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        <title><emph>A North-Side View of Slavery. The Refugee: or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada. Related by Themselves, with an Account of the History and Condition of the Colored Population of Upper Canada:</emph>
Electronic Edition.</title>
        <author>Drew, Benjamin, 1812-1903 </author>
        <funder>Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities and The Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation
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        <date>2000.</date>
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            <title type="title page">A North-Side View of Slavery. The Refugee: or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada. Related by Themselves, with an Account of the History and Condition of the Colored Population of Upper Canada</title>
            <author>Benjamin Drew</author>
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          <extent>xii, 387, [4]   p., ill.</extent>
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            <publisher>PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY. CLEVELAND, OHIO: JEWETT, PROCTOR AND WORTHINGTON. NEW YORK: SHELDON, LAMPORT AND BLAKEMAN. LONDON: TRÜBNER AND CO.</publisher>
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    <front>
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      <titlePage>
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          <titlePart type="main">A NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.</titlePart>
          <titlePart type="main">THE REFUGEE: </titlePart>
          <titlePart type="main">OR THE <lb/> NARRATIVES OF FUGITIVE SLAVES IN CANADA.</titlePart>
          <titlePart type="main">RELATED BY THEMSELVES, <lb/> WITH <lb/> AN ACCOUNT OF THE HISTORY AND CONDITION OF THE <lb/>COLORED POPULATION OF UPPER CANADA.</titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <byline>BY</byline>
        <docAuthor>BENJAMIN DREW.</docAuthor>
        <docImprint><pubPlace>BOSTON:</pubPlace>
<publisher>PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY. <lb/> CLEVELAND, OHIO: <lb/> JEWETT, PROCTOR AND WORTHINGTON. <lb/> NEW YORK: SHELDON, LAMPORT AND BLAKEMAN. <lb/> LONDON: TRÜBNER AND CO.</publisher>
<docDate>1856.</docDate></docImprint>
        <pb id="pxxx2" n="verso"/>
        <docImprint>
          <docDate>Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, by <lb/> JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY, <lb/> in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. </docDate>
          <pubPlace>CAMBRIDGE:</pubPlace>
          <publisher>  ALLEN AND FARNHAM, STEREOTYPERS AND PRINTERS.</publisher>
        </docImprint>
      </titlePage>
      <div1 type="advertisment">
        <pb id="piii" n="iii"/>
        <head>PUBLISHERS' ADVERTISEMENT.</head>
        <p>THE work here offered to the public will be found, we venture to say, one of the most instructive and interesting that has yet appeared on the subject of American Slavery. It is original in design and scope, and has been executed with the most conscientious care and fidelity. The author is a gentleman of high character, whose statements may be implicitly relied upon, and whose intelligence is not likely to have been deceived. As for the statements of the Fugitives from Slavery, they speak for themselves. Nowhere else can be found such a mass of direct and unimpeachable testimony as to the true character of the Peculiar Institution, by witnesses who have had the best opportunities of knowing its nature, and who occupy a point of view from which its characteristic lineaments can be most distinctly discerned.</p>
        <p>We are confident that “A North-side View of Slavery” will prove to be not only one of the most effective Anti-slavery arguments ever issued from the press, but a valuable and permanent contribution to American Literature.</p>
        <closer>
          <signed>JOHN P. JEWETT &amp; CO.</signed>
        </closer>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="preface">
        <pb id="pv" n="v"/>
        <head>AUTHOR'S PREFACE.</head>
        <p>THE colored population of Upper Canada, was estimated in the First Report of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada, in 1852, at thirty thousand. Of this large number, nearly all the adults, and many of the children, have been fugitive slaves from the United States; it is, therefore, natural that the citizens of this Republic should feel an interest in their fate and fortunes. Many causes, however, have hitherto prevented the public generally from knowing their exact condition and circumstances. Their enemies, the supporters of slavery, have represented them as “indolent, vicious, and debased; suffering and starving, because they have no kind masters to do the thinking for them, and to urge them to the necessary labor, which their own laziness and want of forecast, lead them to avoid.” Some of their friends, anxious to obtain aid for the comparatively few in number, (perhaps three thousand in all,) who have actually stood in need of assistance, have not, in all cases, been sufficiently discriminating in their statements: old settlers and new, the rich and the poor, the good and the bad, have suffered alike from imputations of poverty and starvation—misfortunes, which, if resulting from idleness, are akin to crimes. Still another set of men, selfish in 
<pb id="pvi" n="vi"/>
purpose, have, while pretending to act for the fugitives, found a way to the purses of the sympathetic, and appropriated to their own use, funds intended for supposititious sufferers.</p>
        <p>Such being the state of the case, it may relieve some minds from doubt and perplexity, to hear from the refugees themselves, their own opinions of their condition and their wants. These will be found among the narratives which occupy the greater part of the present volume.</p>
        <p>Further, the personal experiences of the colored Canadians, while held in bondage in their native land, shed a peculiar lustre on the Institution of the South. They reveal the hideousness of the sin, which, while calling on the North to fall down and worship it, almost equals the tempter himself in the felicity of scriptural quotations.</p>
        <p>The narratives were gathered promiscuously from persons whom the author met with in the course of a tour through the cities and settlements of Canada West. While his informants talked, the author wrote: nor are there in the whole volume a dozen verbal alterations which were not made at the moment of writing, while in haste to make the pen become a tongue for the dumb.</p>
        <p>Many who furnished interesting anecdotes and personal histories may, perhaps, feel some disappointment because their contributions are omitted in the present work. But to publish the whole, would far transcend the limits of a single volume. The manuscripts, however, are in safe-keeping, and will, in all probability, be given to the world on some future occasion.</p>
        <p>For the real names which appear in the manuscripts of the narratives published, it has been deemed advisable, with few exceptions, that letters should be substituted.</p>
        <p>To those persons mentioned in the course of the work as 
<pb id="pvii" n="vii"/>
having given him assistance and aid, the author acknowledges his obligations: and he feels, likewise, that his thanks are due to Thomas Henning, Esq., Secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada; F. G. Simpson, Esq., Agent of the same Society, and S. Walton, Esq., of Toronto; John Doyle, Esq. City Clerk, London; Rev. Mr. Peyden, of Hamilton; Rev. William King, Buxton; John Hatfield, Esq., Amherstburg; John Fairfield, Esq., Canada West.</p>
        <closer>
          <dateline>BOSTON, 1855.</dateline>
        </closer>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="contents">
        <pb id="pix" n="ix"/>
        <head>CONTENTS.</head>
        <list type="simple">
          <item>INTRODUCTION <ref target="p1" targOrder="U">1</ref></item>
          <item>ST. CATHARINES <ref target="p17" targOrder="U">17</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>James Adams <ref target="p19" targOrder="U">19</ref></item><item>William Johnson <ref target="p29" targOrder="U">29</ref></item><item>Harriet Tubman <ref target="p30" targOrder="U">30</ref></item><item>Mrs.——<ref target="p31" targOrder="U">31</ref></item><item>Rev. Alexander Hemsley <ref target="p32" targOrder="U">32</ref></item><item>John Seward <ref target="p40" targOrder="U">40</ref></item><item>James Seward <ref target="p41" targOrder="U">41</ref></item><item>Mrs. James Seward <ref target="p41" targOrder="U">41</ref></item><item>Mr. Bohm <ref target="p43" targOrder="U">43</ref></item><item>James M. Williams <ref target="p43" targOrder="U">43</ref></item><item>John Atkinson <ref target="p43" targOrder="U">43</ref></item><item>Mrs. Ellis <ref target="p44" targOrder="U">44</ref></item><item>Dan Josiah Lockhart <ref target="p45" targOrder="U">45</ref></item><item>Mrs. Nancy Howard <ref target="p50" targOrder="U">50</ref></item><item>George Johnson <ref target="p52" targOrder="U">52</ref></item><item>Isaac Williams <ref target="p54" targOrder="U">54</ref></item><item>Christopher Nichols <ref target="p67" targOrder="U">67</ref></item><item>Henry Banks <ref target="p72" targOrder="U">72</ref></item><item>John W. Lindsey <ref target="p77" targOrder="U">77</ref></item><item>Henry Atkinson <ref target="p78" targOrder="U">78</ref></item><item>William Grose <ref target="p82" targOrder="U">82</ref></item><item>David West <ref target="p87" targOrder="U">87</ref></item><item>Henry Jackson <ref target="p91" targOrder="U">91</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>TORONTO <ref target="p94" targOrder="U">94</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>Charles H. Green <ref target="p96" targOrder="U">96</ref></item><item>James W. Sumler <ref target="p97" targOrder="U">97</ref></item><item>Patrick Snead <ref target="p99" targOrder="U">99</ref></item><pb id="px" n="x"/><item>Charles Peyton Lucas <ref target="p105" targOrder="U">105</ref></item><item>Benedict Duncan <ref target="p110" targOrder="U">110</ref></item><item>William Howard <ref target="p111" targOrder="U">111</ref></item><item>Robert Belt <ref target="p112" targOrder="U">112</ref></item><item>Elijah Jenkins <ref target="p113" targOrder="U">113</ref></item><item>John A. Hunter <ref target="p114" targOrder="U">114</ref></item><item>Sam Davis <ref target="p115" targOrder="U">115</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>HAMILTON <ref target="p118" targOrder="U">118</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>Rev. R. S. W. Sorrick <ref target="p119" targOrder="U">119</ref></item><item>Edward Patterson <ref target="p121" targOrder="U">121</ref></item><item>Williamson Pease <ref target="p123" targOrder="U">123</ref></item><item>Henry Williamson <ref target="p133" targOrder="U">133</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>GALT <ref target="p136" targOrder="U">136</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>William Thompson <ref target="p136" targOrder="U">136</ref></item><item>Henry Gowens <ref target="p138" targOrder="U">138</ref></item><item>Mrs. Henry Gowens <ref target="p143" targOrder="U">143</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>LONDON <ref target="p147" targOrder="U">147</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>Aby B. Jones <ref target="p149" targOrder="U">149</ref></item><item>Alfred T. Jones <ref target="p152" targOrder="U">152</ref></item><item>Nelson Moss <ref target="p153" targOrder="U">153</ref></item><item>Francis Henderson <ref target="p154" targOrder="U">154</ref></item><item>Mrs. Francis Henderson <ref target="p160" targOrder="U">160</ref></item><item>John Holmes <ref target="p161" targOrder="U">161</ref></item><item>Mrs.