word would
be, “I don't believe you. Let me see you try it.” I would
then make the letters which I had been so fortunate as to
learn, and ask him to beat that. In this way I got a good
many lessons in writing, which it is quite possible I should
never have gotten in any other way. During this time, my
copy-book was the board fence, brick wall, and pavement;
my pen and ink was a lump of chalk. With these, I
learned mainly how to write. I then commenced and
continued copying the Italics in
<pb id="douglass44" n="44"/>
Webster's Spelling Book, until I could make them all
without looking on the book. By this time, my little
Master Thomas had gone to school, and learned how to
write, and had written over a number of copy-books.
These had been brought home, and shown to some of our
near neighbors, and then laid aside. My mistress used to
go to class meeting at the Wilk Street meeting house every
Monday afternoon, and leave me to take care of the house.
When left thus, I used to spend the time in writing in the
spaces left in Master Thomas's copy-book, copying what
he had written. I continued to do this until I could write a hand very similar
to that of Master Thomas. Thus, after a long, tedious
effort for years, I finally succeeded in learning how to
write.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <head>CHAPTER VIII.</head>
        <p>IN a very short time after I went to live at Baltimore,
my old master's youngest son Richard died; and in about
three years and six months after his death, my old master,
Captain Anthony, died, leaving only his son, Andrew, and
daughter, Lucretia, to share his estate. He died while on a
visit to see his daughter at Hillsborough. Cut off thus
unexpectedly, he left no will as to the disposal of his
property. It was therefore necessary to have a valuation
of the property, that it might be equally divided between
Mrs. Lucretia and Master Andrew. I was immediately
sent for, to
<pb id="douglass45" n="45"/>
be valued with the other property. Here again my feelings
rose up in detestation of slavery. I had now a new
conception of my degraded condition. Prior to this, I had
become, if not insensible to my lot, at least partly so. I
left Baltimore with a young heart overborne with sadness,
and a soul full of apprehension. I took passage with
Captain Rowe, in the schooner Wild Cat, and, after a sail
of about twenty-four hours, I found myself near the place
of my birth. I had now been absent from it almost, if not
quite, five years. I, however, remembered the place very
well. I was only about five years old when I left it, to go
and live with my old master on Colonel Lloyd's plantation;
so that I was now between ten and eleven years old.</p>
        <p>We were all ranked together at the valuation. Men and
women, old and young, married and single, were ranked with
horses, sheep, and swine. There were horses and men,
cattle and women, pigs and children, all holding the same
rank in the scale of being, and were all subjected to the
same narrow examination. Silvery-headed age and
sprightly youth, maids and matrons, had to undergo the
same indelicate inspection. At this moment, I saw more
clearly than ever the brutalizing effects of slavery upon
both slave and slaveholder.</p>
        <p>After the valuation, then came the division. I have no
language to express the high excitement and deep anxiety
which were felt among us poor slaves during this time.
Our fate for life was now to be decided. We had no more
voice in that decision than the brutes among whom we
were ranked. A single word from
<pb id="douglass46" n="46"/>
the white men was enough—against all our wishes,
prayers, and entreaties—to sunder forever the dearest
friends, dearest kindred, and strongest ties known to
human beings. In addition to the pain of separation, there
was the horrid dread of falling into the hands of Master
Andrew. He was known to us all as being a most cruel
wretch,—a common drunkard, who had, by his reckless
mismanagement and profligate dissipation already wasted
a large portion of his father's property. We all felt that we
might as well be sold at once to the Georgia traders, as to
pass into his hands; for we knew that that would be our
inevitable condition,—a condition held by us all in the
utmost horror and dread.</p>
        <p>I suffered more anxiety than most of my fellow-slaves. I
had known what it was to be kindly treated; they had
known nothing of the kind. They had seen little or nothing
of the world. They were in very deed men and women of
sorrow, and acquainted with grief. Their backs had been
made familiar with the bloody lash, so that they had
become callous; mine was yet tender; for while at
Baltimore I got few whippings, and few slaves could boast
of a kinder master and mistress than myself; and the
thought of passing out of their hands into those of Master
Andrew—a man who, but a few days before, to give me a
sample of his bloody disposition, took my little brother by
the throat, threw him on the ground, and with the heel of
his boot stamped upon his head till the blood gushed from
his nose and ears—was well calculated to make me anxious
as to my fate. After he had committed this savage outrage
upon my brother, he turned to me, and
<pb id="douglass47" n="47"/>
said that was the way he meant to serve me one of these
days,—meaning, I suppose, when I came into his
possession.</p>
        <p>Thanks to a kind Providence, I fell to the portion of
Mrs. Lucretia, and was sent immediately back to
Baltimore, to live again in the family of Master Hugh.
Their joy at my return equalled their sorrow at my
departure. It was a glad day to me. I had escaped a worse
than lion's jaws. I was absent from Baltimore, for the
purpose of valuation and division, just about one month,
and it seemed to have been six.</p>
        <p>Very soon after my return to Baltimore, my mistress,
Lucretia, died, leaving her husband and one child, Amanda;
and in a very short time after her death, Master Andrew
died. Now all the property of my old master, slaves
included, was in the hands of strangers,
—strangers who had had nothing to do with accumulating
it. Not a slave was left free. All remained slaves, from the
youngest to the oldest. If any one thing in my experience,
more than another, served to deepen my conviction of the
infernal character of slavery, and to fill me with
unutterable loathing of slaveholders, it was their base ingratitude
to my poor old grandmother. She had served my old master faithfully
from youth to old age. She had been the source
of all his wealth; she had peopled his plantation with
slaves; she had become a great grandmother in his
service. She had rocked him in infancy, attended him in
childhood, served him through life, and at his death wiped
from his icy brow the cold death-sweat, and closed
his eyes forever. She was nevertheless left a slave—a slave
for life—a slave in the hands of strangers;
<pb id="douglass48" n="48"/>
and in their hands she saw her children, her grandchildren,
and her great-grand children, divided, like so many sheep,
without being gratified with the small privilege of a single
word, as to their or her own destiny. And, to cap the
climax of their base ingratitude and fiendish barbarity, my
grandmother, who was now very old, having outlived my
old master and all his children, having seen the beginning
and end of all of them, and her present owners finding she
was of but little value, her frame already racked with the
pains of old age, and complete helplessness fast stealing
over her once active limbs, they took her to the woods,
built her a little hut, put up a little mud-chimney, and then
made her welcome to the privilege of supporting herself
there in perfect loneliness; thus virtually turning her out to
die! If my poor old grandmother now lives, she lives to
suffer in utter loneliness; she lives to remember and mourn
over the loss of children, the loss of grandchildren, and the
loss of great-grandchildren. They are, in the language of the
slave's poet, Whittier,—</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“Gone, gone, sold and gone</l>
          <l>To the rice swamp dank and lone,</l>
          <l>Where the slave-whip ceaseless swings,</l>
          <l>Where the noisome insect stings,</l>
          <l>Where the fever-demon strews</l>
          <l>Poison with the failing dews,</l>
          <l>Where the sickly sunbeams glare</l>
          <l>Through the hot and misty air:—</l>
          <l>Gone, gone, sold and gone</l>
          <l>To the rice swamp dank and lone,</l>
          <l>From Virginia hills and waters—</l>
          <l>Woe is me, my stolen daughters!”</l>
        </lg>
        <pb id="douglass49" n="49"/>
        <p>The hearth is desolate. The children, the unconscious
children, who once sang and danced in her
presence, are gone. She gropes her way, in the darkness of
age, for a drink of water. Instead of the voices of her
children, she hears by day the moans of the dove, and by
night the screams of the hideous owl. All is gloom. The
grave is at the door. And now, when weighed down by the
pains and aches of old age, when the head inclines to the
feet, when the beginning and ending of human existence
meet, and helpless infancy and painful old age combine
together—at this time, this most needful time, the time
for the exercise of that tenderness and affection which
children only can exercise towards a declining parent—
my poor old grandmother, the devoted mother of twelve
children, is left all alone, in yonder little hut, before a few
dim embers. She stands—she sits—she staggers—
she falls—she groans—she dies—and there are none of her
children or grandchildren present, to wipe from her
wrinkled brow the cold sweat of death, or to place beneath
the sod her fallen remains. Will not a righteous God visit
for these things?</p>
        <p>In about two years after the death of Mrs. Lucretia,
Master Thomas married his second wife. Her name was
Rowena Hamilton. She was the eldest daughter of Mr.
William Hamilton. Master now lived in St. Michael's. Not
long after his marriage, a misunderstanding took place
between himself and Master Hugh;
and as a means of punishing his brother, he took me from
him to live with himself at St. Michael's. Here I
underwent another most painful separation. It, however,
was not so severe as the one I dreaded at the 
<pb id="douglass50" n="50"/>
division of property; for, during this interval, a great
change had taken place in Master Hugh and his once
kind and affectionate wife. The influence of brandy upon
him, and of slavery upon her, had effected a disastrous
change in the characters of both; so that, as far as they
were concerned, I thought I had little to lose by the
change. But it was not to them that I was attached. It was
to those little Baltimore boys that I felt the strongest
attachment. I had received many good lessons from them,
and was still receiving them, and the thought of leaving
them was painful indeed. I was leaving, too, without the
hope of ever being allowed to return. Master Thomas had
said he would never let me return again. The barrier
betwixt himself and brother he considered impassable.</p>
        <p>I then had to regret that I did not at least make the
attempt to carry out my resolution to run away; for the
chances of success are tenfold greater from the city than
from the country.</p>
        <p>I sailed from Baltimore for St. Michael's in the sloop
Amanda, Captain Edward Dodson. On my passage, I paid
particular attention to the direction which the steamboats
took to go to Philadelphia. I found, instead of going down,
on reaching North Point they went up the bay, in a
north-easterly direction. I deemed this knowledge of the utmost
importance. My determination to run away was again
revived. I resolved to wait only so long as the offering of a
favorable opportunity. When that came, I was determined
to be off.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="douglass51" n="51"/>
        <head>CHAPTER IX.</head>
        <p>I HAVE now reached a period of my life when I can
give dates. I left Baltimore, and went to
live with Master Thomas Auld, at St. Michael's, in March,
1832. It was now more than seven years since I lived with
him in the family of my old master, on Colonel Lloyd's
plantation. We of course were now almost entire strangers
to each other. He was to me a new master, and I to him a
new slave. I was ignorant of his temper and disposition; he
was equally so of mine. A very short time, however,
brought us into full acquaintance with each other. I was
made acquainted with his wife not less than with himself.
They were well matched, being equally mean and cruel. I
was now, for the first time during a space of more than
seven years, made to feel the painful gnawings of hunger—
a something which I had not experienced before since I left
Colonel Lloyd's plantation. It went hard enough with me
then, when I could look back to no period at which I had
enjoyed a sufficiency. It was tenfold harder after living in
Master Hugh's family, where I had always had enough to
eat, and of that which was good. I have said Master
Thomas was a mean man. He was so. Not to give a slave
enough to eat, is regarded as the most aggravated
development of meanness even among slaveholders. The
rule is, no matter how coarse the food, only let there be
enough of it. This is the theory; and in the part of
Maryland from which I came, it is the general practice,—though
<pb id="douglass52" n="52"/>
there are many exceptions. Master Thomas gave us
enough of neither coarse nor fine food. There were four
slaves of us in the kitchen—my sister Eliza, my aunt
Priscilla, Henny, and myself; and we were allowed less
than a half of a bushel of corn-meal per week, and very
little else, either in the shape of meat or vegetables. It was
not enough for us to subsist upon. We were therefore
reduced to the wretched necessity of living at the expense
of our neighbors. This we did by begging and stealing,
whichever came handy in the time of need, the one being
considered as legitimate as the other. A great many times
have we poor creatures been nearly perishing with hunger,
when food in abundance lay mouldering in the safe and
smoke-house, and our pious mistress was aware of the fact;
and yet that mistress and her husband would kneel every
morning, and pray that God would bless them in basket
and store!</p>
        <p>Bad as all slaveholders are, we seldom meet one
destitute of every element of character commanding
respect. My master was one of this rare sort. I do not
know of one single noble act ever performed by him. The
leading trait in his character was meanness; and if there
were any other element in his nature, it was made subject
to this. He was mean; and, like most other mean men, he
lacked the ability to conceal his meanness. Captain Auld
was not born a slaveholder. He had been a poor man,
master only of a Bay craft. He came into possession of all
his slaves by marriage; and of all men, adopted
slaveholders are the worst. He was cruel, but cowardly. He
commanded without firmness. In the enforcement of
<pb id="douglass53" n="53"/>
his rules, he was at times rigid, and at times lax. At times,
he spoke to his slaves with the firmness of Napoleon and
the fury of a demon; at other times, he might well be
mistaken for an inquirer who had lost his way. He did
nothing of himself. He might have passed for a lion, but
for his ears. In all things noble which he attempted, his
own meanness shone most conspicuous. His airs, words,
and actions, were the airs, words, and actions of born
slaveholders, and, being assumed, were awkward enough.
He was not even a good imitator. He possessed all the
disposition to deceive, but wanted the power. Having no
resources within himself, he was compelled to be the
copyist of many, and being such, he was forever the
victim of inconsistency; and of consequence he was an
object of contempt, and was held as such even by his
slaves. The luxury of having slaves of his own to wait
upon him was something new and unprepared for. He was
a slaveholder without the ability to hold slaves. He found
himself incapable of managing his slaves either by force,
fear, or fraud. We seldom called him “master;” we
generally called him “Captain Auld,” and were hardly
disposed to title him at all. I doubt not that our conduct
had much to do with making him appear awkward, and of
consequence fretful. Our want of reverence for him must
have perplexed him greatly. He wished to have us call him
master, but lacked the firmness necessary to command us
to do so. His wife used to insist upon our calling him so,
but to no purpose. In August, 1832, my master attended a
Methodist camp-meeting held in the Bay-side, Talbot
county, and there experienced religion. I indulged a
<pb id="douglass54" n="54"/>
faint hope that his conversion would lead him to emancipate
his slaves, and that, if he did not do this, it would, at
any rate, make him more kind and humane. I was
disappointed in both these respects. It neither made him to
be humane to his slaves, nor to emancipate them. If it had
any effect on his character, it made him more cruel and
hateful in all his ways; for I believe him to have been a
much worse man after his conversion than before. Prior to
his conversion, he relied upon his own depravity to shield
and sustain him in his savage barbarity; but after his
conversion, he found religious sanction and support for his
slaveholding cruelty. He made the greatest pretensions to
piety. His house was the house of prayer. He prayed
morning, noon, and night. He very soon distinguished
himself among his brethren, and was soon made
a class-leader and exhorter. His activity in revivals was great, and
he proved himself an instrument in the hands of the church
in converting many souls. His house was the preachers'
home. They used to take great pleasure in coming there to
put up; for while he starved us, he stuffed them. We have
had three or four preachers there at a time. The names of
those who used to come most frequently while I lived
there, were Mr. Storks, Mr. Ewery, Mr. Humphry, and
Mr. Hickey. I have also seen Mr. George Cookman at our
house. We slaves loved Mr. Cookman. We believed him to
be a good man. We thought him instrumental in getting Mr.
Samuel Harrison, a very rich slaveholder, to emancipate his
slaves; and by some means got the impression that he was
laboring to effect the emancipation of all the slaves. When
he was at our house, we
<pb id="douglass55" n="55"/>
were sure to be called in to prayers. When the others
were there, we were sometimes called in and sometimes not.
Mr. Cookman took more notice of us than
either of the other ministers. He could not come among us
without betraying his sympathy for us, and, stupid as we
were, we had the sagacity to see it.</p>
        <p>While I lived with my master in St. Michael's, there
was a white young man, a Mr. Wilson, who proposed to
keep a Sabbath school for the instruction of such slaves as
might be disposed to learn to read the New Testament.
We met but three times, when Mr. West and Mr.
Fairbanks, both class-leaders, with many others, came
upon us with sticks and other missiles, drove us off, and
forbade us to meet again. Thus ended our little Sabbath
school in the pious town of St. Michael's.</p>
        <p>I have said my master found religious sanction for his
cruelty. As an example, I will state one of many facts
going to prove the charge. I have seen him tie up a lame
young woman, and whip her with a heavy cowskin upon
her naked shoulders, causing the warm red blood to drip;
and, in justification of the bloody deed, he would quote
this passage of Scripture—“He that knoweth his master's
will, and doeth it not, shall be beaten with many stripes.”</p>
        <p>Master would keep this lacerated young, woman tied
up in this horrid situation four or five hours at a time.
I have known him to tie her up early in the morning,
and whip her before breakfast; leave her, go
to his store, return at dinner, and whip her again,
cutting her in the places already made raw with his
cruel lash. The secret of master's cruelty toward
<pb id="douglass56" n="56"/>
“Henny” is found in the fact of her being almost helpless.
When quite a child, she fell into the fire, and burned
herself horribly. Her hands were so burnt, that she never
got the use of them. She could do very little but bear heavy
burdens. She was to master a bill of expense;
and as he was a mean man, she was a constant offence to
him. He seemed desirous of getting the poor girl out of
existence. He gave her away once to his sister; but, being a
poor gift, she was not disposed to keep her. Finally,
my benevolent master, to use his own words, “set her
adrift to take care of herself.” Here was a
recently-converted man, holding on upon the mother,
and at the same time turning out her helpless
child, to starve and die! Master Thomas was one of
the many pious slaveholders who hold slaves for
the very charitable purpose of taking care of them.</p>
        <p>My master and myself had quite a number of
differences. He found me unsuitable to his purpose. My
city life, he said, had had a very pernicious effect upon
me. It had almost ruined me for every good purpose, and
fitted me for every thing which was bad. One of
my greatest faults was that of letting his horse run
away, and go down to his father-in-law's farm, which
was about five miles from St. Michael's. I would then
have to go after it. My reason for this kind of carelessness,
or carefulness, was, that I could always get
something to eat when I went there. Master William
Hamilton, my master's father-in-law, always gave his
slaves enough to eat. I never left there hungry, no
matter how great the need of my speedy return.
Master Thomas at length said he would stand it no
<pb id="douglass57" n="57"/>
longer. I had lived with him nine months, during which time
he had given me a number of severe whippings, all to no
good purpose. He resolved to put me out, as he said, to be
broken; and, for this purpose, he let me for one year to a
man named Edward Covey. Mr. Covey was a poor man, a
farm-renter. He rented the place upon which he lived, as also
the hands with which he tilled it. Mr. Covey had acquired a
very high reputation for breaking young slaves, and this
reputation was of immense value to him. It enabled him to
get his farm tilled with much less expense to himself than
he could have had it done without such a reputation. Some
slaveholders thought it not much loss to allow Mr. Covey
to have their slaves one year, for the sake of the training
to which they were subjected, without any other
compensation. He could hire young help with great ease, in
consequence of this reputation. Added to the natural good
qualities of Mr. Covey, he was a professor of religion—a
pious soul—a member and a class-leader in the Methodist
church. All of this added weight to his reputation as a “nigger-breaker.”
I was aware of all the facts, having been
made acquainted with them by a young man who had lived
there. I nevertheless made the change gladly; for I was sure
of getting enough to eat, which is not the smallest
consideration to a hungry man.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="douglass58" n="58"/>
        <head>CHAPTER X.</head>
        <p>I LEFT Master Thomas's house, and went to live with Mr.
Covey, on the 1st of January, 1833. I was now, for the first
time in my life, a field hand. In my new employment, I
found myself even more awkward than a country boy
appeared to be in a large city. I had been at my new home
but one week before Mr. Covey gave me a very severe
whipping, cutting my back, causing the blood to run, and
raising ridges on my flesh as large as my little finger. The
details of this affair are as follows: Mr. Covey sent me,
very early in the morning of one of our coldest days in the
month of January, to the woods, to get a load of wood. He
gave me a team of unbroken oxen. He told me which was the
in-hand ox, and which the off-hand one. He then tied the
end of a large rope around the horns of the in-hand ox, and
gave me the other end of it, and told me, if the oxen started
to run, that I must hold on upon the rope. I had never
driven oxen before, and of course I was very awkward. I,
however, succeeded in getting to the edge of the woods
with little difficulty; but I had got a very few rods into the
woods, when the oxen took fright, and started full tilt,
carrying the cart against trees, and over stumps, in the most
frightful manner. I expected every moment that my brains
would be dashed out against the trees. After running thus
for a considerable distance, they finally upset the cart,
dashing it with great force against a tree, and threw
themselves
<pb id="douglass59" n="59"/>
into it dense thicket. How I escaped death, I do not know.
There I was, entirely alone, in a thick wood, in a place new
to me. My cart was upset and shattered, my oxen were
entangled among the young trees, and there was none to
help me. After a long spell of effort, I succeeded in getting
my cart righted, my oxen disentangled, and again yoked to
the cart. I now proceeded with my team to the place where
I had, the day before, been chopping wood, and loaded my
cart pretty heavily, thinking in this way to tame my oxen. I
then proceeded on my way home. I had now consumed one
half of the day. I got out of the woods safely, and now felt
out of danger, I stopped my oxen to open the woods gate;
and just as I did so, before I could get hold of my ox-rope,
the oxen again started, rushed through the gate, catching it
between the wheel and the body of the cart, tearing it to
pieces, and coming within a few inches of crushing me
against the gate-post. Thus twice, in one short day, I
escaped death by the merest chance. On my return, I told
Mr. Covey what had happened, and how it happened. He
ordered me to return to the woods again immediately. I did
so, and he followed on after me. Just as I got into the
woods, he came up and told me to stop my cart, and that
he would teach me how to trifle away my time, and break
gates. He then went to a large gum-tree, and with his axe cut
three large switches, and, after trimming them up neatly
with his pocket-knife, he ordered me to take off my clothes.
I made him no answer, but stood with my clothes on. He
repeated his order. I still made him no answer, nor did I
move to strip myself. Upon this he rushed
<pb id="douglass60" n="60"/>
at me with the fierceness of a tiger, tore off my clothes,
and lashed me till he had worn out his switches, cutting
me so savagely as to leave the marks visible for a long
time after. This whipping was the first of a number just like it,
and for similar offences.</p>
        <p>I lived with Mr. Covey one year. During the first six
months, of that year, scarce a week passed without his
whipping me. I was seldom free from a sore back. My
awkwardness was almost always his excuse for whipping
me. We were worked fully up to the point of endurance.
Long before day we were up, our horses fed, and by the
first approach of day we were off to the field with our
hoes and ploughing teams. Mr. Covey gave us enough to
eat, but scarce time to eat it. We were often less than five
minutes taking our meals. We were often in the field from
the first approach of day till its last lingering ray had left
us; and at saving-fodder time, midnight often caught us in
the field binding blades.</p>
        <p>Covey would be out with us. The way he used to stand
it, was this. He would spend the most of his afternoons in
bed. He would then come out fresh in the evening, ready to
urge us on with his words, example, and frequently with
the whip. Mr. Covey was one of the few slaveholders who
could and did work with his hands. He was a hard-working
man. He knew by himself just what a man or a boy could
do. There was no deceiving him. His work went on in his
absence almost as well as in his presence; and he had the
faculty of making us feel that he was ever present with us.
This he did by surprising us. He
<pb id="douglass61" n="61"/>
seldom approached the spot where we were at work
openly, if he could do it secretly. He always aimed
at taking us by surprise. Such was his cunning, that we used
to call him, among ourselves, “the snake.” When we were
at work in the cornfield, he would sometimes crawl on his
hands and knees to avoid detection, and all at once he
would rise nearly in our midst, and scream out, “Ha, ha!
Come, come! Dash on, dash on!” This being his mode of
attack, it was never safe to stop a single minute. His comings
were like a thief in the night. He appeared to us as
being ever at hand. He was under every tree,
behind every stump, in every bush, and at every window,
on the plantation. He would sometimes mount
his horse, as if bound to St. Michael's, a distance of seven
miles, and in half an hour afterwards you would see him
coiled up in the corner of the wood-fence, watching every
motion of the slaves. He would, for this purpose, leave his
horse tied up in the woods. Again,
he would sometimes walk up to us, and give us orders as
though he was upon the point of starting on a long
journey, turn his back upon us, and make as though he
was going to the house to get ready; and, before he would
get half way thither, he would turn short and crawl into a
fence-corner, or behind some tree, and there watch us till
the going down of the sun.</p>
        <p>Mr. Covey's <hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="fr">forte</foreign></hi> consisted in his power to deceive.
His life was devoted to planning and perpetrating the
grossest deceptions. Every thing he possessed in the
shape of learning or religion, he made conform to his
disposition to deceive. He seemed to think himself equal
to deceiving the Almighty. He would make a
<pb id="douglass62" n="62"/>
short prayer in the morning, and a long prayer at
night; and, strange as it may seem, few men would at
times appear more devotional than he. The exercises
of his family devotions were always commenced with
singing; and, as he was a very poor singer himself,
the duty of raising the hymn generally came upon me.
He would read his hymn, and nod at me to commence.
I would at times do so; at others, I would not. My
non-compliance would almost always produce much
confusion. To show himself independent of me, he
would start and stagger through with his hymn in the
most discordant manner. In this state of mind, he
prayed with more than ordinary spirit. Poor man!
Such was his disposition, and success at deceiving, I
do verily believe that he sometimes deceived himself
into the solemn belief, that he was a sincere worshipper
of the most high God; and this, too, at a time
when he may be said to have been guilty of compelling
his woman slave to commit the sin of adultery. The
facts in the case are these: Mr. Covey was a poor
man; he was just commencing in life; he was only
able to buy one slave; and, shocking as is the fact, he
bought her, as he said, for <hi rend="italics">a breeder</hi>. This woman
was named Caroline. Mr. Covey bought her from
Mr. Thomas Lowe, about six miles from St. Michael's.
She was a large, able-bodied woman, about twenty
years old. She had already given birth to one child, which
proved her to be just what he wanted. After buying her,
he hired a married man of Mr. Samuel Harrison, to live
with him one year; and him he used to fasten up with her
every night! The result was, that, at the end of the year,
the miserable woman gave
<pb id="douglass63" n="63"/>
birth to twins. At this result Mr. Covey seemed to be
highly pleased, both with the man and the wretched
woman. Such was his joy, and that of his wife, that
nothing they could do for Caroline during her confinement
was too good, or too hard, to be done. The children
were regarded as being quite an addition to his wealth.</p>
        <p>If at any one time of my life more than another, I was
made to drink the bitterest dregs of slavery, that time was
during the first six months of my stay with Mr. Covey.
We were worked in all weathers. It was never too hot or
too cold; it could never rain, blow, hail, or snow, too hard
for us to work in the field. Work, work, work, was
scarcely more the order of the day than of the night. The
longest days were too short for him, and the shortest
nights too long for him. I was somewhat unmanageable
when I first went there, but a few months of this discipline
tamed me. Mr. Covey succeeded in breaking me. I was
broken in body, soul, and spirit. My natural elasticity was
crushed, my intellect languished, the disposition to read
departed, the cheerful spark that lingered about my eye
died; the dark night of slavery closed in upon me; and
behold a man transformed into a brute!</p>
        <p>Sunday was my only leisure time. I spent this in a sort
of beast-like stupor, between sleep and wake, under some
large tree. At times I would rise up, a flash of energetic
freedom would dart through my soul, accompanied with a
faint beam of hope, that flickered for a moment, and then
vanished. I sank down again, mourning over my wretched
condition. I was sometimes prompted to take my life, and
that of Covey, but
<pb id="douglass64" n="64"/>
was prevented by a combination of hope and fear. My
sufferings on this plantation seem now like a dream rather
than a stern reality.</p>
        <p>Our house stood within a few rods of the Chesapeake
Bay, whose broad bosom was ever white with sails
from every quarter of the habitable globe. Those beautiful
vessels, robed in purest white, so delightful to the eye of
freemen, were to me so many shrouded ghosts, to terrify
and torment me with thoughts of my wretched condition. I
have often, in the deep stillness of a summer's Sabbath,
stood all alone upon the lofty banks of that noble bay, and
traced, with saddened heart and tearful eye, the countless
number of sails moving off to the mighty ocean. The sight
of these always affected me powerfully. My thoughts
would compel utterance; and there, with no audience but
the Almighty, I would pour out my soul's complaint, in
my rude way, with an apostrophe to the moving multitude
of ships:—</p>
        <p>“You are loosed from your moorings, and are free;
I am fast in my chains, and am a slave! You move merrily
before the gentle gale, and I sadly before the bloody whip!
You are freedom's swift-winged angels, that fly round the
world; I am confined in bands of iron! O that I were free!
O, that I were on one of your gallant decks, and under your
protecting wing! Alas! betwixt me and you, the turbid waters roll. Go
on, go on. O that I could also go! Could I but swim!
If I could fly! O, why was I born a man, of whom to make a
brute. The glad ship is gone; she hides in the dim distance.
I am left in the hottest hell of unending slavery. O God,
save me! God, deliver me!