—Brown <ref target="p173" targOrder="U">173</ref></item><item>John D. Moore <ref target="p174" targOrder="U">174</ref></item><item>Christopher Hamilton <ref target="p175" targOrder="U">175</ref></item><item>Mrs. Christopher Hamilton <ref target="p177" targOrder="U">177</ref></item><item>Alexander Hamilton <ref target="p177" targOrder="U">177</ref></item><item>Mrs. Sarah Jackson <ref target="p179" targOrder="U">179</ref></item><item>Henry Morehead <ref target="p180" targOrder="U">180</ref></item><item>Anonymous <ref target="p182" targOrder="U">182</ref></item><item>John Warren <ref target="p183" targOrder="U">183</ref></item><item>Benjamin Miller <ref target="p187" targOrder="U">187</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>QUEEN'S BUSH <ref target="p189" targOrder="U">189</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>William Jackson <ref target="p189" targOrder="U">189</ref></item><item>Thomas L. Wood Knox <ref target="p191" targOrder="U">191</ref></item><item>Sophia Pooley <ref target="p192" targOrder="U">192</ref></item><item>John Francis <ref target="p195" targOrder="U">195</ref></item><item>John Little <ref target="p198" targOrder="U">198</ref></item><item>Mrs. John Little <ref target="p224" targOrder="U">224</ref></item></list></item>
          <pb id="pxi" n="xi"/>
          <item>CHATHAM <ref target="p234" targOrder="U">234</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>J. C. Brown <ref target="p239" targOrder="U">239</ref></item><item>Philip Younger <ref target="p248" targOrder="U">248</ref></item><item>Gilbert Dickey <ref target="p251" targOrder="U">251</ref></item><item>William J. Anderson <ref target="p254" targOrder="U">254</ref></item><item>Henry Crawhion <ref target="p256" targOrder="U">256</ref></item><item>Mary Younger <ref target="p258" targOrder="U">258</ref></item><item>Edward Hicks <ref target="p260" targOrder="U">260</ref></item><item>Henry Blue <ref target="p270" targOrder="U">270</ref></item><item>Aaron Siddles <ref target="p271" targOrder="U">271</ref></item><item>John C—n <ref target="p274" targOrder="U">274</ref></item><item>Reuben Saunders <ref target="p274" targOrder="U">274</ref></item><item>Thomas Hedgebeth <ref target="p276" targOrder="U">276</ref></item><item>William Brown <ref target="p280" targOrder="U">280</ref></item><item>Anonymous <ref target="p282" targOrder="U">282</ref></item><item>Isaac Griffen <ref target="p284" targOrder="U">284</ref></item><item>William Street <ref target="p285" targOrder="U">285</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>BUXTON <ref target="p291" targOrder="U">291</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>Isaac Riley <ref target="p298" targOrder="U">298</ref></item><item>Mrs. Isaac Riley <ref target="p299" targOrder="U">299</ref></item><item>Harry Thomas <ref target="p301" targOrder="U">301</ref></item><item>R. Van Branken <ref target="p305" targOrder="U">305</ref></item><item>Henry Johnson <ref target="p306" targOrder="U">306</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>DRESDEN; DAWN <ref target="p308" targOrder="U">308</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>British American Institute <ref target="p309" targOrder="U">309</ref></item><item>William H. Bradley <ref target="p312" targOrder="U">312</ref></item><item>William Hall <ref target="p314" targOrder="U">314</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>WINDSOR <ref target="p321" targOrder="U">321</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>Refugees' Home <ref target="p323" targOrder="U">323</ref></item><item>Thomas Jones <ref target="p326" targOrder="U">326</ref></item><item>William S. Edwards <ref target="p328" targOrder="U">328</ref></item><item>Mrs. Colman Freeman <ref target="p330" targOrder="U">330</ref></item><item>Ben Blackburn <ref target="p333" targOrder="U">333</ref></item><item>William L. Humbert <ref target="p333" targOrder="U">333</ref></item><item>David Cooper <ref target="p334" targOrder="U">334</ref></item><item>Industrial Institution <ref target="p334" targOrder="U">334</ref></item><item>John Martin <ref target="p335" targOrder="U">335</ref></item><item>Daniel Hall <ref target="p337" targOrder="U">337</ref></item><item>Lydia Adams <ref target="p338" targOrder="U">338</ref></item><item>J. F. White <ref target="p339" targOrder="U">339</ref></item><item>Leonard Harrod <ref target="p339" targOrder="U">339</ref></item></list></item>
          <pb id="pxii" n="xii"/>
          <item>SANDWICH <ref target="p341" targOrder="U">341</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>George Williams <ref target="p343" targOrder="U">343</ref></item><item>Henry Brant <ref target="p344" targOrder="U">344</ref></item><item>Mrs. Henry Brant <ref target="p346" targOrder="U">346</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>AMHERSTBURG <ref target="p348" targOrder="U">348</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>Charles Brown <ref target="p350" targOrder="U">350</ref></item><item>James Smith <ref target="p351" targOrder="U">351</ref></item><item>Rev. William Troy <ref target="p353" targOrder="U">353</ref></item><item>William Lyons <ref target="p358" targOrder="U">358</ref></item><item>Joseph Sanford <ref target="p358" targOrder="U">358</ref></item><item>John Hatfield <ref target="p363" targOrder="U">363</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>COLCHESTER <ref target="p367" targOrder="U">367</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>Robert Nelson <ref target="p369" targOrder="U">369</ref></item><item>David Grier <ref target="p372" targOrder="U">372</ref></item><item>Ephraim Waterford <ref target="p373" targOrder="U">373</ref></item><item>Eli Artis <ref target="p374" targOrder="U">374</ref></item><item>Ephraim Casey <ref target="p374" targOrder="U">374</ref></item><item>Rev. William Ruth <ref target="p375" targOrder="U">375</ref></item></list></item>
          <item>GOSFIELD <ref target="p378" targOrder="U">378</ref>
<list type="simple"><item>John Chapman <ref target="p378" targOrder="U">378</ref></item><item>Thomas Johnson <ref target="p379" targOrder="U">379</ref></item><item>Eli Johnson <ref target="p381" targOrder="U">381</ref></item></list></item>
        </list>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="section">
        <pb id="p1" n="1"/>
        <head>INTRODUCTION.</head>
        <p>WHEN in any State, the oppression of the laboring portion of the community amounts to an entire deprivation of their civil and personal rights; when it assumes to control their wills, to assign them tasks, to reap the rewards of their labor, and to punish with bodily tortures the least infraction of its mandates, it is obvious that the class so overwhelmed with injustice, are necessarily, unless prevented by ignorance from knowing their rights and their wrongs, the enemies of the government. To them, insurrection and rebellion are primary, original duties. If successfully thwarted in the performance of these, emigration suggests itself as the next means of escaping the evils under which they groan. From the exercise of this right, they can only be restrained by fear and force. These, however, will sometimes be found inadequate to hold in check the natural desire of liberty. Many, in spite of all opposition, in the face of torture and death, will seek an asylum in foreign lands, and reveal to the ears of pitying indignation, the secrets of the prisonhouse.</p>
        <pb id="p2" n="2"/>
        <p>The escape of slaves forms the most irritating subject of discussion between the North and the South.</p>
        <p>If on this, as on all other evils connected with or growing out of slavery, a common man of plain common sense, were asked his opinion, he would probably say—“remove the cause and the effects will cease; remove the oppression which induces to emigration, and a fugitive slave will be an impossibility.” But this “would only excite a smile at the South.” How mistaken is common sense!</p>
        <p>The South are taking measures, (when was it otherwise?) to preserve, extend, and perpetuate slavery. The problem must be solved, if solved at all, without the oppression being removed.</p>
        <p>By the combined influence of ignorance and fear, the amount of emigration has been reduced to a minimum. We could wish the South would adopt a mode of reasoning sometimes presented to us,—something of this sort;—in all kinds of business, losses are inevitable. Men at the North lose by fall of stocks, by consignments, by fires, and in a great variety of ways. If a Yankee loses a ship worth twenty thousand dollars, he does not expend one hundred thousand in endeavoring to fish it up. He simply enters it in his account of profit and loss. And if a slave runs away, we might as well make the same entry quietly, as to wound the feelings and sensibilities of our northern friends; magnifying and increasing “the deep sectional difference of inborn feeling;” and filling whole cities with grief, shame, and 
<pb id="p3" n="3"/>
an indignation irrepressible, except by marines and detachments of artillery.</p>
        <p>Meanwhile the fugitive slave law continues to be enforced.</p>
        <p>Gloss the matter over as much as we may, and take “south-side views” through a multiplying glass,—yet we must admit, that the slave's is a cruel lot.</p>
        <p>We may compare King James's or the Douay Bible with the Hebrew and the Septuagint; we may find there, and in all recensions, <sic corr="polyglots,">polyglotts,</sic> and translations extant, the history of Abraham and Hagar,—yet we must allow, that an American slave, in his best estate, is a man badly educated, and systematically ill used.</p>
        <p>We may study the New Testament and become conversant with the proceedings of Paul in regard to Onesimus; we may wade through the commentaries of pro-slavery and anti-slavery writers thereupon,—yet the truth will remain, that an American slave is deemed “a chattel personal,”—“the property of a master to whom he belongs,”—that he is liable to be flogged, sold, and divorced, as the interest, caprice, or spite of his master may dictate.</p>
        <p>It may possibly be the case that the denunciatory language which the South has used in speaking of abolitionists, may have “irritated” them, and that, under this irritation, they have manifested more zeal in the cause of emancipation, than they would otherwise have done. Still we deem it undeniable, that if there is any situation on earth in which a man can be placed, which should stir up from its depths, the most active sympathies 