<pb id="douglass65" n="65"/>
Let me be free! Is there any God? Why am I a slave? I
will run away. I will not stand it. Get caught, or get clear,
I'll try it. I had as well die with ague as the fever. I have
only one life to lose. I had as well be killed running as die
standing. Only think of it; one hundred miles straight
north, and I am free!
Try it? Yes! God helping me, I will. It cannot be that I
shall live and die a slave. I will take to the water. This very
bay shall yet bear me into freedom. The steamboats
steered in a north-east course from North Point. I will do
the same; and when I get to the head of the bay, I will
turn my canoe adrift, and walk straight through Delaware
into Pennsylvania. When I get there, I shall not be required
to have a pass; I can travel without being disturbed. Let
but the first opportunity offer, and, come what will, I am
off. Meanwhile, I will try to bear up under the yoke. I am
not the only slave in the world. Why should I fret? I can
bear as much as any of them. Besides, I am but a boy, and
all boys are bound to some one. It may be that my misery
in slavery will only increase my happiness when I get free.
There is a better day
coming.”</p>
        <p>Thus I used to think, and thus I used to speak to
myself; goaded almost to madness at one moment, and at
the next reconciling myself to my wretched lot.</p>
        <p>I have already intimated that my condition was much
worse, during the first six months of my stay at Mr.
Covey's, than in the last six. The circumstances leading to
the change in Mr. Covey's course toward me form an
epoch in my humble history. You have seen how a man
was made a slave; you shall see how a
<pb id="douglass66" n="66"/>
slave was made a man. On one of the hottest days of the
month of August, 1833, Bill Smith, William Hughes, a
slave named Eli, and myself, were engaged in fanning
wheat. Hughes was clearing the fanned wheat from before
the fan, Eli was turning, Smith was feeding, and I was
carrying wheat to the fan. The work was simple, requiring
strength rather than intellect; yet, to one entirely unused
to such work, it came very hard. About three o'clock of
that day, I broke down; my strength failed me; I was
seized with a violent aching of the head, attended with
extreme dizziness; I trembled in every limb. Finding what
was coming, I nerved myself up, feeling it would never do
to stop work. I stood as long as I could stagger to the
hopper with grain. When I could stand no longer, I fell,
and felt as held down by an immense weight. The fan of course
stopped; every one had his own work to do; and no one
could do the work of the other, and have his own go on at
the same time.</p>
        <p>Mr. Covey was at the house, about one hundred yards
from the treading-yard where we were fanning. On hearing
the fan stop, he left immediately, and came to the spot
where we were. He hastily inquired what the matter was.
Bill answered that I was sick, and there was no one to bring
wheat to the fan. I had by this time crawled away under the
side of the post and rail-fence by which the yard was
enclosed, hoping to find relief by getting out of the sun. He
then asked where I was. He was told by one of the hands.
He came to the spot, and, after looking at me awhile, asked
me what was the matter. I told him as well as I could, for I
scarce had strength to speak. He then
<pb id="douglass67" n="67"/>
gave me a savage kick in the side, and told me to get up. I
tried to do so, but fell back in the attempt. He gave me
another kick, and again told me to rise. I again tried, and
succeeded in gaining my feet; but, stooping to get the tub
with which I was feeding the fan, I again staggered and fell.
While down in this situation, Mr. Covey took up the
hickory slat with which Hughes had been striking off the
half-bushel measure, and with it gave me a heavy blow
upon the head, making a large wound, and the blood ran
freely; and with this again told me to get up. I made no
effort to comply, having now made up my mind to let him
do his worst. In a short time after receiving this blow, my
head grew better. Mr. Covey had now left me to my fate.
At this moment I resolved, for the first time, to go to my
master, enter a complaint, and ask his protection. In order
to this, I must that afternoon walk seven miles; and this,
under the circumstances, was truly a severe undertaking. I
was exceedingly feeble; made so as much by the kicks and
blows which I received, as by the severe fit of sickness to
which I had been subjected. I, however, watched my
chance, while Covey was looking in an opposite direction,
and started for St. Michael's. I succeeded in getting a
considerable distance on my way to the woods, when
Covey discovered me, and called after me to come back,
threatening what he would do if I did not come. I,
disregarded both his calls and his threats, and made my
way to the woods as fast as my feeble state would allow;
and thinking I might be overhauled by him if I kept the
road, I walked through the woods, keeping far enough
from the road to avoid
<pb id="douglass68" n="68"/>
detection, and near enough to prevent losing my way.
I had not gone far before my little strength again
failed me. I could go no farther. I fell down, and lay
for a considerable time. The blood was yet oozing
from the wound on my head. For a time I thought I
should bleed to death; and think now that I should have
done so, but that the blood so matted my hair as to stop
the wound. After lying there about three quarters of
an hour, I nerved myself up again, and started on my
way, through bogs and briers, barefooted and bareheaded,
tearing my feet sometimes at nearly every
step; and after a journey of about seven miles, occupying
some five hours to perform it, I arrived at master's
store. I then presented an appearance enough to
affect any but a heart of iron. From the crown of my
head to my feet, I was covered with blood. My hair
was all clotted with dust and blood; my shirt was stiff
with blood. My legs and feet were torn in sundry
places with briers and thorns, and were also covered
with blood. I suppose I looked like a man who had
escaped a den of wild beasts, and barely escaped them.
In this state I appeared before my master, humbly
entreating him to interpose his authority for my protection.
I told him all the circumstances as well as I
could, and it seemed, as I spoke, at times to affect him.
He would then walk the floor, and seek to justify
Covey by saying he expected I deserved it. He asked
me what I wanted. I told him, to let me get a new
home; that as sure as I lived with Mr. Covey again, I
should live with but to die with him; that Covey would
surely kill me; he was in a fair way for it.
Master Thomas ridiculed the idea that there was any danger
<pb id="douglass69" n="69"/>
of Mr. Covey's killing me, and said that he knew Mr.
Covey; that he was a good man, and that he could not
think of taking me from him; that, should he do so, he
would lose the whole year's wages; that I belonged to Mr.
Covey for one year, and that I must go back to him, come
what might; and that I must not trouble him with any
more stories, or that he would himself <hi rend="italics">get hold of me</hi>. After
threatening me thus, he gave me a very large dose of salts,
telling me that I might remain in St. Michael's that night, (it
being quite late,) but that I must be off back to Mr.
Covey's early in the morning; and that if I did not, he
would <hi rend="italics">get hold of me</hi>, which meant that he would whip me.
I remained all night, and, according to his orders, I started
off to Covey's in the morning, (Saturday morning,)
wearied in body and broken in spirit. I got no supper that
night, or breakfast that morning. I reached Covey's about
nine o'clock; and just as I was getting over the fence that
divided Mrs. Kemp's fields from ours, out ran Covey with
his cowskin, to give me another whipping. Before he could
reach me, I succeeded in getting to the cornfield; and as the
corn was very high, it afforded me the means of hiding. He
seemed very angry, and searched for me a long time. My
behavior was altogether unaccountable. He finally gave up
the chase, thinking, I suppose, that I must come home for
something to eat; he would give himself no further trouble
in looking for me. I spent that day mostly in the woods,
having the alternative before me,—to go home and be
whipped to death, or stay in the woods and be starved to
death. That night, I fell in with Sandy Jenkins, a slave
with whom
<pb id="douglass70" n="70"/>
I was somewhat acquainted. Sandy had a free wife
who lived about four miles from Mr. Covey's; and it
being Saturday, he was on his way to see her. I told
him my circumstances, and he very kindly invited
me to go home with him. I went home with him,
and talked this whole matter over, and got his advice
as to what course it was best for me to pursue.
I found Sandy an old adviser. He told me, with great
solemnity, I must go back to Covey; but that before I
went, I must go with him into another part of the
woods, where there was a certain <hi rend="italics">root</hi>, which, if I
would take some of it with me, carrying it <hi rend="italics">always on
my right side</hi>, would render it impossible for Mr. Covey,
or any other white man, to whip me. He said he had
carried it for years; and since he had done so, he had
never received a blow, and never expected to while he
carried it. I at first rejected the idea, that the simple
carrying of a root in my pocket would have any such
effect as he had said, and was not disposed to take it;
but Sandy impressed the necessity with much earnestness,
telling me it could do no harm, if it did no good.
To please him, I at length took the root, and, according
to his direction, carried it upon my right side. This
was Sunday morning. I immediately started for home;
and upon entering the yard gate, out came Mr. Covey
on his way to meeting. He spoke, to me very kindly,
bade me drive the pigs from a lot near by, and passed
on towards the church. Now, this singular conduct of
Mr. Covey really made me begin to think that there was
something in the <hi rend="italics">root</hi> which Sandy, had given me;
and had it been on any other day than Sunday, I could
have attributed the conduct to no other cause than the
<pb id="douglass71" n="71"/>
influence of that root, and as it was, I was half inclined
to think the <hi rend="italics">root</hi> to be something more than I at
first had taken it to be. All went well till Monday
morning. On this morning, the virtue of the <hi rend="italics">root</hi> was fully tested. Long before daylight I was called
to go and rub, curry, and feed, the horses. I obeyed,
and was glad to obey. But whilst thus engaged, whilst in
the act of throwing down some blades from the loft, Mr.
Covey entered the stable with a long rope; and just as I
was half out of the loft, he caught hold of my legs, and
was about tying me. As soon as I found what he was up
to, I gave a sudden spring, and as I did so, he holding to
my legs, I was brought sprawling on the stable floor. Mr.
Covey seemed now to think he had me, and could do what
he pleased; but at this moment—from whence came the
spirit I don't know—I resolved to fight; and, suiting my action
to the resolution, I seized Covey hard by the throat;
and, as I did so, I rose. He held onto me, and I to him. My resistance
was so entirely unexpected, that Covey seemed taken all
aback. He trembled like a leaf. This gave me assurance,
and I held him uneasy, causing the
blood to run where I touched him with the ends of my
fingers. Mr. Covey soon called out to Hughes for help.
Hughes came, and, while Covey held me, attempted to tie
my right hand. While he was in the act of doing so, I
watched my chance, and gave him
a heavy kick close under the ribs. This kick fairly
sickened Hughes, so that he left me in the hands of
Mr. Covey. This kick had the effect of not only
weakening Hughes, but Covey also. When he saw
Hughes bending over with pain, his courage quailed.
<pb id="douglass72" n="72"/>
He asked me if I meant to persist in my resistance. I told
him I did, come what might; that he had used me like a
brute for six months, and that I was determined to be used
so no longer. With that, he strove to drag me to a stick that
was lying just out of the stable door. He meant to knock
me down. But just as he was leaning over to get the stick,
I seized him with both hands by his collar, and brought him
by a sudden snatch to the ground. By this time, Bill came.
Covey called upon him for assistance. Bill wanted to
know what he could do. Covey said, “Take hold of him,
take hold of him!” Bill said his master hired him out to
work, and not to help to whip me; so he left Covey and
myself to fight our own battle out. We were at it for nearly
two hours. Covey at length let me go, puffing and blowing
at a great rate, saying that if I had not resisted, he would
not have whipped me half so much. The truth was, that he
had not whipped me at all. I considered him as getting
entirely the worst end of the bargain; for he had drawn no
blood from me, but I had from him. The whole six months
afterwards, that I spent with Mr. Covey, he never laid the
weight of his finger upon me in anger. He would
occasionally say, he didn't want to get hold of me again.
“No,” thought I, “you need not; for you will come off
worse than you did before.”</p>
        <p>This battle with Mr. Covey was the turning-point in
my career as a slave. It rekindled the few expiring embers
of freedom, and revived within me a sense of my own
manhood. It recalled the departed self-confidence, and
inspired me again with a determination to be free. The
gratification afforded by the triumph
<pb id="douglass73" n="73"/>
was a full compensation for whatever else might follow,
even death itself. He only can understand the deep
satisfaction which I experienced, who has himself repelled
by force the bloody arm of slavery. I felt as I never felt
before. It was a glorious resurrection, from the tomb of
slavery, to the heaven of freedom. My long-crushed spirit
rose, cowardice departed, bold defiance took its place; and
I now resolved that, however long I might remain a slave in
form, the day had passed forever when I could be a slave
in fact. I did not hesitate to let it be known of me, that the
white man who expected to succeed in whipping, must
also succeed in killing me.</p>
        <p>From this time I was never again what might be called
fairly whipped, though I remained a slave four years
afterwards. I had several fights, but was never whipped.</p>
        <p>It was for a long time a matter of surprise to me why
Mr. Covey did not immediately have me taken by the
constable to the whipping-post, and there regularly
whipped for the crime of raising my hand against a white
man in defence of myself. And the only explanation I can
now think of does not entirely satisfy me; but such as it
is, I will give it. Mr. Covey enjoyed the most unbounded
reputation for being a first-rate overseer and negro-breaker.
It was of considerable importance to him. That reputation
was at stake; and had he sent me—a boy about sixteen
years old—to the public whipping-post, his reputation
would have been lost; so, to save his reputation, he
suffered me to go unpunished.</p>
        <p>My term of actual service to Mr. Edward Covey
<pb id="douglass74" n="74"/>
ended on Christmas day, 1833. The days between
Christmas and New Year's day are allowed as holidays;
and, accordingly, we were not required to perform any
labor, more than to feed and take care of the stock. This
time we regarded as our own, by the grace of our masters;
and we therefore used or abused it nearly as we pleased.
Those of us who had families at a distance, were generally
allowed to spend the whole six days in their society. This
time, however, was spent in various ways. The staid,
sober, thinking and industrious ones of our number would
employ themselves in making corn-brooms, mats,
horse-collars, and baskets; and another class of us would spend
the time in hunting opossums, hares, and coons. But by far
the larger part engaged in such sports and merriments as
playing ball, wrestling, running foot-races, fiddling,
dancing, and drinking whisky; and this latter mode of
spending the time was by far the most agreeable to the
feelings of our masters. A slave who would work during
the holidays was considered by our masters as scarcely
deserving them. He was regarded as one who rejected the
favor of his master. It was deemed a disgrace not to get
drunk at Christmas; and he was regarded as lazy indeed,
who had not provided himself with the necessary means,
during the year, to get whisky enough to last him through
Christmas.</p>
        <p>From what I know of the effect of these holidays upon
the slave, I believe them to be among the most effective
means in the hands of the slaveholder in keeping down the
spirit of insurrection. Were the slaveholders at once to
abandon this practice, I have not the slightest doubt it
would lead to an immediate
<pb id="douglass75" n="75"/>
insurrection among the slaves. These holidays serve as
conductors, or safety-valves, to carry off the rebellious
spirit of enslaved humanity. But for these, the slave
would be forced up to the wildest desperation; and woe
betide the slaveholder, the day he ventures to remove or
hinder the operation of those conductors!
I warn him that, in such an event, a spirit will go forth in
their midst, more to be dreaded than the most appalling
earthquake.</p>
        <p>The holidays are part and parcel of the gross fraud,
wrong, and inhumanity of slavery. They are professedly
a custom established by the benevolence of the
slaveholders; but I undertake to say, it is the result of
selfishness, and one of the grossest frauds committed
upon the down-trodden slave. They do not give the slaves
this time because they would not like to have
their work during its continuance, but because they know
it would be unsafe to deprive them of it. This
will be seen by the fact, that the slaveholders like to have
their slaves spend those days just in such a manner as to
make them as glad of their ending as of their beginning.
Their object seems to be, to disgust their slaves with
freedom, by plunging them into the lowest
depths of dissipation. For instance, the slaveholders not
only like to see the slave drink of his own accord, but will
adopt various plans to make him drunk. One
plan is, to make bets on their slaves, as to who can drink
the most whisky without getting drunk; and in this way
they succeed in getting whole multitudes to
drink to excess. Thus, when the slave asks for
virtuous freedom, the cunning slaveholder, knowing
his ignorance, cheats him with a dose of vicious dissipation,
<pb id="douglass76" n="76"/>
artfully labelled with the name of liberty. The most
of us used to drink it down, and the result was just what
might be supposed: many of us were led to
think that there was little to choose between liberty and
slavery. We felt, and very properly too, that we had
almost as well be slaves to man as to rum. So, when the
holidays ended, we staggered up from the filth of our
wallowing, took a long breath, and marched to the field,—
feeling, upon the whole, rather glad to go, from what our
master had deceived us into a belief was freedom, back to
the arms of slavery.</p>
        <p>I have said that this mode of treatment is a part of the
whole system of fraud and inhumanity of slavery. It is so.
The mode here adopted to disgust the slave with freedom,
by allowing him to see only the abuse of it, is carried out in
other things. For instance, a slave loves molasses; he steals
some. His master, in many cases, goes off to town, and
buys a large quantity; he returns, takes his whip, and
commands the slave to eat the molasses, until the poor
fellow is made sick at the very mention of it. The same
mode is sometimes adopted to make the slaves refrain from
asking for more food than their regular allowance. A slave
runs through his allowance, and applies for more. His
master is enraged at him; but, not willing to send him off
without food, gives him more than is necessary, and
compels him to eat it within a given time. Then, if he
complains that he cannot eat it, he is said to be satisfied
neither full nor fasting, and is whipped for being hard to
please! I have an abundance of such illustrations of the
same principle, drawn from my own
<pb id="douglass77" n="77"/>
observation, but think the cases I have cited sufficient.
The practice is a very common one.</p>
        <p>On the first of January, 1834, I left Mr. Covey, and
went to live with Mr. William Freeland, who lived
about three miles from St. Michael's. I soon found
Mr. Freeland a very different man from Mr. Covey.
Though not rich, he was what would be called an
educated southern gentleman. Mr. Covey, as I have
shown, was a well-trained negro-breaker and
slave-driver. The former (slaveholder though he was)
seemed to possess some regard for honor, some reverence
for justice and some respect for humanity. The
latter seemed totally insensible to all such
sentiments. Mr. Freeland had many of the faults peculiar to
slaveholders, such as being very passionate and fretful; but
I must do him the justice to say, that he was exceedingly
free from those degrading vices to which Mr. Covey was
constantly addicted. The one was open and frank, and we
always knew where to find him. The other was a most
artful deceiver, and could be understood only by such as
were skilful enough to detect his cunningly-devised
frauds. Another advantage I gained in my new master was,
he made no pretensions to, or profession of, religion; and
this, in my opinion, was truly a great advantage. I assert
most unhesitatingly, that the religion of the south is a mere
covering for the most horrid crimes,—a justifier of the
most appalling barbarity,—a sanctifier of the most hateful
frauds,—and a dark shelter under, which the darkest,
foulest, grossest, and most infernal deeds of slaveholders
find the strongest protection. Were I to be again reduced to
the chains of slavery, next to that
<pb id="douglass78" n="78"/>
enslavement, I should regard being the slave of a religious
master the greatest calamity that could befall me. For of
all slaveholders with whom I have ever met, religious
slaveholders are the worst. I have ever found them the
meanest and basest, the most cruel and cowardly, of all
others. It was my unhappy lot not only to belong to a
religious slaveholder, but to live in a community of such
religionists. Very near Mr. Freeland lived the Rev. Daniel
Weeden, and in the same neighborhood lived the Rev. Rigby
Hopkins. These were members and ministers in the
Reformed Methodist Church. Mr. Weeden owned, among
others, a woman slave, whose name I have forgotten. This
woman's back, for weeks, was kept literally raw, made so
by the lash of this merciless, <hi rend="italics">religious</hi> wretch. He used to
hire hands. His maxim was, Behave well or behave ill, it is
the duty of a master occasionally to whip a slave, to remind
him of his master's authority. Such was his theory, and
such his practice.</p>
        <p>Mr. Hopkins was even worse than Mr. Weeden. His
chief boast was his ability to manage slaves. The peculiar,
feature of his government was that of whipping slaves in
advance of deserving it. He always managed to have one
or more of his slaves to whip every Monday morning. He
did this to alarm their fears, and strike terror into those
who escaped. His plan was to whip for the smallest
offences, to prevent the commission of large ones. Mr.
Hopkins could always find some excuse for whipping a
slave. It would astonish one, unaccustomed to a
slaveholding life, to see with what wonderful ease a
slaveholder can find things, of which to make occasion to
whip a slave.
<pb id="douglass79" n="79"/>
A mere look, word, or motion,—a mistake, accident, or
want of power,—are all matters for which a slave may
be whipped at any time. Does a slave look dissatisfied? It
is said, he has the devil in him, and it must be whipped
out. Does he speak loudly when spoken to by his master?
Then he is getting high-minded, and should be taken
down a button-hole lower. Does he forget to pull off his
hat at the approach of a white person? Then he is
wanting in reverence, and should be whipped for it. Does he
ever venture to vindicate his conduct, when censured for it?
Then he is guilty of impudence,—one of the greatest crimes
of which a slave can be guilty. Does he ever venture
to suggest a different mode of doing things from that
pointed out by his master? He is indeed presumptuous, and
getting above himself; and nothing less than a flogging
will do for him. Does he, while ploughing, break a
plough,—or, while hoeing, break a hoe?
It is owing to his carelessness, and for it a slave must
always be whipped. Mr. Hopkins could always find
something of this sort to justify the use of the lash, and he
seldom failed to embrace such opportunities. There was
not a man in the whole county, with whom the slaves who
had the getting their own home, would not prefer to live,
rather than with this Rev. Mr. Hopkins. And yet there was
not a man any where round, who, made higher
professions of religion, or was more active in revivals,
—more attentive to the class, love-feast, prayer and
preaching meetings, or more devotional in his family,—that
prayed earlier, later, louder, and longer,—than this same
reverend slave-driver, Rigby Hopkins.</p>
        <p>But to return to Mr. Freeland, and to my experience
<pb id="douglass80" n="80"/>
while in his employment. He, like Mr. Covey, gave us
enough to eat; but, unlike Mr. Covey, he also gave
us sufficient time to take our meals. He worked us
hard, but always between sunrise and sunset. He
required a good deal of work to be done, but gave
us good tools with which to work. His farm was
large, but he employed hands enough to work it, and with
ease, compared with many of his neighbors.
My treatment, while in his employment, was heavenly,
compared with what I experienced at the hands of Mr.
Edward Covey.</p>
        <p>Mr. Freeland was himself the owner of but two
slaves. Their names were Henry Harris and John
Harris. The rest of his hands he hired. These consisted
of myself, Sandy Jenkins,<ref targOrder="U" id="ref1" n="1" rend="sc" target="note1">*</ref> and Handy Caldwell.
Henry and John were quite intelligent, and in a very
little while after I went there, I succeeded in creating
in them a strong desire to learn how to read. This
desire soon sprang up in the others also. They very
soon mustered up some old spelling-books, and nothing
would do but that I must keep a Sabbath school. I
agreed to do so, and accordingly devoted my Sundays
to teaching these my loved fellow-slaves how to read.
Neither of them knew his letters when I went there.
Some of the slaves of the neighboring farms found
<note id="note1" n="1" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref1">* This is the same man who gave me the roots to prevent my being
whipped by Mr. Covey. He was “a clever soul.” We used frequently to
talk about the fight with Covey, and as often as we did so, he would claim
my success as the result of the roots which he gave me. This superstition
is very common among the more ignorant slaves. A slave seldom dies but
that his death is attributed to trickery.</note>
<pb id="douglass81" n="81"/>
what was going on, and also availed themselves of this
little opportunity to learn to read. It was understood,
among all who came, that there must be as little display
about it as possible. It was necessary to keep our
religious masters at St. Michael's unacquainted with the fact,
that, instead of spending the Sabbath in wrestling, boxing, and
drinking whisky, we were trying to learn how to read the
will of God; for they had much rather see us engaged in
those degrading sports, than to see us behaving like
intellectual, moral, and accountable beings. My blood boils
as I think of the bloody manner in which Messrs. Wright
Fairbanks and Garrison West, both class-leaders, in
connection with many others, rushed in upon us with
sticks and stones, and broke up our virtuous little Sabbath
school, at St. Michael's—all calling themselves Christians!
humble followers of the Lord Jesus Christ! But I am again
digressing.</p>
        <p>I held my Sabbath school at the house of a free colored
man, whose name I deem it imprudent to mention; for
should it be known, it might embarrass him greatly, though
the crime of holding the school was committed ten years
ago. I had at one time over forty scholars, and those of the
right sort, ardently desiring to learn. They were of all ages,
though mostly men and women. I look back to those
Sundays with an amount of pleasure not to be expressed.
They were great days to my soul. The work of instructing
my dear fellow-slaves was the sweetest engagement with which
I was ever blessed. We loved each other, and to leave them
at the close of the Sabbath was a severe cross indeed.
When I think that these precious souls
<pb id="douglass82" n="82"/>
are to-day shut up in the prison-house of slavery, my
feelings overcome me, and I am almost ready to ask, “Does
a righteous God govern the universe? and for what does he
hold the thunders in his right hand, if not to smite the
oppressor, and deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the
spoiler?” These dear souls came not to Sabbath school
because it was popular to do so, nor did I teach them
because it was reputable to be thus engaged. Every moment
they spent in that school, they were liable to be taken up,
and given thirty-nine lashes. They came because they
wished to learn. Their minds had been starved by their
cruel masters. They had been shut up in mental darkness. I
taught them, because it was the delight of my soul to be
doing something that looked like bettering the condition
of my race. I kept up my school nearly the
whole year I lived with Mr. Freeland; and, beside
my Sabbath school, I devoted three evenings in the
week, during the winter, to teaching the slaves at
home. And I have the happiness to know, that several of
those who came to Sabbath school learned how to read;
and that one, at least, is now free through my agency.</p>
        <p>The year passed off smoothly. It seemed only about
half as long as the year which preceded it. I went through
it without receiving a single blow. I will give Mr. Freeland
the credit of being the best master I ever had, <hi rend="italics">till I became
my own master</hi>. For the ease with which I passed the year, I
was, however, somewhat indebted to the society of my
fellow-slaves. They were noble souls; they not only
possessed loving hearts, but brave ones. We were linked
and inter-linked
<pb id="douglass83" n="83"/>
with each other. I loved them with a love stronger
than any thing I have experienced since. It is sometimes
said that we slaves do not love and confide in each other.
In answer to this assertion, I can say, I never loved any or
confided in any people more than my fellow-slaves, and
especially those with whom I lived at Mr. Freeland's. I
believe we would have died for each other. We never
undertook to do any thing, of any importance, without a
mutual consultation. We never moved separately. We were
one; and as much so by our tempers and dispositions, as
by the mutual hardships to which we were necessarily
subjected by our condition as slaves.</p>
        <p>At the close of the year 1834, Mr. Freeland again hired
me of my master, for the year 1835. But, by this time, I
began to want to live <hi rend="italics">upon free land</hi> as well as <hi rend="italics">with
Freeland</hi>; and I was no longer content, therefore, to live
with him or any other slaveholder. I began, with the
commencement of the year, to prepare myself for a final
struggle, which should decide my fate one way or the other.
My tendency was upward. I was fast approaching
manhood, and year after year had passed, and I was still a
slave. These thought roused me—I must do something. I
therefore resolved that 1835 should not pass without
witnessing an attempt, on my part, to secure my liberty.
But I was not willing to cherish this determination alone.
My fellow-slaves were dear to me. I was anxious to have
them participate with me in this, my life-giving
determination. I therefore, though with great prudence,
commenced early to ascertain their views and feelings in
regard to their condition, and to imbue their minds
<pb id="douglass84" n="84"/>
with thoughts of freedom. I bent myself to devising ways
and means for our escape, and meanwhile strove, on all
fitting occasions, to impress them with the gross fraud and
inhumanity of slavery. I went first to Henry, next to John,
then to the others. I found, in them all, warm hearts and
noble spirits. They were ready to hear, and ready to act
when a feasible plan should be proposed. This was what I
wanted. I talked to them of our want of manhood, if we
submitted to our enslavement without at least one noble
effort to be free. We met often, and consulted frequently,
and told our hopes and fears, recounted the difficulties, real
and imagined, which we should be called on to meet. At
times we were almost disposed to give up, and try to
content ourselves with our wretched lot; at others, we
were firm and unbending in our determination to go.
Whenever we suggested any plan, there was shrinking
—the odds were fearful. Our path was beset with the
greatest obstacles; and if we succeeded in gaining the end
of it, our right to be free was yet questionable—we were
yet liable to be returned to bondage. We could see no spot,
this side of the ocean, where we could be free. We knew
nothing about Canada. Our knowledge of the north did not
extend farther than New York; and to go there, and be
forever harassed with the frightful liability of being
returned to slavery—with the certainty of being treated
tenfold worse than before—the thought was truly a horrible
one, and one which it was not easy to overcome. The case
sometimes stood thus: At every gate through which we
were to pass, we saw a watchman—at every ferry a guard—
on every bridge a sentinel—and in
<pb id="douglass85" n="85"/>
every wood a patrol. We were hemmed in upon every
side. Here were the difficulties, real or imagined—the
good to be sought, and the evil to be shunned. On the one
hand, there stood slavery, a 
stern reality, glaring frightfully upon us,—its robes
already crimsoned with the blood of millions, and even
now feasting itself greedily upon our own flesh. On the
other hand, away back in the dim distance, under the
flickering light of the north star, behind some craggy hill or
snow-covered mountain, stood a doubtful freedom—half
frozen—beckoning us to come and share its hospitality.