<pb id="p4" n="4"/>
of the human heart, it is the deplorable situation of an American slave.</p>
        <p>If these things are so, how can it be wrong to assist a slave who is making his escape? Surely, to aid the unfortunate is a duty, which no power on earth can legislate into a crime.</p>
        <p>But at this late day, the question is forced upon us, whether it is an unfortunate thing for a man to be a slave? This “excites a smile” at the North,—but as this book is destined to be read at the South as well as at the North, we will examine the question a little.</p>
        <p>Slavery, we are told, has its bright as well as its dark parts. In southern cities, there is good order, the streets are quiet in the night, and there is an absence of mobs. In that portion of southern society which is under the highest cultivation, the slaves smile, laugh, are happy,—one must see that they are happy. Religion has gained a wonderful <sic corr="ascendancy">ascendency</sic> among the colored people. The number of communicants among them is very large. “The only difference between them and us, as to religious instruction is, they cannot generally read.” “As responsibility, anxiety about the present and future, are the chief enemies to cheerfulness, and, among mental causes, to health, it is obvious that if one can have all his present wants supplied, with no care about short crops, the markets, notes payable, bills due, be relieved from the necessity of planning and contriving, all the hard thinking being done for him by another, while useful and honorable employment fills his thoughts and hands, he is so far in a situation favorable 
<pb id="p5" n="5"/>
to great comfort, which will show itself in his whole outer man. Some will say, ‘This is the lowest kind of happiness.’ Yet it is all that a large portion of the race seek for; and few, except slaves, obtain it.” “If the colored people of Savannah, Columbia, and Richmond, are not, as a whole, a happy people, I,” says the reverend author from whom we quote, “have never seen any.” We are told, indeed, that “Cases illustrating the opposite of almost every agreeable statement now made could also be multiplied; still the things just described are as represented, and he is not in a healthful state of mind, who cannot appreciate them. Our error has been in mixing the dark and bright parts of slavery together. This is wrong. We should never lose sight of distinct moral qualities in character, as we do of different colors in mixing paint. Let us judge slavery in this manner; let us keep her different qualities distinct—abhor that in her which is evil, rejoice in that which is good.”</p>
        <p>Damocles sits at the royal banquet, surrounded with gold and silver plate; the table is loaded with delicacies of every kind. “Happy fellow that Damocles,” says Mr. South, “he is in a broad laugh!”</p>
        <p>“Yes;” answers Mr. North, “but look—do you not see that glittering sword hanging over his head by a single hair?”</p>
        <p>“Never mind the sword,—you are mixing together the bright and the dark. This is wrong. Let us, at present, consider only the dinner. What splendid fare! 
<pb id="p6" n="6"/>
Judging from the gold and silver plate, from the chaplets of roses, from the handsome pages about him, from the mingled flavors of the roast and the boiled, and from the appetite of Damocles himself, one must see that he is a happy man.”</p>
        <p>“If he is happy it is either because he is ignorant of his condition,—or knowing ‘the day of trouble and of treading down,’ he has adopted the philosophy spoken of by the prophet, ‘let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we shall die.’ As happy as Damocles appears, there is the sword,—who would want a good dinner with such an accompaniment?”</p>
        <p>“You are wrong. The dinner is good—let us rejoice over that. Damocles fares well. It is a pity that the hungry, dirty, rascally, riotous Celts cannot have just such a dinner every day at the table of Dionysius. Now we will examine the sword a little—but let us handle it gingerly.”</p>
        <p>If slavery causes an “absence of mobs,” let slavery have all due credit on that score. Give it joy that it prevented the destruction of Cassius M. Clay's press, the murder of Lovejoy, the expulsion of Judge Hoar, the lynching of Amos Dresser, and the thousand and one acts of violence and outrage which have caused some unreflecting men to deny that the South is tenanted by a civilized people: more recently that it prevented a mob of armed Missourians from interfering in the Kansas election, and spared the office of the Parkville Luminary. We presume that the absence of mobs of colored persons must have been intended.</p>
        <pb id="p7" n="7"/>
        <p>A strong police must watch the motions of the oppressed—prevent them from meeting together unless some of the oppressors are present—keep them in their quarters at night, etc. This system of police usually answers its atrocious purpose very well. It wields the lash against offenders, and <sic corr="instills">instils</sic> into the oppressed the fear requisite to suppress any overt act toward gaining their rights as human beings. Incidentally, it hinders the commission of crimes, prevents mobs [of colored persons], and keeps the streets quiet, and is so far beneficent in its action. Yet it cannot be denied that the cause of liberty in the world has been much indebted to mobs.</p>
        <p>“Oppression driveth a wise man mad.” The oppressed, then, must not be made wise. If they do not know that a laborer can be a free man, the thought of freedom for themselves will not, perhaps, enter their heads. If they can be <hi rend="italics">raised,</hi> so ignorant as to believe that slavery is the proper and natural condition of their being,—that they cannot take care of themselves, they will probably, be contented with their lot. The more infantile their minds are suffered to remain, the less will they comprehend the absolute wretchedness of their estate; the less opportunity will they have to learn of lands where all are free,—the less capable will they be of putting forth exertion to resist oppression or to escape from it. The intention of the slave-holders in this respect, seems to be approximately realized. Unaware of the delights of mental cultivation, of the proper growth and expansion of the human soul, 
<pb id="p8" n="8"/>
many of the oppressed class will appear in good humor and often in a “broad laugh.” The manhood of this portion of the sufferers has not, indeed, been “crushed out of them:”—it has never been developed. They are little children in every thing but bodily maturity. “The slaves in Savannah,” says Patrick Snead, a fugitive slave from that city, “are poor, ignorant creatures,—<hi rend="italics">they don't know their condition.</hi>”</p>
        <p>A class of men retained in the lowest form of bondage, hopeless of any thing higher and better on earth,—at the best dividing their earnings with masters, but more often urged to hard and prolonged labor, through the influence of fear,—incapable of obtaining any degree of cultivation or dignity here below,—will be peculiarly interested in representations of a better life hereafter. A religion which insists on obedience to masters and mistresses, and which inculcates forgiveness of injuries, will find many teachers among those whose domestic cares lessen, and whose profits rise in proportion to the number of proselytes, and whose codes legalize the grossest wrongs: a faith which promises heavenly rewards to humility, obedience, and patience,—which admonishes him that is smitten on one cheek to turn the other also, will find many converts among those who are glad to escape a sense of their indignities and incessant humiliations, by believing that servility itself is a Christian grace. “Suppose a family [of slaves] bound to their master by affection and respect. Whatever he can make appear to their understandings and consciences to be right, he has as much 
<pb id="p9" n="9"/>
power to enforce upon them as ever falls to the power of moral suasion.” “If the numbers of pious slaves are an indication, it must be confessed that slave-owners, as a body, have performed their Christian duties to their slaves to a degree which the masters of free apprentices and the employers of free laborers have as yet hardly equalled.” What knowledge the slaves have of the Scriptures is obtained by the ear, for “they are generally unable to read.” While we would hope that many among the class of oppressors are faithful in proclaiming the whole counsel of God, it must be admitted that there is a strong temptation on the part of the masters to use the Scriptures mainly as an auxiliary to the overseer.</p>
        <p>The South-side View of Slavery says, “The gospel which is preached to them [the slaves], so far as I heard it, is the same gospel which is preached to us.” But the prayers of the slaves [p. 54 and 55] and the hymns they selected, [p. 55] Watts' Ps. 51, Hymns 139, B. I. and 90, B. II., seem to confirm the view we have presented; while the address of the superintendent of the colored Sabbath school, [p. 85] by no means contradicts it: nor does the hymn sung by slaves [p. 212].</p>
        <p>To magnify the benefits which incidentally and casually grow out of the system of slavery, and to represent them as vast enough to sink its direct enormities into comparative insignificance, is, as if a man were to point to an abundant harvest of corn, on the blood-enriched 
<pb id="p10" n="10"/>
field of Waterloo, as a sufficient reason for involving the world in the horrors of war.</p>
        <p>If, as we have said, the slave's lot is a cruel one,—if, in his best estate, the enslaved American is a man badly educated, and systematically ill-used,—if, by law he is “the property of a master to whom he belongs”—liable to be flogged, sold, and robbed of his wife and children, as the interest, or caprice, or spite of the master may dictate—it appears to us that to assist him if he endeavors to escape from bondage, is a binding duty which not all the constitutions, laws, and sophistries in Christendom can erect into a crime.</p>
        <p>But before you render assistance, you should know “whom you are helping and for what reason he has fled.” Perhaps he is running away to get rid of a scolding wife,—or he may be an ungrateful man,—nay, he may be a thief or a murderer.</p>
        <p>And where am I to go for information on these points? To his pursuers? They will not tell me the truth. Patrick Snead, a fugitive from Savannah, as white as nine tenths of the men of the north, and not therefore “a fugitive <hi rend="italics">black</hi> man,” was arrested on a false charge of <hi rend="italics">murder.</hi> Sims and Burns, both “<hi rend="italics">black</hi> men,” were kidnapped in Boston on charges of <hi rend="italics">theft.</hi> By taking the word of a pursuer, I may “plunge a shipmate into the jaws of a shark.” Proceedings are “summary,”—and by the time I could obtain reliable intelligence, the fugitive might become the victim of an incensed tyrant, whose malice is protected by written 
<pb id="p11" n="11"/>