This in itself was sometimes enough to stagger us; but
when we permitted ourselves to survey the road, we were
frequently appalled. Upon either side we saw grim death,
assuming the most horrid shapes. Now it was starvation,
causing us to eat our own flesh;—now we were contending
with the waves, and were drowned;—now we were
overtaken, and torn to pieces by the fangs of the terrible
bloodhound. We were stung by scorpions, chased by wild
beasts, bitten by snakes, and finally, after having nearly
reached the desired spot,—after swimming rivers,
encountering wild beasts, sleeping in the woods, suffering
hunger and nakedness,—we were overtaken by our
pursuers, and, in our resistance, we were shot dead upon
the spot! I say, this picture sometimes appalled us, and
made us
<q direct="unspecified"><lg type="quote"><l>“rather bear those ills we had,</l><l>Than fly to others, that we knew not of.”</l></lg></q></p>
        <p>In coming to a fixed determination to run away, we did
more than Patrick Henry, when he resolved upon
<pb id="douglass86" n="86"/>
liberty or death. With us it was a doubtful liberty at
most, and almost certain death if we failed. For my part, I
should prefer death to hopeless bondage.</p>
        <p>Sandy, one of our number, gave up the notion, but still
encouraged us. Our company then consisted of Henry
Harris, John Harris, Henry Bailey, Charles Roberts, and
myself. Henry Bailey was my uncle, and belonged to my
master. Charles married my aunt: he belonged to my
master's father-in-law, Mr. William Hamilton.</p>
        <p>The plan we finally concluded upon was, to get a large
canoe belonging to Mr. Hamilton, and upon the Saturday
night previous to Easter holidays, paddle directly up the
Chesapeake Bay. On our arrival at the head of the bay, a
distance of seventy or eighty miles
from where we lived, it was our purpose to turn our canoe
adrift, and follow the guidance of the north star till we got
beyond the limits of Maryland. Our reason for taking the
water route was, that we were less liable to be suspected
as runaways; we hoped to be regarded as fishermen;
whereas, if we should take the land route, we should be
subjected to interruptions of almost every kind. Any one
having a white face, and being so disposed, could stop us,
and subject us to examination.</p>
        <p>The week before our intended start, I wrote several
protections, one for each of us. As well as I can
remember, they were in the following words, to wit:—
<q direct="unspecified"><text><body><div1 type="letter"><p>“THIS is 
to certify that I, the undersigned, have given
the bearer, my servant, full liberty to go to Baltimore,
<pb id="douglass87" n="87"/>
and spend the Easter holidays. Written with mine
own hand, &amp;c., 1835.</p><closer><signed>“WILLIAM HAMILTON,</signed>
<dateline>“Near St. Michael's, in Talbot county, 
Maryland.”</dateline></closer></div1></body></text></q>
We were not going to Baltimore; but, in going up the
bay, we went toward Baltimore, and these protections
were only intended to protect us while on the bay.</p>
        <p>As the time drew near for our departure, our anxiety
became more and more intense. It was truly a matter of life
and death with us. The strength of our determination was
about to be fully tested. At this time, I was very active in
explaining every difficulty, removing every doubt,
dispelling every fear, and inspiring all with the firmness
indispensable to success in our undertaking; assuring them
that half was gained the instant we made the move; we had
talked long enough; we were now ready to move; if not
now, we never should be; and if we did not intend to move
now, we had as well fold our arms, sit down, and
acknowledge ourselves fit only to be slaves. This, none of
us were prepared to acknowledge. Every man
stood firm; and at our last meeting we pledged ourselves
afresh, in the most solemn manner, that, at the time
appointed, we would certainly start in pursuit of freedom.
This was in the middle of the week, at the
end of which we were to be off. We went, as usual, to our
several fields of labor, but with bosoms highly agitated
with thoughts of our truly hazardous undertaking.
We tried to conceal our feelings as much as
possible; and I think we succeeded very well.</p>
        <p>After a painful waiting, the Saturday morning,
<pb id="douglass88" n="88"/>
whose night was to witness our departure, came. I
hailed it with joy, bring what of sadness it might.
Friday night was a sleepless one for me. I probably
felt more anxious than the rest, because I was, by common
consent, at the head of the whole affair. The
responsibility of success or failure lay heavily upon
me. The glory of the one, and the confusion of the
other, were alike mine. The first two hours of that
morning were such as I never experienced before, and
hope never to again. Early in the morning, we went,
as usual, to the field. We were spreading manure;
and all at once, while thus engaged, I was overwhelmed
with an indescribable feeling, in the fulness
of which I turned to Sandy, who was near by, and
said, “We are betrayed!” “Well,” said he, “that
thought has this moment struck me.” We said no
more. I was never more certain of any thing.</p>
        <p>The horn was blown as usual, and we went up from the
field to the house for breakfast. I went for the form,
more than for want of any thing to eat that
morning. Just as I got to the house, in looking, out at
the lane gate, I saw four white men, with two colored
men. The white men were on horseback, and the
colored ones were walking behind, as if tied. I
watched them a few moments till they got up to our
lane gate. Here they halted, and tied the colored men
to the gate-post. I was not yet certain as to what the
matter was. In a few moments, in rode Mr. Hamilton,
with a speed betokening great excitement. He came
to the door, and inquired if Master William was in.
He was told he was at the barn. Mr. Hamilton, without
dismounting, rode up to the barn with extraordinary
<pb id="douglass89" n="89"/>
speed. In a few moments, he and Mr. Freeland
returned to the house. By this time, the three constables
rode up, and in great haste dismounted, tied their horses,
and met Master William and Mr. Hamilton returning from
the barn; and after talking awhile, they all walked up to the
kitchen door. There was no one in the kitchen but myself
and John. Henry and Sandy were up at the barn. Mr.
Freeland put his head in at the door, and called me by
name, saying, there were some gentlemen at the door who
wished to see me. I stepped to the door, and inquired what
they wanted. They at once seized me, and, without giving
me any satisfaction, tied me—lashing my hands closely
together. I insisted upon knowing what the matter was.
They at length said, that they had learned I had been in a
“scrape,” and that I was to be examined before my master;
and if their information proved false, I should not be hurt.</p>
        <p>In a few moments, they succeeded in tying John. They
then turned to Henry, who had by this time returned, and
commanded him to cross his hands. “I won't!” said
Henry, in a firm tone, indicating his readiness to meet the
consequences of his refusal. “Won't you?” said Tom
Graham, the constable. “No, I won't!” said Henry, in a still
stronger tone. With this, two of the constables pulled out
their shining pistols, and swore, by their Creator, that
they would make him cross his hands or kill him. Each
cocked his pistol, and, with fingers on the trigger, walked
up to Henry, saying, at the same time, if he did not cross
his hands, they would blow his damned heart out. “Shoot
me, shoot me!” said Henry; “you can't kill me but once.
<pb id="douglass90" n="90"/>
Shoot, shoot,—and be damned! <hi rend="italics">I won't be tied!</hi>”
This he said in a tone of loud defiance; and at the same
time, with a motion as quick as lightning, he with one
single stroke dashed the pistols from the hand of each
constable. As he did this, all hands fell upon him, and,
after beating him some time, they finally overpowered
him, and got him tied.</p>
        <p>During the scuffle, I managed, I know not how, to get my
pass out, and, without being discovered, put it into the
fire. We were all now tied; and just as we were to leave for
Easton jail, Betsy Freeland, mother of William Freeland,
came to the door with her hands full of biscuits, and
divided them between Henry and John. She then delivered
herself of a speech, to the following effect:—addressing
herself to me, she. said, “<hi rend="italics">You devil! You yellow devil!</hi> it
was you that put it into the heads of Henry and John to
run away. But for you, you long-legged mulatto devil!
Henry nor John would never have thought of such a
thing.” I made no reply, and was immediately hurried off
towards St. Michael's. Just a moment previous to the
scuffle with Henry, Mr. Hamilton suggested the
propriety of making a search for the protections which he
had understood Frederick had written for himself and the
rest. But, just at the moment he was about carrying his
proposal into effect, his aid was needed in helping to tie
Henry; and the excitement attending the scuffle caused
them either to forget, or to deem it unsafe, under the
circumstances, to search. So we were not yet convicted of
the intention to run away.</p>
        <p>When we got about half way to St. Michael's, while the
constables having us in charge were looking ahead,
<pb id="douglass91" n="91"/>
Henry inquired of me what he should do with his pass.
I told him to eat it with his biscuit, and own nothing;
and we passed the word around, “<hi rend="italics">Own nothing;</hi>”
and “<hi rend="italics">Own nothing!</hi>” said we all. Our confidence in
each other was unshaken. We were resolved to succeed
or fail together, after the calamity had befallen
us as much as before. We were now prepared for
any thing. We were to be dragged that morning
fifteen miles behind horses, and then to be placed in
the Easton jail. When we reached St. Michael's, we
underwent a sort of examination. We all denied that we
ever intended to run away. We did this more to bring
out the evidence against us, than from any hope of getting
clear of being sold; for, as I have said, we were
ready for that. The fact was, we cared but little where
we went, so we went together. Our greatest concern
was about separation. We dreaded that more than
any thing this side of death. We found the evidence
against us to be the testimony of one person; our
master would not tell who it was; but we came to a
unanimous decision among ourselves as to who their
informant was. We were sent off to the jail at Easton.
When we got there, we were delivered up to the sheriff,
Mr. Joseph Graham, and by him placed in jail. Henry,
John, and myself, were placed in one room together—
Charles, and Henry Bailey, in another. Their object in separating us
was to hinder concert.</p>
        <p>We had been in jail scarcely twenty minutes, when a
swarm of slave traders, and agents for slave traders,
flocked into jail to look at us, and to  ascertain if we were
for sale. Such a set of beings I never saw before! I felt
myself surrounded by so many fiends
<pb id="douglass92" n="92"/>
from perdition. A band of pirates never looked more like
their father, the devil. They laughed and grinned over us,
saying, “Ah, my boys! we have got you, haven't we?”
And after taunting us in various ways, they
one by one went into an examination of us, with intent to
ascertain our value. They would impudently ask us if we
would not like to have them for our masters. We would
make them no answer, and leave them to find out as best
they could. Then they would curse and swear at us,
telling us that they could take the devil out of us in a very
little while, if we were only in their hands.</p>
        <p>While in jail, we found ourselves in much more
comfortable quarters, than we expected when we went
there. We did not get much to eat, nor that which
was very good; but we had a good clean room, from
the windows of which we could see what was going on
in the street, which was very much better than though we
had been placed in one of the dark, damp cells. Upon the
whole, we got along very well, so far as the jail and its
keeper were concerned. Immediately after the holidays
were over, contrary to all our expectations, Mr. Hamilton
and Mr. Freeland came up to Easton, and took Charles,
the two Henrys, and John, out of jail, and carried them
home, leaving me alone. I regarded this separation as a
final one. It caused me more pain than any thing else in
the whole transaction. I was ready for any thing rather
than separation. I supposed that they had consulted
together, and had decided that, as I was the whole cause
of the intention of the others to run away, it was hard to
make the innocent suffer with the guilty; and that
<pb id="douglass93" n="93"/>
they had, therefore, concluded to take the others home,
and sell me, as a warning to the others that remained. It is due to
the noble Henry to say, he seemed almost as reluctant at
leaving the prison as at leaving home to come to the
prison. But we knew we should, in all probability, be
separated, if we were sold; and since he was in their
hands, he concluded to go peaceably home.</p>
        <p>I was now left to my fate. I was all alone, and
within the walls of a stone prison. But a few days
before, and I was full of hope. I expected to have
been safe in a land of freedom; but now I was covered
with gloom, sunk down to the utmost despair. I
thought the possibility of freedom was gone. I was
kept in this way about one week, at the end of which,
Captain Auld, my master, to my surprise and utter 
astonishment, came up, and took me out, with the 
intention of sending me, with a gentleman of his acquaintance,
into Alabama. But, from some cause or other,
he did not send me to Alabama, but concluded to send
me back to Baltimore, to live again with his brother
Hugh, and to learn a trade.</p>
        <p>Thus, after an absence of three years and one month, I
was once more permitted to return to my old home at
Baltimore. My master sent me away, because there
existed against me a very great prejudice in the
community, and he feared I might be killed.</p>
        <p>In a few weeks after I went to Baltimore, Master Hugh
hired me to Mr. William Gardner, an extensive
ship-builder, on Fell's Point. I was put there to learn how to
calk. It, however, proved a very unfavorable place for
the accomplishment of this object. Mr.
<pb id="douglass94" n="94"/>
Gardner was engaged that spring in building two large
man-of-war brigs, professedly for the Mexican government.
The vessels were to be launched in the July
of that year, and in failure thereof, Mr. Gardner was
to lose a considerable sum; so that when I entered, all
was hurry. There was no time to learn any thing.
Every man had to do that which he knew how to do.
In entering the ship-yard, my orders from Mr. Gardner
were, to do whatever the carpenters commanded me to
do. This was placing me at the beck and call of about
seventy-five men. I was to regard all these as masters.
Their word was to be my law. My situation
was a most trying one. At times I needed a dozen
pair of hands. I was called a dozen ways in the space
of a single minute. Three or four voices would strike
my ear at the same moment. It was—“Fred., come
help me to cant this timber here.”—“Fred., come
carry this timber yonder.”—“Fred., bring that roller
here.”—“Fred., go get a fresh can of water.”—
“Fred., come help saw off the end of this timber.”—
“Fred., go quick, and get the crowbar.”—“Fred.,
hold on the end of this fall.”—“Fred., go to the
blacksmith's shop, and get a new punch.”—“Hurra,
Fred.! run and bring me a cold chisel.”—“I say,
Fred., bear a hand, and get up a fire as quick as lightning under
that steam-box.”—“Halloo, nigger! come,
turn this grindstone.”—“Come, come! move, move!
and <hi rend="italics">bowse</hi> this timber forward.”—“I say, darky, blast
your eyes, why don't you heat up some pitch?”—
“Halloo! halloo! halloo!” (Three voices at the same
time.) “Come here!—Go there!—Hold on
<pb id="douglass95" n="95"/>
where you are! Damn you, if you move, I'll knock your
brains out!”</p>
        <p>This was my school for eight months; and I might have
remained there longer, but for a most horrid
fight I had with four of the white apprentices, in which
my left eye was nearly knocked out, and I was horribly
mangled in other respects. The facts in the case
were these: Until a very little while after I went there,
white and black ship-carpenters worked side by side,
and no one seemed to see any impropriety in it. All
hands seemed to be very well satisfied. Many of the
black carpenters were freemen. Things seemed to be
going on very well. All at once, the white carpenters
knocked off, and said they would not work with free
colored workmen. Their reason for this, as alleged,
was, that if free colored carpenters were encouraged,
they would soon take the trade into their own hands,
and poor white men would be thrown out of employment.
They therefore felt called upon at once to put
a stop to it. And, taking advantage of Mr. Gardner's
necessities, they broke off, swearing they would work
no longer, unless he would discharge his black carpenters.
Now, though this did not extend to me in form,
it did reach me in fact. My fellow-apprentices very
soon began to feel it degrading to them to work with
me. They began to put on airs, and talk about the
“niggers” taking the country, saying we all ought to
be killed; and, being encouraged by the journeymen,
they commenced making my condition as hard as they
could, by hectoring me around, and sometimes striking
me. I, of course, kept the vow I made after the fight
with Mr. Covey, and struck back again, regardless of
<pb id="douglass96" n="96"/>
consequences; and while I kept them from combining, I
succeeded very well; for I could whip the whole of them,
taking them separately. They, however, at length
combined, and came upon me, armed with sticks, stones,
and heavy handspikes. One came in front with a half
brick. There was one at each side of me, and one behind
me. While I was attending to those in front, and on either
side, the one behind ran up with the handspike, and struck
me a heavy blow upon the head. It stunned me. I fell, and
with this they all ran upon me, and fell to beating me with
their fists. I let them lay on for a while, gathering strength.
In an instant, I gave a sudden surge, and rose to my hands
and knees. Just as I did that, one of their number gave me,
with his heavy boot, a powerful kick in the left eye. My
eyeball seemed to have burst. When they saw my eye
closed, and badly swollen, they left me. With this I seized
the handspike, and for a time pursued them. But here the
carpenters interfered, and I thought I might as well give it
up. It was impossible to stand my hand against so many.
All this took place in sight of not less than fifty white
ship-carpenters, and not one interposed a friendly word; but
some cried, “Kill the damned nigger! Kill
him! kill him! He struck a white person.” I found my
only chance for life was in flight. I succeeded in getting
away without an additional blow, and barely so; for to
strike a white man is death by Lynch law,—and that
was the law in Mr. Gardner's ship-yard; nor is there
much of any other out of Mr. Gardner's ship-yard.</p>
        <p>I went directly home, and told the story of my
<pb id="douglass97" n="97"/>
wrongs to Master Hugh; and I am happy to say of him,
irreligious as he was, his conduct was heavenly, compared
with that of his brother Thomas under similar
circumstances. He listened attentively to my narration of
the circumstances leading to the savage outrage,
and gave many proofs of his strong indignation at it. The
heart of my once overkind mistress was again melted into
pity. My puffed-out eye and blood-covered face moved
her to tears. She took a chair by me, washed the blood
from my face, and, with a mother's tenderness, bound up
my head, covering the wounded eye with a lean piece of
fresh beef. It was almost compensation for my suffering to
witness, once more, a manifestation of kindness from this,
my once affectionate old mistress. Master Hugh was very
much enraged. He gave expression to his feelings by
pouring out curses upon the heads of those who did the
deed. As soon as I got a little the better of my bruises, he
took me with him to Esquire Watson's, on Bond Street, to
see what could be done about the matter. Mr. Watson
inquired who saw the assault committed. Master Hugh
told him it was done in Mr. Gardner's ship-yard, at
midday, where there were a large company of men at
work. “As to that,” he said, “the deed was done, and there
was no question as to who did it.” His answer was, he
could do nothing in the case, unless some white man
would come forward and testify. He could issue no
warrant on my word. If I had been killed in the presence of
a thousand colored people, their testimony combined
would have been insufficient to have arrested one of the
murderers. Master Hugh, for once, was compelled to say
this state of things was too bad. Of
<pb id="douglass98" n="98"/>
course, it was impossible to get any white man to
volunteer his testimony in my behalf, and against the
white young men. Even those who may have sympathized
with me were not prepared to do this. It required a degree
of courage unknown to them to do so; for just at that
time, the slightest manifestation of humanity toward a
colored person was denounced as abolitionism, and that
name subjected its bearer to frightful liabilities. The
watchwords of the bloody-minded in that region, and in
those days, were, “Damn the abolitionists!” and “Damn the
niggers!” There was nothing done, and probably nothing
would have been done if I had been killed. Such was, and
such remains, the state of things in the Christian city of
Baltimore.</p>
        <p>Master Hugh, finding he could get no redress, refused to
let me go back again to Mr. Gardner. He kept me himself,
and his wife dressed my wound till I was again restored to
health. He then took me into the ship-yard of which he
was foreman, in the employment of Mr. Walter Price.
There I was immediately set to calking, and very soon
learned the art of using my mallet and irons. In the course
of one year from the time I left Mr. Gardner's, I was able
to command the highest wages given to the most
experienced calkers. I was now of some importance to my
master. I was bringing him from six to seven dollars per
week. I sometimes brought him nine dollars per week: my
wages were a dollar and a half a day. After learning how to
calk, I sought my own employment, made my own
contracts, and collected the money which I earned. My
pathway became much more smooth
<pb id="douglass99" n="99"/>
than before; my condition was now much more
comfortable. When I could get no calking to do, I did
nothing. During these leisure times, those old notions
about freedom would steal over me again. When in Mr.
Gardner's employment, I was kept in such a perpetual
whirl of excitement, I could think of nothing, scarcely, but
my life; and in thinking of my life, I almost forgot my
liberty. I have observed this in my experience of slavery,
—that whenever my condition was improved, instead of
its increasing my contentment, it only increased my desire
to be free, and set me to thinking of plans to gain my
freedom. I have found that, to make a contented slave, it is
necessary to make a thoughtless one. It is necessary to
darken his moral and mental vision, and, as far as possible,
to annihilate the power of reason. He must be able to
detect no inconsistencies in slavery; he must be made to
feel that slavery is right; and he can be brought to that
only when be ceases to be a man.</p>
        <p>I was now getting, as I have said, one dollar and fifty
cents per day. I contracted for it; I earned it; it was paid
to me; it was rightfully my own; yet, upon each returning
Saturday night, I was compelled to deliver every cent of
that money to Master Hugh. And why? Not because he
earned it,—not because he had any hand in earning it,—
not because I owed it to him,—nor because he
possessed the slightest shadow of a right to it; but solely
because he had the power to compel me to give it up. The
right of the grim-visaged pirate upon the high seas is
exactly the same.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="douglass100" n="100"/>
        <head>CHAPTER XI.</head>
        <p>I NOW come to that part of my life during which I
planned, and finally succeeded in making, my escape from
slavery. But before narrating any of the peculiar
circumstances, I deem it proper to make known my
intention not to state all the facts connected with the
transaction. My reasons for pursuing this course may be
understood from the following: First, were I to give a
minute statement of all the facts, it is not only possible,
but quite probable, that others would thereby be involved
in the most embarrassing difficulties. Secondly, such a
statement would most undoubtedly induce greater
vigilance on the part of slaveholders than has existed
heretofore among them; which would, of course, be the
means of guarding a door whereby some dear brother
bondman might escape his galling chains. I deeply regret
the necessity that impels me to suppress any thing of
importance connected with my experience in slavery. It
would afford me great pleasure indeed, as well as
materially add to the interest of my narrative, were I at
liberty to gratify a curiosity, which I know exists in the
minds of many, by an accurate statement of all the facts
pertaining to my most fortunate escape. But I must
deprive myself of this pleasure, and the curious of the
gratification which such a statement would afford. I would
allow myself to suffer under the greatest imputations
which evil-minded men might suggest, rather than
exculpate myself, and thereby run the hazard
<pb id="douglass101" n="101"/>
of closing the slightest avenue by which a brother slave
might clear himself of the chains and fetters of slavery.</p>
        <p>I have never approved of the very public manner in
which some of our western friends have conducted what
they call the <hi rend="italics">underground railroad</hi>, but which, I think, by
their open declarations, has been made most emphatically
the <hi rend="italics">upperground railroad</hi>. I honor those good men and
women for their noble daring, and applaud them for
willingly subjecting themselves to bloody persecution, by
openly avowing their participation in the escape of slaves.
I, however, can see very little good resulting from such a
course, either to themselves or the slaves escaping; while,
upon the other hand, I see and feel assured that those open
declarations are a positive evil to the slaves remaining, who
are seeking to escape. They do nothing towards
enlightening the slave, whilst they do much towards
enlightening the master. They stimulate him to greater
watchfulness, and enhance his power to capture his slave.
We owe something to the slaves south of the line as well as
to those north of it; and in aiding the latter on their way to
freedom, we should be careful to do nothing which would
be likely to hinder the former from escaping from slavery. I
would keep the merciless slaveholder profoundly ignorant
of the means of flight adopted by the slave. I would leave
him to imagine himself surrounded by myriads of invisible
tormentors, ever ready to snatch from his infernal grasp his
trembling prey. Let him be left to feel his way in the dark;
let darkness commensurate with his crime hover over him;
and let him feel that at every step he
<pb id="douglass102" n="102"/>
takes, in pursuit of the flying bondman, he is running the
frightful risk of having his hot brains dashed out by an
invisible agency. Let us render the tyrant no aid; let us
not hold the light by which he can trace the footprints of
our flying brother. But enough of this, I will now proceed
to the statement of those facts, connected with my
escape, for which I am alone responsible, and for which no
one can be made to suffer but myself.</p>
        <p>In the early part of the year 1838, I became quite
restless. I could see no reason why I should, at the end of
each week, pour the reward of my toil into the purse of
my master. When I carried to him my weekly wages, he
would, after counting the money, look me in the face with
a robber-like fierceness, and ask, “Is this all?” He was
satisfied with nothing less than the last cent. He would,
however, when I made him six dollars, sometimes give me
six cents, to encourage me. It had the opposite effect. I
regarded it as a sort of admission of my right to the whole.