atrocities denominated laws. In any particular case, the probabilities are, that the fugitive slave is an innocent man,—a wronged and suffering brother, to hear whose prayer it would be perilous for a Christian to refuse. But if, in one case out of a thousand, it should subsequently appear, that he had committed larceny, or had even “killed an Egyptian,”—it might quiet our consciences to reflect that in judging of a slave's guilt, allowances ought to be made for the peculiar privations and wrongs, incident to a slave's life, and on the score of the abject ignorance, to which he has been condemned by an unjust law,—that if the same crime had been perpetrated by a white man, in order to effect his escape from wrongful captivity among Patagonians or Arabs, he would be acquitted both in conscience and law,—and that it were better to aid ten, nay, ten thousand poor, unenlightened, uninstructed creatures to escape hanging, than to incur the tremendous responsibility of consigning an innocent man to a doom worse than death itself.</p>
        <p>But even in cases where the fugitives bring proof that they are fleeing from brutal treatment, “no rule was ever made that could determine a man's duty.” We must “return to the Constitution!” Return to the gospel, rather. “Lord when saw we thee, <hi rend="italics">a stranger,</hi> and did not minister unto thee? Then shall he answer them, saying, Verily, I say unto you, Inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these ye did it not to me.” Could not an ingenious clergyman manage to construct from this passage a rule to determine a man's 
<pb id="p12" n="12"/>
duty in case of a fugitive stranger? To suppose that one on the left hand might urge in reply, “Lord, the least of thy brethren came to my door, hungered, and athirst, a stranger, and naked; it offended my moral sense to have him taken back to involuntary servitude: but there were other interests for moral sense to be concerned about besides those of a fugitive black man. I lived in a Union, under a Constitution, which contained a ‘simple provision’ that he must be delivered up,—and there was a law of the land, which made it penal to minister to thy brother,—and I chose to obey man, rather than to obey God, therefore place me among the sheep.” To suppose that this might be urged in reply, were taking a south-side view of the day of judgment.</p>
        <p>A certain man on his way from Jerusalem to Jericho “fell among thieves which stripped him of his raiment, and wounded him, and departed, leaving him half dead.” Leaving <hi rend="italics">him!</hi> They were quite merciful compared with slave-hunters,—these take man and all. The priest and the Levite saw him but had no compassion on him,—perhaps they wanted to know whom they were helping, before they lent their aid,—or perhaps they had constitutional scruples. But a certain Samaritan put him on his own beast, and brought him to an inn. “Which now of these three, thinkest thou, was neighbor unto him that fell among the thieves? And he said, <hi rend="italics">he that showed mercy on him.</hi> Then said JESUS unto him, <hi rend="italics">Go, and do thou likewise.</hi>” This is in illustration of the LAW, “Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself,”—a LAW rather “HIGHER” than the Blue 
<pb id="p13" n="13"/>
Ridge, or the Black Code: and considering the source from which it emanated, possibly somewhat higher than any form of Constitution in any human government whatever: nay, than that embodiment of American civilization, that flower of human wisdom, that rarest union of exact justice and gentle mercy, the unconstitutional fugitive slave law. But until the “law of the land” is repealed, all appeals to a “higher law” are “fanaticism!” Let us strive to amend the Constitution, and to repeal the obnoxious statute,—for Constitution, and laws, and the Republic itself must come to nought, if the people subscribe to the doctrine, that the enactments of man, however unjust and abominable, are paramount to the merciful laws of the Most High God.</p>
        <p>But with whatever tint of words oppression may be decked: with what zeal soever it may strive to bring a clean thing out of an unclean, and to prove that ignorance and degradation and man-chattelism are productive of happiness to their victims, and pregnant with some immense good in some unknown way to Africa, and to those persons in this country having less or more African blood, and who are of all shades and colors, “from snowy white to sooty;” it is a positive fact, that many thousands have fled from the “happiness” of southern servitude, and found freedom in Canada. From the ties of a common humanity and a common nationality, we feel a deep interest in those exiled men. Why have they left a government which acknowledges 
<pb id="p14" n="14"/>
that “all men are born free and equal,” and given their allegiance to another which does not recognize so democratic a doctrine? What circumstances have led them to prefer a monarchy to a <hi rend="italics">republic?</hi> Why have they exchanged the genial clime of the south for a realm where winter holds half the year? Why have they abandoned friends and kindred, kind masters and mistresses who were willing to take care of them, [wives, children, and home, we would add, were it not that the idea would “excite a smile at the South”] to live a life of exile among strangers? What are their views of the patriarchal institution? Which condition do they find best suited to the African race, or rather to a race partly African, partly Saxon,—slavery or freedom? Should a contest with England arise, would they enlist under the cross of St. George, or under our stars—and stripes? What is their present condition? What are their prospects for the future?</p>
        <p>These and similar questions can be most satisfactorily answered by the refugees themselves.</p>
        <p>The history of their sufferings and their wrongs, of their bondage and their escape, may excite in some heart hitherto unmoved a glow of sympathy for our colored brother, yet fraudulently deprived of his birthright,—it may furnish the true friends of our country,—the friends of liberty and equal rights,—additional means toward overthrowing the slave power; that scandalous aristocracy which has hitherto been allowed to a great extent to sway the destinies of our nation.</p>
        <pb id="p15" n="15"/>
        <p>The opinions and views of those who have been held in bondage in the United States may enable us to obtain a clearer insight into the nature of American slavery,—may prompt us to perform more energetically than hitherto, our duties to the oppressor and the oppressed,—to the North and to the South,—to the national government, and to the State in which we dwell.</p>
        <p>The writer of these pages intends to visit those Americans who have fled from the North and the South into Upper Canada to escape the oppression exercised upon them by their native countrymen. He will assure them that they have the sympathies of many friends in the United States, and advise them that their good conduct and success in life may have an important bearing on the destinies of millions of their brethren, colored and white, in this country, who have the misfortune to be descended from slave mothers. He will endeavor to collect, with a view to placing their testimony on record, their experiences of the actual workings of slavery—what experience they have had of the condition of liberty—and such statements generally as they may be inclined to make, bearing upon the weighty subjects of oppression and freedom.</p>
        <p>Objections may be urged to the testimony of the refugees on the score of their ignorance. We may naturally expect errors and mistakes in regard to dates, ages, proceedings at law, and other matters to know which would require an amount of information not vouchsafed to American slaves. But errors of this sort 
<pb id="p16" n="16"/>
are of secondary consequence, and should rather be imputed to those who have from interest or necessity (the tyrant's plea) placed their candle under a bushel, that it might not give light to all who were in their house. With this qualification there appears to be no reason why the statements of the colored Canadians should not be received as readily as any human testimony whatever.</p>
        <p>If verbal alterations are required care will be taken to preserve the meaning: and if any portion of a narrative is found to trench upon affairs having no connection with slavery, or is likely to involve any good Samaritan in trouble, it will receive no other attention from the writer than to be studiously omitted.</p>
        <p>And now we will make the best of our way to Canada. From that point let us survey the institution which entails many “domestic evils deplored by the whites,”—which “impoverishes a State,”—“stays the development of its natural resources,”—is “a great curse”—“a blot on our holy religion,”—“a curse in all its relations of master and servant,” exerting a “bad influence,” says a slaveholder, “upon our passions, upon our children, destroying that sense of moral responsibility which ought to bear upon us:” and let us indulge a hope that the cause of emancipation may receive a new impulse from a NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.</p>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <div1 type="section">
        <pb id="p17" n="17"/>
        <head>THE REFUGEE; <lb/> OR <lb/> A NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.</head>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>ST. CATHARINES.</head>
          <p>REFUGE! Refuge for the oppressed! Refuge for Americans escaping from abuse and cruel bondage in their native land! Refuge for my countrymen from the lash of the overseer, from the hounds and guns of southern man-hunters, from the clutches of northern marshals and commissioners! Rest! Rest for the hunted slave! Rest for the travel-soiled and foot-sore fugitive.</p>
          <p>Refuge and Rest! These are the first ideas which arise in my mind in connection with the town of St. Catharines.</p>
          <p>I might mention here its pleasant situation, its commercial advantages, the Welland Canal, its telegraphic wires, its railroads, its famous mineral springs, and other matters interesting to the tourist; but we will step aside from these, and look at St. Catharines as the peaceful home of hundreds of the colored race.</p>
          <p>Of the population of about six thousand, it is estimated 
<pb id="p18" n="18"/>
that eight hundred are of African descent. Nearly all the adult colored people have at some time been slaves.</p>
          <p>The name, too, of a distinguished, self-denying philanthropist comes into my mind with the recollection of St. Catharines, the Rev. Hiram Wilson. With him the refugee finds a welcome and a home; the poor stranger is pointed by him to the means of honorable self-support, and from him receives wise counsel and religious instruction. The lady of Mr. Wilson warmly seconds his benevolent exertions. The wayfarer, however forlorn, degraded, or repulsive even, shares her hospitality, and is refreshed by her words of kindness and her cheerful smile.</p>