The fact that he gave me any part of my wages was proof,
to my mind, that he believed me entitled to the whole of
them. I always felt worse for having received any thing; for
I feared that the giving me a few cents would ease his
conscience, and make him feel himself to be a pretty
honorable sort of robber. My discontent grew upon me. I
was ever on the look-out for means of escape; and, finding
no direct means, I determined to try to hire my time, with
a view of getting money with which to make my escape. In
the spring of 1838, when Master Thomas came to
Baltimore to purchase his spring goods, I got an opportunity,
<pb id="douglass103" n="103"/>
and applied to him to allow me to hire my time. He
unhesitatingly refused my request, and told me this was
another stratagem by which to escape. He told me I could
go nowhere but that he could get me; and that, in the
event of my running away, he should spare no pains in his
efforts to catch me. He exhorted me to content myself, and
be obedient. He told me, if I would be happy, I must lay
out no plans for the future. He said, if I behaved myself
properly, he would take care of me. Indeed, he advised me
to complete thoughtlessness of the future, and taught me
to depend solely upon him for happiness. He seemed to
see fully the pressing necessity of setting aside my
intellectual nature, in order to contentment in slavery. But
in spite of him, and even in spite of myself, I continued to
think, and to think about the injustice of my enslavement,
and the means of escape.</p>
        <p>About two months after this, I applied to Master
Hugh for the privilege of hiring my time. He was not
acquainted with the fact that I had applied to Master
Thomas, and had been refused. He too, at first, seemed
disposed to refuse; but, after some reflection, he granted
me the privilege, and proposed the following terms: I
was to be allowed all my time, make all contracts with
those for whom I worked, and find my own employment;
and, in return for this liberty, I was to pay him three
dollars at the end of each week; find myself in calking
tools, and in board and clothing. My board was two
dollars and a half per week. This, with the wear and tear
of clothing and calking tools, made my regular expenses
about six dollars per week. This amount I was compelled
to make up, or relinquish
<pb id="douglass104" n="104"/>
the privilege of hiring my time. Rain or shine, work or no
work, at the end of each week the, money must be
forthcoming, or I must give up my privilege. This
arrangement, it will be perceived, was decidedly in my
master's favor. It relieved him of all need of looking after
me. His money was sure. He received all the benefits of
slaveholding without its evils; while I endured all the evils
of a slave, and suffered all the care and anxiety of a
freeman. I found it a hard bargain. But, hard as it was, I
thought it better than the old mode of getting along. It was
a step towards freedom to be allowed to bear the
responsibilities of a freeman, and I was determined to hold
on upon it. I bent myself to the work of making money. I
was ready to work at night as well as day, and by the most
untiring perseverance and industry, I made enough to meet
my expenses, and lay up a little money every week. I went
on thus from May till August. Master Hugh then refused
to allow me to hire my time longer. The ground for his
refusal was a failure on my part, one Saturday night, to
pay him for my week's time. This failure was occasioned
by my attending a camp meeting about ten miles from
Baltimore. During the week, I had entered into an
engagement with a number of young friends to start from
Baltimore to the camp ground early Saturday evening; and
being detained by my employer, I was unable to get down
to Master Hugh's without disappointing the company. I
knew that Master Hugh was in no special need of the
money that night. I therefore decided to go to camp
meeting, and upon my return pay him the three dollars. I
staid at the camp meeting one day longer than I intended
<pb id="douglass105" n="105"/>
when I left. But as soon as I returned, I called upon
him to pay him what he considered his due. I found him
very angry; he could scarce restrain his wrath. He said he
had a great mind to give me a severe whipping. He wished
to know how I dared go out of the city without asking his
permission. I told him I hired my time, and while I paid
him the price which he asked for it, I did not know that I
was bound to ask him when and where I should go. This
reply troubled him; and, after reflecting a few moments,
he turned to me, and said I should hire my time no longer;
that the next thing he should know of, I would be running
away. Upon the same plea, he told me to bring my tools
and clothing home forthwith. I did so; but instead of
seeking work, as I had been accustomed to do previously
to hiring my time, I spent the whole week without the
performance of a single stroke of work. I did this in
retaliation. Saturday night, he called upon me as usual for
my week's wages. I told him I had no wages; I had done no
work that week. Here we were upon the point of coming
to blows. He raved, and swore his determination to get
hold of me. I did not allow myself a single word; but was
resolved, if he laid the weight of his hand upon me, it
should be blow for blow. He did not strike me, but told me
that he would find me in constant employment in future. I
thought the matter over during the next day, Sunday, and
finally resolved upon the third day of September, as the
day upon which I would make a second attempt to secure
my freedom. I now had three weeks during which to
prepare for my journey. Early on Monday morning,
before Master
<pb id="douglass106" n="106"/>
Hugh had time to make any engagement for me, I
went out and got employment of Mr. Butler, at his
ship-yard near the drawbridge, upon what is called the City
Block, thus making it unnecessary for him to seek
employment for me. At the end of the week, I brought
him between eight and nine dollars. He seemed very well
pleased, and asked me why I did not do the same the week
before. He little knew what my plans were. My object in
working steadily was to remove any suspicion he might
entertain of my intent to run away; and in this I
succeeded admirably. I suppose he thought I was never
better satisfied with my condition than at the very time
during which I was planning my escape. The second week
passed, and again I carried him my full wages; and so well
pleased was he, that he gave me twenty-five cents, (quite
a large sum for a slaveholder to give a slave,) and bade me
to make a good use of it. I told him I would.</p>
        <p>Things went on without very smoothly indeed, but
within there was trouble. It is impossible for me to
describe my feelings as the time of my contemplated start
drew near. I had a number of warm-hearted friends in
Baltimore,—friends that I loved almost as I did my life,
—and the thought of being separated from them forever
was painful beyond expression. It is my opinion that
thousands would escape from slavery, who now remain,
but for the strong cords of affection that bind them to
their friends. The thought of leaving my friends was
decidedly the most painful thought with which I had to
contend. The love of them was my tender point, and
shook my decision more than all
<pb id="douglass107" n="107"/>
things else. Besides the pain of separation, the dread and
apprehension of a failure exceeded what I had experienced
at my first attempt. The appalling defeat I then sustained
returned to torment me. I felt assured that, if I failed in
this attempt, my case would be a hopeless one—it
would seat my fate as a slave forever. I could not hope to
get off with any thing less than the severest punishment,
and being placed beyond the means of escape. It required
no very vivid imagination to depict the most frightful
scenes through which I should have to pass, in case I
failed. The wretchedness of slavery, and the blessedness
of freedom, were perpetually before me. It was life and
death with me. But I remained firm, and, according to my
resolution, on the third day of September, 1838, I left
my chains, and succeeded in reaching New York without
the slightest interruption of any kind. How I did so,—
what means I adopted,—what direction I travelled, and
by what mode of conveyance,—I must leave
unexplained, for the reasons before mentioned.</p>
        <p>I have been frequently asked how I felt when I found
myself in a free State. I have never been able to answer the
question with any satisfaction to myself. It was a moment
of the highest excitement I ever experienced. I suppose I
felt as one may imagine the unarmed mariner to feel when
he is rescued by a friendly man-of-war from the pursuit of
a pirate. In writing to a dear friend, immediately after my
arrival at New York, I said I felt like one who had escaped
a den of hungry lions. This state of mind, however, very
soon subsided; and I was again seized with a feeling of great
<pb id="douglass108" n="108"/>
insecurity and loneliness. I was yet liable to be taken back,
and subjected to all the tortures of slavery. This in itself
was enough to damp the ardor of my enthusiasm. But the
loneliness overcame me. There I was in the midst of
thousands, and yet a perfect stranger; without home and
without friends, in the midst of thousands of my own
brethren—children of a common Father, and yet I dared not
to unfold to any one of them my sad condition. I was
afraid to speak to any one for fear of speaking to the
wrong one, and thereby falling into the hands of
money-loving kidnappers, whose business it was to lie in wait for
the panting fugitive, as the ferocious beasts of the forest
lie in wait for their prey. The motto which I adopted when
I started from slavery was this—“Trust no man!” I saw
in every white man an enemy, and in almost every colored
man cause for distrust. It was a most painful situation;
and, to understand it, one must needs experience it, or
imagine himself in similar circumstances. Let him be a
fugitive slave in a strange land—a land given up to be the
hunting-ground for slaveholders—whose inhabitants are
legalized kidnappers—where he is every moment subjected
to the terrible liability of being seized upon by his
fellowmen, as the hideous crocodile seizes upon his prey!—
say, let him place himself in my situation—without
home or friends—without money or credit—wanting
shelter, and no one to give it—wanting bread, and no
money to buy it,—and at the same time let him feel that he
is pursued by merciless men-hunters, and in total darkness
as to what to do, where to go, or where to stay,—
perfectly helpless both as to the
<pb id="douglass109" n="109"/>
means of defence and means of escape,—in the midst of
plenty, yet suffering the terrible gnawings of hunger,—
in the midst of houses, yet having no home,—among
fellow-men, yet feeling as if in the midst of wild beasts,
whose greediness to swallow up the trembling and
half-famished fugitive is only equalled by that with which the
monsters of the deep swallow up the helpless fish upon
which they subsist,—I say, let him be placed in this most
trying situation,—the situation in which I was placed,—
then, and not till then, will he fully appreciate the
hardships of, and know how to sympathize with,
the toil-worn and whip-scarred fugitive slave.</p>
        <p>Thank Heaven, I remained but a short time in this
distressed situation. I was relieved from it by the humane
hand of Mr. DAVID RUGGLES, whose vigilance,
kindness, and perseverance, I shall never forget. I am glad
of an opportunity to express, as far as words can, the love
and gratitude I bear him. Mr. Ruggles is now afflicted with
blindness, and is himself in need of the same kind offices
which he was once so forward in the performance of
toward others. I had been in New York but a few days,
when Mr. Ruggles sought me out, and very kindly took
me to his boarding-house at the corner of Church and
Lespenard Streets. Mr. Ruggles was then very deeply
engaged in the memorable <hi rend="italics">Darg</hi> case, as well as attending
to a number of other fugitive slaves, devising ways and
means for their successful escape; and, though watched
and hemmed in on almost every side, he seemed to be
more than a match for his enemies.</p>
        <p>Very soon after I went to Mr. Ruggles, he wished
<pb id="douglass110" n="110"/>
to know of me where I wanted to go; as he deemed it
unsafe for me to remain in New York. I told him I was a
calker, and should like to go where I could get work. I
thought of going to Canada; but he decided against it, and
in favor of my going to New Bedford, thinking I should be
able to get work there at my trade. At this time, Anna,<ref targOrder="U" id="ref2" n="2" rend="sc" target="note2">*</ref>
my intended wife, came on; for I wrote to her immediately
after my arrival at New York, (notwithstanding my
homeless, houseless, and helpless condition,) informing her
of my successful flight, and wishing her to come on
forthwith. In a few days after her arrival, Mr. Ruggles
called in the Rev. J. W. C. Pennington, who, in the
presence of Mr. Ruggles, Mrs. Michaels, and two or three
others, performed the marriage ceremony, and gave us a
certificate, of which the following is an exact copy:—</p>
        <q direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <p>“THIS may certify, that I joined together in holy
matrimony Frederick Johnson<ref targOrder="U" id="ref3" n="3" rend="sc" target="note3">†</ref> and Anna Murray, as man
and wife, in the presence of Mr. David Ruggles and Mrs.
Michaels.</p>
                <closer><signed>“JAMES W. C. PENNINGTON.</signed>
<dateline><date>“<hi rend="italics">New York, Sept.</hi> 15, 1838.”</date></dateline></closer>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>Upon receiving this certificate, and a five-dollar bill
from Mr. Ruggles, I shouldered one part of our baggage,
and Anna took up the other, and we set out forthwith to
take passage on board of the steamboat John W.
Richmond for Newport, on our way to New
<note id="note2" n="2" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref2"><p>* She was free.</p></note>
<note id="note3" n="3" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref3"><p>† I had changed my name from Frederick <hi rend="italics">Bailey</hi>
to that of <hi rend="italics">Johnson</hi>.</p></note>
<pb id="douglass111" n="111"/>
Bedford. Mr. Ruggles gave me a letter to a Mr. Shaw in
Newport, and told me, in case my money did not serve me
to New Bedford, to stop in Newport and obtain further
assistance; but upon our arrival at Newport, we were so
anxious to get to a place of safety, that, notwithstanding
we lacked the necessary money to pay our fare, we decided
to take seats in the stage, and promise to pay when we got
to New Bedford. We were encouraged to do this by two
excellent gentlemen, residents of New Bedford, whose
names I afterward ascertained to be Joseph Ricketson and
William C. Taber. They seemed at once to understand our
circumstances, and gave us such assurance of their
friendliness as put us fully at ease in their presence. It was
good indeed to meet with such friends, at such a time.
Upon reaching New Bedford, we were directed to the
house of Mr. Nathan Johnson, by whom we were kindly
received, and hospitably provided for. Both Mr. and Mrs.
Johnson took a deep and lively interest in our welfare.
They proved themselves quite worthy of the name of
abolitionists. When the stage-driver found us unable to pay
our fare, he held on upon our baggage as security for the
debt. I had but to mention the fact to Mr. Johnson, and he
forthwith advanced the money.</p>
        <p>We now began to feel a degree of safety, and to prepare
ourselves for the duties and responsibilities of a life of
freedom. On the morning after our arrival at New Bedford,
while at the breakfast-table, the question arose as to what
name I should be called by. The name given me by my
mother was, “Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey.” I,
however, had dispensed
<pb id="douglass112" n="112"/>
with the two middle names long before I left Maryland, so
that I was generally known by the name of “Frederick
Bailey.” I started from Baltimore bearing the name of
“Stanley.” When I got to New York, I again changed my
name to “Frederick Johnson,” and thought that would be
the last change. But when I got to New Bedford, I found it
necessary again to change my name. The reason of this
necessity was, that there were so many Johnsons in New
Bedford, it was already quite difficult to distinguish
between them. I gave Mr. Johnson the privilege of
choosing me a name, but told him be must not take from
me the name of “Frederick.” I must hold on to that, to
preserve a sense of my identity. Mr. Johnson had just
been reading the “Lady of the Lake,” and at once
suggested that my name be “Douglass.” From that time
until now I have been called “Frederick Douglass;” and as
I am more widely known by that name than by either of
the others, I shall continue to use it as my own.</p>
        <p>I was quite disappointed at the general appearance of
things in New Bedford. The impression which I had
received respecting the character and condition of the
people of the north, I found to be singularly erroneous, I
had very strangely supposed, while in slavery, that few of
the comforts, and scarcely any of the luxuries, of life were
enjoyed at the north, compared with what were enjoyed
by the slaveholders of the south. I probably came to this
conclusion from the fact that northern people owned no
slaves. I supposed that they were about upon a level with
the non-slaveholding population of the south. I knew <hi rend="italics">they</hi>
were exceedingly
<pb id="douglass113" n="113"/>
poor, and I had been accustomed to regard their
poverty as the necessary consequence of their being
non-slaveholders. I had somehow imbibed the opinion that, in
the absence of slaves, there could be no wealth, and very
little refinement. And upon coming to the north, I
expected to meet with a rough, hard-handed, and
uncultivated population, living in the most Spartan-like
simplicity, knowing nothing of the ease, luxury, pomp,
and grandeur of southern slaveholders. Such being my
conjectures, any one acquainted with the appearance of
New Bedford may very readily infer how palpably I must
have seen my mistake.</p>
        <p>In the afternoon of the day when I reached New
Bedford, I visited the wharves, to take a view of the
shipping. Here I found myself surrounded with the
strongest proofs of wealth. Lying at the wharves, and
riding in the stream, I saw many ships of the finest model,
in the best order, and of the largest size. Upon the right
and left, I was walled in by granite warehouses of the
widest dimensions, stowed to their utmost capacity with
the necessaries and comforts of life. Added to this, almost
every body seemed to be at work, but noiselessly so,
compared with what I had been accustomed to in
Baltimore. There were no loud songs heard from those
engaged in loading and unloading ships. I heard no deep
oaths or horrid curses on the laborer. I saw no whipping
of men; but all seemed to go smoothly on. Every man
appeared to understand his work, and went at it with a
sober, yet cheerful earnestness, which betokened the deep
interest which he felt in what he was doing, as
<pb id="douglass114" n="114"/>
well as a sense of his own dignity as a man. To me this
looked exceedingly strange. From the wharves I strolled
around and over the town, gazing with wonder and
admiration at the splendid churches, beautiful dwellings,
and finely-cultivated gardens; evincing an amount of
wealth, comfort, taste, and refinement, such as I had never
seen in any part of slaveholding Maryland.</p>
        <p>Every thing looked clean, new, and beautiful. I saw few
or no dilapidated houses, with poverty-stricken inmates;
no half-naked children and barefooted women, such as I
had been accustomed to see in Hillsborough, Easton, St.
Michael's, and Baltimore. The people looked more able,
stronger, healthier, and happier, than those of Maryland. I
was for once made glad by a view of extreme wealth,
without being saddened by seeing extreme poverty. But
the most astonishing as well as the most interesting thing
to me was the condition of the colored people, a great
many of whom, like myself, had escaped thither as a
refuge from the hunters of men. I found many, who had
not been seven years out of their chains, living in finer
houses, and evidently enjoying more of the comforts of
life, than the average of slaveholders in Maryland. I will
venture to assert that my friend Mr. Nathan Johnson (of
whom I can say with a grateful heart, “I was hungry, and
he gave me meat; I was thirsty, and he gave me drink; I
was a stranger, and he took me in”) lived in a neater house;
dined at a better table; took, paid for, and read, more
newspapers; better understood the moral, religious, and
political character of the nation,—than nine tenths of the
slaveholders in Talbot county,
<pb id="douglass115" n="115"/>
Maryland. Yet Mr. Johnson was a working man. His
hands were hardened by toil, and not his alone, but those
also of Mrs. Johnson. I found the colored people much
more spirited than I had supposed they would be. I found
among them a determination to protect each other from the
blood-thirsty kidnapper, at all hazards. Soon after my
arrival, I was told of a circumstance which illustrated their
spirit. A colored man and a fugitive slave were on
unfriendly terms. The former was heard to threaten the
latter with informing his master of his whereabouts.
Straightway a meeting was called among the colored
people, under the stereotyped notice, “Business of
importance!” The betrayer was invited to attend. The
people came at the appointed hour, and organized the
meeting by appointing a very religious old gentleman as
president, who, I believe, made a prayer, after which he
addressed the meeting as follows: “<hi rend="italics">Friends, we have got
him here, and I would recommend that you young men just
take him outside the door, and kill him!</hi>” With this, a
number of them bolted at him; but they were intercepted
by some more timid than themselves, and the betrayer
escaped their vengeance, and has not been seen in New
Bedford since. I believe there have been no more such
threats, and should there be hereafter, I doubt not that
death would be the consequence.</p>
        <p>I found employment, the third day after my arrival, in
stowing a sloop with a load of oil. It was new, dirty, and
hard work for me; but I went at it with a glad heart and a
willing hand. I was now my own master. It was a happy
moment, the rapture of which
<pb id="douglass116" n="116"/>
can be understood only by those who have been slaves. It
was the first work, the reward of which was to be entirely
my own. There was no Master Hugh standing ready, the
moment I earned the money, to rob me of it. I worked that
day with a pleasure I had never before experienced. I was
at work for myself and newly-married wife. It was to me
the starting-point of a new existence. When I got through
with that job, I went in pursuit of a job of calking; but
such was the strength of prejudice against color, among
the white calkers, that they refused to work with me, and
of course I could get no employment.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref4" n="4" rend="sc" target="note4">*</ref> Finding my trade
of no immediate benefit, I threw off my calking
habiliments, and prepared myself to do any kind of work I
could get to do. Mr. Johnson kindly let me have his
wood-horse and saw, and I very soon found myself a plenty of
work. There was no work too hard—none too dirty. I was
ready to saw wood, shovel coal, carry the hod, sweep the
chimney, or roll oil casks,—all of which I did for nearly
three years in New Bedford, before I became known to the
anti-slavery world.</p>
        <p>In about four months after I went to New Bedford,
there came a young man to me, and inquired if I did not
wish to take the “Liberator.” I told him I did; but, just
having made my escape from slavery, I remarked that I
was unable to pay for it then. I, however, finally became
a subscriber to it. The paper came, and I read it from week
to week with such
<note id="note4" n="4" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref4"><p>* I am told that colored persons can now get employment
at calking in New Bedford—a result of anti-slavery effort.</p></note>
<pb id="douglass117" n="117"/>
feelings as it would be quite idle for me to attempt to
describe. The paper became my meat and my drink. My
soul was set all on fire. Its sympathy for my brethren in
bonds—its scathing denunciations of slaveholders—its
faithful exposures of slavery—and its powerful attacks
upon the upholders of the institution—sent a thrill of joy
through my soul, such as I had never felt before!</p>
        <p>I had not long been a reader of the “Liberator,” before I
got a pretty correct idea of the principles, measures and
spirit of the anti-slavery reform. I took right hold of the
cause. I could do but little; but what I could, I did with a
joyful heart, and never felt happier than when in an
anti-slavery meeting. I seldom had much to say at the
meetings, because what I wanted to say was said so much
better by others. But, while attending an anti-slavery
convention at Nantucket, on the 11th of August, 1841, I
felt strongly moved to speak, and was at the same time
much urged to do so by Mr. William C. Coffin, a
gentleman who had heard me speak in the colored people's
meeting at New Bedford. It was a severe cross, and I took
it up reluctantly. The truth was, I felt myself a slave, and
the idea of speaking to white people weighed me down. I
spoke but a few moments, when I felt a degree of freedom,
and said what I desired with considerable ease. From that
time until now, I have been engaged in pleading the cause
of my brethren—with what success, and with what
devotion, I leave those acquainted with my labors to
decide.</p>
      </div1>
    </body>
    <back>
      <div1 type="appendix">
        <pb id="douglass118" n="118"/>
        <head>APPENDIX.</head>
        <div2 type="text">
          <p>I FIND, since reading over the foregoing Narrative that I
have, in several instances, spoken in such a tone and
manner, respecting religion, as may possibly lead those
unacquainted with my religious views to suppose me an
opponent of all religion. To remove the liability of such
misapprehension, I deem it proper to append the
following brief explanation. What I have said respecting and
against religion, I mean strictly to apply to the
<hi rend="italics">slaveholding religion</hi> of this land, and with no possible
reference to Christianity proper; for, between the
Christianity of this land, and the Christianity of Christ, I
recognize the widest, possible difference—so wide, that
to receive the one as good, pure, and holy, is of necessity
to reject the other as bad, corrupt, and wicked. To be the
friend of the one, is of necessity to be the enemy of the
other. I love the pure, peaceable, and impartial Christianity
of Christ: I therefore hate the corrupt, slaveholding,
women-whipping, cradle-plundering, partial and hypocritical
Christianity of this land. Indeed, I can see no reason, but
the most deceitful one, for calling the religion of this land
Christianity. I look upon it as the climax of all misnomers,
the boldest of all frauds, and the grossest of all libels.
Never was there a clearer case of “stealing the livery of the
court of heaven
<pb id="douglass119" n="119"/>
to serve the devil in.” I am filled with unutterable loathing
when I contemplate the religious pomp and show, together
with the horrible inconsistencies, which every where
surround me. We have men-stealers for ministers,
women-whippers for missionaries, and cradle-plunderers for church
members. The man who wields the blood-clotted cowskin
during the week fills the pulpit on Sunday, and claims to
be a minister of the meek and lowly Jesus. The man who
robs me of my earnings at the end of each week meets me
as a class-leader on Sunday morning, to show me the way
of life, and the path of salvation. He who sells my sister,
for purposes of prostitution, stands forth as the pious
advocate of purity. He who proclaims it a religious duty
to read the Bible denies me the right of learning to read the
name of the God who made me. He who is the religious
advocate of marriage robs whole millions of its sacred
influence, and leaves them to the ravages of wholesale
pollution. The warm defender of the sacredness of the
family relation is the same that scatters whole families,—
sundering husbands and wives, parents and children,
sisters and brothers, leaving the hut vacant, and the hearth
desolate. We see the thief preaching against theft, and the
adulterer against adultery. We have men sold to build
churches, women sold to support the gospel, and babes
sold to purchase Bibles for the <hi rend="italics">poor heathen! all for the
glory of God and the good of souls!</hi> The slave auctioneer's
bell and the church-going bell chime in with each other, and
the bitter cries of the heart-broken slave are drowned in
the religious shouts of his pious master. Revivals of
religion and revivals in the slave-trade go
<pb id="douglass120" n="120"/>
hand in hand together. The slave prison and the church
stand near each other. The clanking of fetters and the
rattling of chains in the prison, and the pious psalm and
solemn prayer in the church, may be heard at the same
time. The dealers in the bodies and souls of men erect their
stand in the presence of the pulpit, and they mutually
help each other. The dealer gives his blood-stained
gold to support the pulpit, and the pulpit, in return, covers his
infernal business with the garb of Christianity. Here we
have religion and robbery the allies of each other—devils
dressed in angels' robes, and hell presenting the semblance
of paradise.</p>
          <lg type="poem">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“Just God! and these are they,</l>
              <l>Who minister at thine altar, God of right!</l>
              <l>Men who their hands, with prayer and blessing, lay</l>
              <l>On Israel's ark of light.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>What! preach, and kidnap men?</l>
              <l>Give thanks, and rob thy own afflicted poor?</l>
              <l>Talk of thy glorious liberty, and then</l>
              <l>Bolt hard the captive's door?</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>What! servants of thy own</l>
              <l>Merciful Son, who came to seek and save</l>
              <l>The homeless and the outcast, fettering down</l>
              <l>The tasked and plundered slave!</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>Pilate and Herod friends!</l>
              <l>Chief priests and rulers, as of old, combine!</l>
              <l>Just God and holy! is that church which lends</l>
              <l>Strength to the spoiler thine?”</l>
            </lg>
          </lg>
          <p>The Christianity of America is a Christianity, of whose
votaries it may be as truly said, as it was of the
<pb id="douglass121" n="121"/>
ancient scribes and Pharisees, “They bind heavy burdens,
and grievous to be borne, and lay them on men's shoulders,
but they themselves will not move them with one of their
fingers. All their works they do for to be seen of men.—
They love the uppermost rooms at feasts, and the chief
seats in the synagogues, . . . and to be called of men,
Rabbi, Rabbi.—But woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees,
hypocrites! for ye shut up the kingdom of heaven against
men; for ye neither go in yourselves, neither suffer ye
them that are entering to go in. Ye devour widows' houses,
and for a pretence make long prayers; therefore ye shall
receive the greater damnation. Ye compass sea and land to
make one proselyte, and when he is made, ye make him
twofold more the child of hell than yourselves.—Woe unto
you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites ! for ye pay tithe
of mint, and anise, and cumin, and have omitted the
weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy, and faith;
these ought ye to have done, and not to leave the other
undone. Ye blind guides! which strain at a gnat, and
swallow a camel. Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees,
hypocrites! for ye make clean the outside of the cup and
of the platter; but within, they are full of extortion and
excess.—Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites!
for ye are like unto whited sepulchres, which indeed
appear beautiful outward, but are within full of dead men's
bones, and of all uncleanness. Even so ye also outwardly
appear righteous unto men, but within ye are full of
hypocrisy and iniquity.”</p>
          <p>Dark and terrible as is this picture, I hold it to be
strictly true of the overwhelming mass of professed
<pb id="douglass122" n="122"/>
Christians in America. They strain at a gnat, and swallow
a camel. Could any thing be more true of our churches?
They would be shocked at the proposition of
fellowshipping a <hi rend="italics">sheep</hi>-stealer ; and at the same time they
hug to their communion a <hi rend="italics">man</hi>-stealer, and brand me with
being an infidel, if I find fault with them for it. They
attend with Pharisaical strictness to the outward forms of
religion, and at the same time neglect the weightier matters
of the law, judgment, mercy, and faith. They are always
ready to sacrifice, but seldom to show mercy. They are
they who are represented as professing to love God whom
they have not seen, whilst they hate their brother whom
they have seen. They love the heathen on the other side of
the globe. They can pray for him, pay money to have the
Bible put into his hand, and missionaries to instruct him;
while they despise and totally neglect the heathen at their
own doors.</p>
          <p>Such is, very briefly, my view of the religion of this
land; and to avoid any misunderstanding, growing out of
the use of general terms, I mean, by the religion of this
land, that which is revealed in the words, deeds, and
actions, of those bodies, north and south, calling
themselves Christian churches, and yet in union with
slaveholders. It is against religion, as presented by these
bodies, that I have felt it my duty to testify.</p>
          <p>I conclude these remarks by copying the following
portrait of the religion of the south, (which is, by
communion and fellowship, the religion of the north,)
which I soberly affirm is “true to the life,” and without
caricature or the slightest exaggeration. It is said to have
been drawn, several years before the present
<pb id="douglass123" n="123"/>
anti-slavery agitation began, by a northern Methodist
preacher, who, while residing at the south, had an
opportunity to see slaveholding morals, manners, and
piety, with his own eyes. “Shall I not visit for these
things? saith the Lord. Shall not my soul be avenged on
such a nation as this?”</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subsection">
          <head>“A PARODY.</head>
          <lg type="poem">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“Come, saints and sinners, hear me tell</l>
              <l>How pious priests whip Jack and Nell,</l>
              <l>And women buy and children sell,</l>
              <l>And preach all sinners down to hell,</l>
              <l>And sing of heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“They'll bleat and baa, dona like goats,</l>
              <l>Gorge down black sheep, and strain at motes,</l>
              <l>Array their backs in fine black coats,</l>
              <l>Then seize their negroes by their throats,</l>
              <l>And choke, for heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“They'll church you if you sip a dram,</l>
              <l>And damn you if you steal a lamb;</l>
              <l>Yet rob old Tony, Doll, and Sam,</l>
              <l>Of human rights, and bread and ham;</l>
              <l>Kidnapper's heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“They'll loudly talk of Christ's reward,</l>
              <l>And bind his image with a cord,</l>
              <l>And scold, and swing the lash abhorred,</l>
              <l>And sell their brother in the Lord</l>
              <l>To handcuffed heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“They'll read and sing a sacred song,</l>
              <l>And make a prayer both loud and long,</l>
              <pb id="douglass124" n="124"/>
              <l>And teach the right and do the wrong,</l>
              <l>Hailing the brother, sister throng,</l>
              <l>With words of heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“We wonder how such saints can sing,</l>
              <l>Or praise the Lord upon the wing,</l>
              <l>Who roar, and scold, and whip, and sting,</l>
              <l>And to their slaves and mammon cling,</l>
              <l>In guilty conscience union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“They'll raise tobacco, corn, and rye,</l>
              <l>And drive, and thieve, and cheat, and lie,</l>
              <l>And lay up treasures in the sky,</l>
              <l>By making switch and cowskin fly,</l>
              <l>In hope of heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“They'll crack old Tony on the skull,</l>
              <l>And preach and roar like Bashan bull,</l>
              <l>Or braying ass, of mischief full,</l>
              <l>Then seize old Jacob by the wool,</l>
              <l>And pull for heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“A roaring, ranting, sleek man-thief,</l>
              <l>Who lived on mutton, veal, and beef,</l>
              <l>Yet never would afford relief</l>
              <l>To needy, sable sons of grief,</l>
              <l>Was big with heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“‘Love not the world,’ the preacher said,</l>
              <l>And winked his eye, and shook his head;</l>
              <l>He seized on Tom, and Dick, and Ned,</l>
              <l>Cut short their meat, and clothes, and bread,</l>
              <l>Yet still loved heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“Another preacher whining spoke</l>
              <l>Of One whose heart for sinners broke:</l>
              <pb id="douglass125" n="125"/>
              <l>He tied old Nanny to an oak,</l>
              <l>And drew the blood at every stroke,</l>
              <l>And prayed for heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“Two others oped their iron jaws,</l>
              <l>And waved their children-stealing paws;</l>
              <l>There sat their children in gewgaws;</l>
              <l>By stinting negroes' backs and maws,</l>
              <l>They kept up heavenly union.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“All good from Jack another takes,</l>
              <l>And entertains their flirts and rakes,</l>
              <l>Who dress as sleek as glossy snakes,</l>
              <l>And cram their mouths with sweetened cakes;</l>
              <l>And this goes down for union.”</l>
            </lg>
          </lg>
          <p>Sincerely and earnestly hoping that this little book may
do something toward throwing light on the American slave
system, and hastening the glad day of deliverance to the
millions of my brethren in bonds—faithfully relying upon the
power of truth, love, and justice, for success
in my humble efforts—and solemnly pledging my self
anew to the sacred cause,—I subscribe myself,</p>
          <closer><signed>FREDERICK DOUGLASS.</signed>
<dateline><date>LYNN, <hi rend="italics">Mass., April</hi> 28, 1845.</date></dateline></closer>
          <trailer>THE END.</trailer>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="back cover image">
        <p>
          <figure id="back" entity="douglbk">
            <p>[Back Cover Image]</p>
          </figure>
        </p>
      </div1>
    </back>
  </text>
</TEI.2>