          <p>I have seen the negro—the fugitive slave, wearied with his thousand miles of travelling by night, without suitable shelter meanwhile for rest by day, who had trodden the roughest and most unfrequented ways, fearing, with too much cause, an enemy in every human being who had crossed his path; I have seen such arrive at Mr. Wilson's, bringing with him the subdued look, the air of sufferance, the furtive glance bespeaking dread, and deprecating punishment; I have seen such waited on by Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, fed and clothed, and cheered, and cared for. Such ministrations give a title to true greatness, a title recognized by Divine wisdom, and deriving its authority from revelation itself: “Whosoever would be great among you, let him be your minister.”</p>
          <p>The houses occupied by the colored people are neat and plain without; tidy and comfortable within. Through the kindness of Mr. Wilson and other friends, I was enabled to visit many families, and was invariably received with courtesy and kindness. Such narratives 
<pb id="p19" n="19"/>
and statements as I received in St. Catharines, it is now my purpose to spread before the reader.</p>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>JAMES ADAMS.</head>
            <p>I was raised in Virginia, about twenty miles above the mouth of the Big Kanawha. At the age of seventeen, I set out to seek freedom in company with Benjamin Harris, (who was a cousin of mine,) and a woman and four children. I was young, and they had not treated me very badly; but I had seen older men treated worse than a horse or a hog ought to be treated; so, seeing what I was coming to, I wished to get away. My father being overseer, I was not used so badly as some even younger than myself, who were kicked, cuffed, and whipped very badly for little or nothing. We started away at night, on the 12th of August, 1824. After we had crossed the river, alarm was given, and my father came down where we had crossed, and called to me to come back. I had not told my intention to either my father or mother. I made no answer at all, but we walked three miles back from the river, where we lay concealed in the woods four days. The nights we passed at the house of a white friend; a friend indeed. We set out on a Monday night, and on the night following, seven more of my fellow-servants started on the same race. They were overtaken on Wednesday night, while they were in a house on the Ohio side. One jumped from a window and broke his arm; he stayed in the woods some days, and then he returned. The other six, two women and four children, were carried back, and the man we stopped with told us that 
<pb id="p20" n="20"/>
the two women were whipped to make them tell where we were, so they could come upon us. They told their master as near as they could. On Thursday five white men came to the house where we had been concealed, but we were then in the woods and mountains, three miles from the friend's house. Every evening, between three and four o'clock, he would come and bring us food. We had nothing to give him—it was the hand of Divine Providence made him do it. He and others on the river see so much abuse of colored people that they pity them, and so are ready to give them aid; at least it was so then. He told the white men he knew nothing about us, and nothing of the kind. They searched his premises, and then left, believing his story. He came to us and said, “Boys, we are betrayed, they are coming now round the hill after us.” We picked up our bundles and started on a run; then he called us back, and said he did it to try our <hi rend="italics">spunk.</hi> He then told us of those who were carried back, and of the searching of his premises. We lodged in his barn that night. On the morning of Friday, he took us twelve miles to a place where the woman would have to leave her children, because he could conceal her better without them. He pointed out a house occupied by a family of Methodists, where she could go and tell them she was going back, and so leave her children there. But when she reached the house the father and mother were absent, so she went at a venture to another house. As it was raining and dark, she was guided by a white boy, a stout lad, and a girl with a lantern. At this house, she slept on a pallet on the floor; and when all else were asleep, she put her baby, which she had all along kept in her arms, into her oldest boy's care, crept to the door and went out. We had bidden her good-by, not
<pb id="p21" n="21"/>
expecting to see her. When the boy and girl had come back from guiding her, I heard the boy say, “Now we shall get fifty dollars for giving her up, and she'll get a good fleecing into the bargain.” The man where we had stopped intended to take her to his house after she had got rid of her children, and when opportunity offered, send her to Canada. We went to a fire which we saw burning in a clearing, and Ben slept while I kept watch. Presently the woman came towards us. I heard the cracking of sticks as she came, and awoke Ben. He raised a sort of tomahawk he had made, intending to strike the person approaching, supposing it was an enemy. Said she, “Oh Ben, don't strike me, it is I.” This made me cry to think Ben was so near killing the woman. Then she begged us not to leave her until the man should come to find her. He not coming so soon as we expected, we all steered back the twelve miles through the woods. Towards night, we heard his cow-bells; we drove the cattle before us, knowing that they would go home. Just as they had guided us there, the man, who had also followed the bells, came up. He told us that the children had been carried back to their master. We supposed the boy—guide—had betrayed them, but do not know. We stayed in his barn all night, and left on Sunday morning, the woman remaining behind.</p>
            <p>At about noon, we were near a village. He pointed out a haystack, where we were to rendezvous at night, to meet another man whom our friend was to send to take us further along on our way. At night we went to the haystack; a road ran by it. Instead of keeping watch by the stack, we were so jaded that we crossed the road and lay down to rest on the bare ground, where we fell asleep. The man, as we afterwards learned 
<pb id="p22" n="22"/>
from him, came as agreed upon, whistled and made signals, but failed to wake us up. Thinking we had been pursued away, he went back without us. The next morning, when we awoke, the sun was rising red, right on the public road. We saw a man at his door some two hundred yards from us. I went to ask him how the roads ran; Harris told me to inquire the way to Carr's Run, near home, so we would go the contrary. By the time I got back, Ben, who had watched, saw the man leave his house with his gun, and take a circle round to come down on us; but before he could head us, we were past him in the road running. We ran and walked about four miles barefoot; then we took courage to put on our shoes, which we had not dared stop long enough to do before, for fear the man with the gun would get ahead of us.</p>
            <p>We were now on the top of a high hill. On our right was a path leading into the woods. In this path we descended, and after walking a few minutes, we arrived at a house by the main road. We went in to ask for a drink of buttermilk. Only the woman of the house was at home. Said she, “Boys, you are the very ones my husband was looking for last night.” We denied it, being right on the road, and afraid. She insisted, “for,” said she, “the man who came to tell my husband, said there was a big one and a little one.” I was the little one. She gave us crackers, cheese, and onions. Against her advice, we left the house and moved on. Presently we came to a toll-gate, about which there were standing several white men. We walked up boldly to the gate; one of the men then asked us, “Where are you going?” Ben answered, “We are going to Chillicothe to see our friends there.” Then he made answer and said, “You can't go any further, you 
<pb id="p23" n="23"/>
must go back with me, you are the very boys I was looking for last night.” We told him we wanted to go on, but he said, “There are so many buckskin Yankees in these parts that you will be taken before you get half through the town.” We then went back to his house, but we did not stop more than ten minutes, because it would be dangerous for him as well as for us if we were caught on his premises. He stuck up a pole close to his house and tied a white cloth on it; then he led us up to the top of the hill (this was Monday, quite early in the morning), and showed us a rough place of bushes and rocks where we could lie concealed quite pleasantly, and so high up that we could see the main road, and the toll-gate, and the house, and the white flag. Said he, “If there's any danger, I'll send a child out to throw down the white flag; and if you get scared away from here, come back at night and I'll protect you.” Soon after  he left us, we saw five white men come to his house on horseback; they were the five who had carried back the others that tried to escape. Two of them went into the house; then we saw a little girl come out and climb up on the fence, as if she were playing about, and she knocked down the flag-pole,—which meant that we were to look out for ourselves. But we did not feel that there was any immediate danger, and so we kept close under cover. Pretty soon the two came out of the house, and they all rode forward very fast, passed the toll-gate, and were soon out of sight. I suppose they thought to overtake us every minute, but luckily I have never seen them since. In the evening the man came and conducted us to his house, where we found the men we had seen at the toll-gate in the morning. They were mostly armed with pistols and guns. They guided us to a solitary
<pb id="p24" n="24"/>
house three miles back among the mountains, in the neighborhood of which we remained three days. We were told to go up on the mountain very high, where was an Indian cave in the rocks. From this cave we could look a great distance around and see people, and we felt afraid they would see us. So instead of staying there, we went down the mountain to a creek where trees had been cut down and branches thrown over the bank; we went under the branches and bushes where the sand was dry, and there we would sit all day. We all the time talked to each other about how we would get away, and what we should do if the white folks tackled us; that was all our discourse.</p>
            <p>We stayed there until Friday, when our friends gave us knapsacks full of cakes and dried venison, and a little bundle of provision besides, and flints and steel, and spunk, and a pocket-compass to travel through the woods by. We knew the north-star, but did not travel nights for nearly a week. So on Friday morning we set out, the men all bidding us good-by, and the man of the flag-staff went with us half a day to teach us the use of the compass; we had never seen one before. Once in a while he would put it on a log to show us how to travel by it. When he was leaving us, he took his knife and marked on the compass, so that we should steer a little west of north.</p>
            <p>During the six days succeeding, we traversed an unbroken wilderness of hills and mountains, seeing neither man nor habitation. At night we made a fire to sit by. We saw deer on our way; we were not annoyed by wild animals, and saw but one snake, a garter-snake. The first sign of man we met with was a newly-made road; this was on the seventh day from the time we left the house in the mountains. Our provisions held 
<pb id="p25" n="25"/>
out well, and we had found water enough. After crossing the road, we came out from the mountains to a level cleared place of farms and houses. Then we were afraid, and put ourselves on our guard, resolving to travel by night. We laid by until starlight, then we made for a road leading to the north. We would follow a road until it bent away from the north; then we would leave it and go by the compass. This caused us to meet many rivers and streams where there were no bridges; some we could wade over, and some we crossed by swimming. After reaching the clearings, we scarcely dared build a fire. Once or twice we took some green corn from the fields, and made a brush fire to roast it. After lighting the fire, we would retire from it, as far almost as we could see it, and then watch whether anybody might come to it. When the fire had gone out, the corn would be about done.</p>
            <p>Our feet were now sore with long travelling. One night we came to a river; it was rather foggy, but I could see a ferry-scow on the other side. I was afraid of alligators, but I swam over, and poled the scow back and ferried Ben across,—his <sic corr="ankle">ancle</sic> was so sore, that he did not like to put his foot in the water if he could help it. We soon reached an old stable in the edge of a little town; we entered it and slept alternately one keeping watch, as we always managed while in the neighborhood of settlements. We did not do this in the wilderness,—<hi rend="italics">there</hi> we slept safely, and were quite <hi rend="italics">reconciled.</hi> At cock-crowing in the morning we set out and went into the woods, which were very near; there we stayed through the day.</p>
            <p>At night we started on and presently came into a road running north-west. Coming to a vine patch we filled our knapsacks with cucumbers; we then met a 
<pb id="p26" n="26"/>
white man, who asked us, “Which way are you travelling?” My cousin told him “To Cleveland, to help a man drive a drove of cattle.” He then said, “I know you must be runaways,—but you needn't be afraid of me,—I don't want to hurt you.” He then told us something that we knew before—that the last spring five fugitives were overtaken at his house by my master and two other men; that the fugitives took through his wheat-field,—one of them, a little fellow, could not run so fast as the rest, and master called to him to stop, or he 'd shoot him. His answer was, “shoot and be d—d!” The man further told us, that he took through the wheat-field as if he would assist in catching the slaves, but that when he got near enough, he told them to “push on!” Ben and I knew about the pursuit, and what the little fellow had said; for it got round among the servants, after master got back. That little fellow's widow is now my wife. We went to the man's house, and partook of a good luncheon. He told us to hurry, and try to get through Newark before daylight. We hurried accordingly, but it was daybreak when we crossed the bridge. We found the little toll-gate open and we went through—there were lights in a tavern window at the left of the gate, and the windows had no curtains. Just as we were stepping off the bridge, a plank rattled,—then up started after us a little black dog, making a great noise. We walked smartly along, but did not run until we came to a street leading to the right,—then we ran fast until we came to a left hand turn, which led to the main road at the other side of the town. Before sunrise, we hid in a thicket of briars, close by the road, where we lay all day, seeing the teams, and every thing that passed by.</p>
            <p>At dark we went on again, passed through Mount 
<pb id="p27" n="27"/>
Vernon in the night, and kept on until daylight. Again we halted in concealment until night, then we went on again through Wooster. After leaving Wooster, we saw no more settlements, except one little village, which we passed through in broad day. We entered a store here, but were asked no questions. Here we learned the way to Cleveland. In the middle of the afternoon we stopped for a little rest. Just before night we moved forward again and travelled all night. We then stopped to rest until four in the afternoon, meanwhile roasting some corn as before. At about four, we met a preacher, who was just come from Cleveland. He asked us if we were making our escape,—we told him “No.” He said, “You need not be afraid of me,—I am the friend of all who travel from the South to the North.” He told us not to go into Cleveland, as we would be taken up. He then described a house which was on our way, where, he said, we might mention our meeting him, and we would find friends who would put us on board a boat. We hid until dark,—then we went to the house, which we recognized readily from the preacher's description. We knocked at the door, and were invited in. My cousin told them what the minister had said. The man of the house hid us in his barn two nights and three days. He was a shoemaker. The next night after we got there, he went to Cleveland himself to get a berth for us aboard some boat for Canada. When he returned, he said he had found a passage for us with Capt. B., who was to sail the next Thursday at 10, P. M. At that hour we embarked, having a free passage in a schooner for Buffalo. On board this boat, we met with an Englishman whom we had often seen on a steamboat at the plantation. He knew us, and told us a reward of one hundred dollars
<pb id="p28" n="28"/>
was offered for each of us, and he showed us several handbills to that effect. He said they had been given him to put up along the road, but he had preferred to keep them in his pocket. Capt. B. took away our knives and Ben's tomahawk, for fear of mischief.</p>
            <p>We reached Buffalo at 4, P. M. The captain said, that if there was any danger in the town, he would take us in his yawl and put us across. He walked through the town to see if there were any bills up. Finding no danger, he took us out of the hatchway,—he walked with us as far as Black Rock Ferry, giving us good advice all the way, how we should conduct ourselves through life in Canada, and we have never departed from his directions,—his counsel was good, and I have kept it.</p>
            <p>I am now buying this place. My family are with me,—we live well, and enjoy ourselves. I worship in the Methodist church. What religious instruction I received on plantation, was from my mother.</p>
            <p>I look upon slavery as the most disgusting system a man can live under. I would not be a slave again, except that I could not put an end to my own existence, through fear of the punishment of the future.</p>
            <p>Men who have never seen or felt slavery cannot realize it for the thing it is. If those who say that fugitives had better go back, were to go to the South and <hi rend="italics">see</hi> slavery, they would never wish any slave to go back.</p>
            <p>I have seen separations by sales, of husbands from wives, of parents from children,—if a man threatens to run away, he is sure to be sold. Ben's mother was sold down South—to New Orleans—when he was about twenty years old.</p>
            <p>I arrived in Canada on the 13th September, 1824.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <pb id="p29" n="29"/>
            <head>WILLIAM JOHNSON.</head>
            <p>I look upon slavery as I do upon a deadly poison. The slaves are not contented nor happy in their lot. Neither on the farm where I was in Virginia, nor in the neighborhood were the slaves satisfied. The man I belonged to did not give us enough to eat. My feet were frostbitten on my way North, but I would rather have died on the way than to go back.</p>
            <p>It would not do to stop at all about our work,—if the people should try to get a little rest, there would be a cracking spell amongst them. I have had to go through a great deal of affliction; I have been compelled to work when I was sick. I used to have rheumatism, and could not always do so much work as those who were well,—then I would sometimes be whipped. I have never seen a runaway that wanted to go back,—I have never heard of one.</p>
            <p>I knew a very smart young man—he was a fellow-servant of mine, who had recently professed religion—who was tied up by a quick-tempered overseer, and whipped terribly. He died not long after, and the people there believed it was because of the whipping. Some of the slaves told the owner, but he did not discharge the overseer. He will have to meet it at the day of judgment.</p>
            <p>I had grown up quite large, before I thought any thing about liberty. The fear of being sold South had more influence in inducing me to leave than any other thing. Master used to say, that if we did n't suit him, he would put us in his pocket quick—meaning he would sell us. He never gave me a great coat in his life,—he said he knew he ought to do it, but that he 
<pb id="p30" n="30"/>
could n't get ahead far enough. His son had a child by a colored woman, and he would have sold it—his own grandchild—if the other folks had n't opposed it.</p>
            <p>I have found good friends in Canada, but have been able to do no work on account of my frozen feet,—I lost two toes from my right foot. My determination is to go to work as soon as I am able. I have been about among the colored people in St. Catharines considerably, and have found them industrious and frugal. No person has offered me any liquor since I have been here: I have seen no colored person use it. I have been trying to learn to read since I came here, and I know a great many fugitives who are trying to learn.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>HARRIET TUBMAN.</head>
            <p>I grew up like a neglected weed,—ignorant of liberty, having no experience of it. Then I was not happy or contented: every time I saw a white man I was afraid of being carried away. I had two sisters carried away in a chain-gang,—one of them left two children. We were always uneasy. Now I've been free, I know what a dreadful condition slavery is. I have seen hundreds of escaped slaves, but I never saw one who was willing to go back and be a slave. I have no opportunity to see my friends in my native land. We would rather stay in our native land, if we could be as free there as we are here. I think slavery is the next thing to hell. If a person would send another into bondage, he would, it appears to me, be bad enough to send him into hell, if he could.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <pb id="p31" n="31"/>
            <head>MRS.——.</head>
            <note anchored="yes">
              <p>[The lady who gave the following narrative wished to withhold her name, for private reasons. 
She is well known at St. Catharines as a very intelligent and respectable person.]</p>
            </note>
            <p>I was held as a slave in—, without even legal right according to the slave laws. When I was ten years old, a young man was punishing me—I resisted: I was in consequence called “a rebellious wretch,” and put out of the family. At the place where I was hired, it happened on communion Sunday in March, that the dogs got hold of a pig, and bit a piece off its ear. In consequence of this misfortune to the pig, a boy of sixteen years, or thereabouts, was whipped in the barn; and a man-slave was tied up to a tree, with his arms extended, and whipped. I was peeping and saw the man whipped. The blood ran as they whipped him. His wife had to take care of him and dress his wounds. It affected me so that I cried and said I would n't stay at the place,—then the same man—the man of the house—whipped me. At twelve o'clock that night, I ran away to my owners. He came to the folks where I was, and requested them to send me back, lest the others should follow my example. I went back and stayed two weeks,—when I had got within a mile of home, my master got on his horse, and trotted along behind me, to let folks see that he had got the runaway.</p>
            <p>After my escape from slavery, I married a free colored man. We were comfortably settled in the States, and were broken up by the fugitive slave law,—compelled to leave our home and friends, and to go at later than middle life into a foreign country among strangers.</p>
            <p>I look upon slavery as the worst evil that ever was. 
<pb id="p32" n="32"/>
My life has been taken from me in a measure by it. If any are disposed to apologize for slavery, it would be well for them to try it awhile.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>REV. ALEXANDER HEMSLEY.</head>
            <note anchored="yes">
              <p>[The famous decision of Judge Hornblower, of New Jersey, some years ago, in a 
case of a fugitive, will doubtless be recollected by many readers. The narrative subjoined 
was given by the individual more immediately interested in that decision. Mr. Hemsley is confined 
to his bed a great part of the time by dropsy. He is a very intelligent man, and his face wears, 
notwithstanding his many trials and his sickness, a remarkable expression of cheerfulness and 
good-will. His dwelling is clean and nice, and he is well nursed and cared for by Mrs. Hemsley, 
a sensible, painstaking woman, the very impersonation of neatness. As it does not appear in the 
narrative, it may properly be stated here, that Mr. Hemsley has lost two children by death, since 
his removal to St. Catharines; their sickness, alluded to in the narrative, extending through 
three consecutive years. If any capitalist is looking about him for an opportunity to invest, 
I think he might profitably employ two hundred dollars in lifting the mortgage from Hemsley's 
house and garden. Rev. Hiram Wilson of St. C. who has managed to keep himself free from the care
 of riches, by giving to the needy, as fast as he earned it, every thing which he might have 
called his own, will be happy, without doubt, to attend to the business without fee or commission. 
Apropos, of Mr. Wilson,—we know “there is that scattereth, and yet increaseth.” 
But in Mr. W's case it requires but little financial skill to perceive, that while “scattering” 
to relieve the sick and suffering,—the fugitive and the oppressed,—to an extent sometimes fully 
up to the means in his hands, any “increase” must come from those who may feel disposed to let 
their means assist his abundant opportunities of benevolent action. But to the narrative.]</p>
            </note>
            <p>I was in bondage in Queen Anne County, Maryland, from birth until twenty-three years of age. My name in slavery was Nathan Mead. My master was a professor 
<pb id="p33" n="33"/>
of religion, and used to instruct me in a hypocritical way in the duties of religion. I used to go to church on Sunday to hear him talk, and experience the contrary on Monday. On the Sabbath he used to catechize us, and tell us if we were good honest boys, and obedient to our master, we should enjoy the life that now is, and that which is to come.</p>
            <p>My idea of freedom during my youth was, that it was a state of liberty for the mind,—that there was a freedom of thought, which I could not enjoy unless I were free,—that is, if I thought of any thing beneficial for me, I should have liberty to execute it. My escape was not owing to any sudden impulse or fear of present punishment, but from a natural wish to be free: and had it not been for near and dear friends, I should not have remained in slavery so long. I had an uncle who was a preacher. He had a good many boys. I confided to him that I wanted to leave, and would like to have his boys accompany me. He said he would not dare to tell his boys, for if we were to undertake it, and get caught, it would ruin us all. The fear of being caught was then, I think, a greater restraint than it is now. Now there is a different spirit in the slaves, and if they undertake to escape, it is with a feeling of victory or death,—they determine not to be taken alive, if possible to prevent it even by bloodshed.</p>
            <p>I was accustomed to leave home every Saturday night to visit friends seven miles inland, and to return on Sunday night. One Sunday night when I had got back from my visit, I took leave of my friends, they not knowing what I intended, as I had often told them on the Saturday nights, in the same way, that I never expected to see them again. After I bade them farewell, I started for New Jersey, where, I had been told, 
<pb id="p34" n="34"/>
people were free, and nobody would disturb me. I went six miles, and then ambushed. On Monday night, I went thirty-three miles, and found a good old Quaker—one [we omit the name, but it will be published one day]—with whom I stayed three weeks. At the expiration of which time, I went to Philadelphia. I made no tarry there, but went straight over into New Jersey. After a stay of two months at Cooper's Creek, I went to Evesham, where I resided eight or nine years, being hired and getting my money. No one disturbed me all this time. I heard that I had been pursued by the son of my master, but that not hearing from me he went back. I then received favorable offers to go to Northampton, and I removed there, taking with me my wife whom I had married at Evesham, and my three children. At Northampton I remained unmolested until October, 1836. Then some four or five southerners, neither of whom had any legal claim upon me, having found out that I had escaped from bondage, went to the executor of my old master's estate (my master having been dead six or seven years) and bought me running,—that is, they paid some small sum for a title to me, so as to make a spec. out of poor me. To make sure of the matter, they came about my house, pretending to be gunning,—meanwhile looking after my children, and appraising their value in case they could get them. This I know, for they promised a lawyer my oldest son, if he would gain the case.<ref id="ref1" n="1" rend="sc" target="note1" targOrder="U">*</ref><note id="note1" n="1" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref1"><p>* Mrs. H. was from Caroline Co., Md. Her parents were made free “by word of mouth,”—but as her mother had no free papers,—it was feared that the daughter might be enslaved. She was enabled to avoid the danger by emigration.</p></note> They hung round my house from Wednesday to Saturday morning, when, while it was yet dark, they surrounded my
<pb id="p35" n="35"/>
house. It was my usual way to open the door, put my shoes on, and go off to work. Just as I opened the door that morning, an officer of the town followed the door right in, put his hand on me, and said, “You are my prisoner!” I asked him “what he meant by that?” He said he had received a writ to bring me before the court of common pleas. I told him “I have no master, but I will go with you.” I sat down to put on my shoes,—then the five southerners flung themselves upon me and put me in irons. Then one of them pretended to be a great friend to me. “Now,” said he, “if you have any friends, tell me who they are, and I' ll go for them.” I showed him the house where my employer lived, and told him to step up there, and ask him to come to me immediately. He came, and commenced reproving the constable for being in so low business as to be arresting slaves for slave-hunters. “Poor business!” said he. I told him I was afraid they were going to smuggle me off, without taking me before the judge. The constable then, at his request, pledged his honor, to take me safe to the court at Mount Holly. They put me in a carriage, handcuffed, between two armed men of the party. One of these had been a boy with whom I had played in my young days in Maryland. He was there to swear to my identity. On the way, he tried to “soft soap” me, so as to get some evidence to convict me, when we got before the judge. But I made strange of him and of every thing he said,—I would n't know him nor any of his blarney. At Mount Holly, the judge told me, that it was alleged that I had escaped from the service of Mr. Isaac Baggs of Maryland,—and that, if that were proved I might be sure that I would be sent back. The judge being a Virginia born man, brought up in New Jersey, was
<pb id="p36" n="36"/>
found, like the handle of a jug, all on one side, and that side against me. The friends employed counsel for me, and by the efforts of my counsel, the trial was put off to Monday. On Monday, the case was called, and the other side had an adjournment of a week, in order to get an additional witness. I was imprisoned during the week. A brother of the former witness was then brought forward—one whom I had known when a boy. The two brothers, who were both mean fellows, as they appeared against me to get money, swore to my identity, and that they knew me to have been the slave of Isaac Baggs. My counsel were David Paul Brown, John R. Slack, George Campbell, and Elias B. Cannon. The trial was not concluded until the lapse of three weeks. Then the judge decided, that my wife was a free-woman and might remain with her children,—“but as for you, Alexander or Nathan, the case is clear that you were the slave of Isaac Baggs, and you must go back.”</p>
            <p>Then Mr. John R. Slack went up to the judge, and laid the writ of <hi rend="italics">habeas corpus</hi> before him. The judge looked it over in quick time—his color came and went tremendously. He answered in a low tone of voice, “I think you might have told me that you had that before.” The lawyer answered, “We thought it would be time enough, after seeing how far your Honor would go.” A good old friend—one Thomas Shipleigh—had ridden forty miles to get that writ. On the next day the sheriff took me before Judge Hornblower; two of my counsel went also, and one of the other party. My oppressor planned to take me out of New Jersey on the route, as if we left the State, Judge Heywood's certificate would take effect. Our party, however, were wide awake, and kept within N. J., but they prepared 
<pb id="p37" n="37"/>
bull-dogs (pistols) in case any attempt were made at carrying me off. When we arrived at the court, Mr. Brainard Clark, my claimant's lawyer, in the course of his argument, stated what great expense the claimants had been to for jail fees, &amp;c., “even seventy dollars.” Judge H. answered, “If it had been seven times seventy, it would create no sympathy in me for them,—we can't expect to pass away human liberty for a mere trifle,”—or words to that effect. It was concluded that I  should be given into the custody of the sheriff until February term,—then to be brought before the supreme court at Trenton.</p>
            <p>I remained in jail until the February term, about three months, as comfortable as a man could be, imprisoned, and with the awful doom of slavery hanging over his head. The case was then taken up by Hon. Theodore Frelinghuysen. The other side could not meet Frelinghuysen's argument. In about three weeks the court declared me a free man. I was then let out of jail; but as I had become so well known, my friends were afraid that my claimants would waylay and smuggle me, and thought I had better leave for the North, which I did. I travelled some two hundred miles, most of the way on foot into Otsego county, N. Y., where I gave out through fatigue. I was sick when I got there. Here I was joined by my wife and children. I remained here until navigation opened,—we were forty miles from the canal at Utica. Then, from visions of the night, I concluded that I was on dangerous ground, and I removed with my family to Farmington. Years before I had had visions of the road I was to travel, and if I had obeyed the visions, the trouble would not have occurred. I had dreamed of being pursued, and that they had caught me, and so it turned out. From 
<pb id="p38" n="38"/>
Farmington, I went on directly to Rochester, where I remained but one night. My health was good, with the exception of my eyes, which were dim of sight and inflamed, owing to the change from imprisonment to exposure to pelting storms of rain and snow. I felt that my persecutors who brought this trouble on me were actuated by a demonlike principle. We embarked from Rochester, on board a British boat, The Traveller, for Toronto.</p>
            <p>When I reached English territory, I had a comfort in the law,—that my shackles were struck off, and that a man was a man by law. I had been in comfortable circumstances, but all my little property was <hi rend="italics">lawed</hi> away. I was among strangers, poverty-stricken, and in a cold country. I had been used to farming, and so could not find in the city such assistance as I needed: in a few days, I left for St. Catharines, where I have ever since remained.</p>
            <p>My master did not use to do much at buying and selling, but there was a great deal of it in his neighborhood. The unwillingness to separate of husbands and wives, parents and children was so great, that to part them seemed to me a sin higher than the heavens,—it was dreadful to hear their outcries, as they were forced into the wagons of the drivers. Some among them have their minds so brutalized by the action of slavery, that they do not feel so acutely as others, the pangs of separation. But there are many who feel a separation from their offspring as acutely as human beings can possibly feel.</p>
            <p>Masters sometimes show respect toward some particular persons among their slaves. I was never an eye-witness to a punishment where a man seemed to inflict it in any spirit of kindness or mercy. I have heard of a 
<pb id="p39" n="39"/>
merciful disposition at such times, but never witnessed it: as a general thing they would manifest malignant, tyrannical feelings. I have seen a woman who was in state of pregnancy, tied up and punished with a keen raw hide.</p>
            <p>Contrasting my condition here with what it was in New Jersey, I say, that for years after I came here, my mind was continually reverting to my native land. For some ten years, I was in hopes that something might happen, whereby I might safely return to my old home in New Jersey. I watched the newspapers and they told the story. I found that there would be a risk in going back,—and that was confirmed by many of my fellow men falling into the same catastrophe that I did,—and the same things happen now.</p>
            <p>When I reached St. Catharines I was enfeebled in health. I had come to a small inferior place; there were pines growing all about here where you now see brick houses. I rented a house, and with another man took five acres of cleared land, and got along with it very well. We did not get enough from this to support us; but I got work at half a dollar or seventy-five cents a day and board myself. We were then making both ends meet. I then made up my mind that salt and potatoes in Canada, were better than pound-cake and chickens in a state of suspense and anxiety in the United States. Now I am a regular Britisher. My American blood has been scourged out of me; I have lost my American tastes; I am an enemy to tyranny. I would as lief meet serpents as some people I know of in the States. If I were to meet them, my fighting propensities would come up. To meet one here, I would not mind it; there I would be afraid of the ghost of a white man after he was dead. I am no scholar, but if 
<pb id="p40" n="40"/>
some one would refine it, I could give a history of slavery, and show how tyranny operates upon the mind of the slaves. I have dreamed of being back on my master's farm, and of dodging away from my master; he endeavoring to get between me and the land I was aiming for. Then I would awake in a complete perspiration, and troubled in mind. Oh, it was awful! When you go back home, remember poor Joseph in Egypt.</p>
            <p>I am now about sixty years of age, and have been lying sick about nine months. I have here a house and a quarter acre of land. I have had a deal of sickness in my family, and it has kept me comparatively poor: it would take two hundred dollars to clear my estate from <sic corr="encumbrances.">incumbrances.</sic> Had it not been for sickness, it would have been paid for long ago.</p>
            <p>I have served the people in the provinces as a minister in the Methodist persuasion for some twenty years. My pay has been little, for our people all start poor, and have to struggle to support themselves. My mind has ever been to trust the Lord. I have never prayed for wealth nor honor, but only to guide his church and do his will.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>JOHN SEWARD.</head>
            <p>The man that owned me, was not fit to own a dog. I had been wanting to get away for the last twenty years. I grieved over my condition, and groaned over it. A few months ago I succeeded in escaping. After I got among abolitionists, I was almost scared; they used me so well, I was afraid of a trick. I had been 
<pb id="p41" n="41"/>
used so ill before, that I did not know what to make of it to be used decently.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>JAMES SEWARD, <lb/> BROTHER OF THE FOREGOING.</head>
            <p>Where I came from, it would make your flesh creep, and your hair stand on end, to know what they do to the slaves.</p>
            <p>I had a niece, who was married and had two children; one at her breast. The estate being in debt, I was imprisoned. Before I went to jail, my niece was hired out; then her owner concluded to sell her. She was taken away from her children, handcuffed, and put into the jail where I was. Her irons were taken off; she was in great grief, crying all the time, “Oh, my children! my poor children!” till it appeared to me, she would kill herself for grief. She was sold and carried away, leaving her children behind. I have been in Canada but a short time.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>MRS. JAMES SEWARD.</head>
            <p>The slaves want to get away bad enough. They are not contented with their situation.</p>
            <p>I am from the eastern shore of Maryland. I never belonged but to one master; he was very bad indeed. I was never sent to school, nor allowed to go to church. They were afraid we would have more sense than they. I have a father there, three sisters, and a brother. My 
<pb id="p42" n="42"/>
father is quite an old man, and he is used very badly. Many a time he has been kept at work a whole long summer day without sufficient food. A sister of mine has been punished by his taking away her clothes and locking them up, because she used to run when master whipped her. He kept her at work with only what she could pick up to tie on her for decency. He took away her child which had just begun to walk, and gave it to another woman,—but she went and got it afterward. He had a large farm eight miles from home. Four servants were kept at the house. My master could not manage to whip my sister when she was strong. He waited until she was confined, and the second week after her confinement he said, “Now I can handle you, now you are weak.” She ran from him, however, and had to go through water, and was sick in consequence.</p>
            <p>I was beaten at one time over the head by my master, until the blood ran from my mouth and nose; then he tied me up in the garret, with my hands over my head,—then he brought me down and put me in a little cupboard, where I had to sit cramped up, part of the evening, all night, and until between four and five o'clock, next day, without any food. The cupboard was near a fire, and I thought I should suffocate.</p>
            <p>My brother was whipped on one occasion until his back was as raw as a piece of beef, and before it got well, master whipped him again. His back was an awful sight.</p>
            <p>We were all afraid of master: when I saw him coming, my heart would jump up into my mouth, as if I had seen a serpent.</p>
            <p>I have been wanting to come away for eight years back. I waited for Jim Seward to get ready. Jim had 
<pb id="p43" n="43"/>
promised to take me away and marry me. Our master would allow no marriages on the farm. When Jim had got ready, he let me know,—he brought to me two suits of clothes—men's clothes—which he had bought on purpose for me. I put on both suits to keep me warm. We eluded pursuit and reached Canada in safety.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>MR.—BOHM.</head>
            <p>I escaped from slavery in Norfolk, Va.</p>
            <p>I think that the institution of slavery is of no utility whatever to the colored race. Slavery is the worst kind of robbery.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>JAMES M. WILLIAMS.</head>
            <p>I came from bondage in Norfolk, Va. Slavery is horrible! horrible! horrible!</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>JOHN ATKINSON.</head>
            <p>I escaped from Norfolk, Va. A man who has been in slavery knows, and no one else can know, the yearnings to be free, and the fear of making the attempt. It is like trying to get religion, and not seeing the way to escape condemnation.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <pb id="p44" n="44"/>
            <head>MRS. ELLIS.</head>
            <p>It is more than a year ago, that I left slavery in Delaware, having been thirty-two years a slave. I was treated tolerably well, compared with others. I was brought up in ignorance. I felt put down—oppressed in spirit. I did a great deal of heavy out-door work,—such as driving team, hauling manure, etc. I have been whipped with a wagon whip and with hickories,—have been kicked and hit with fists. I have a bunch on my head from a blow my master gave me, and I shall carry it to my grave. I have had four children—two died there, and two I brought with me.</p>
            <p>I thought I had paid my master for raising me, and I wanted some time of my own: and when he threatened to sell me, and keep my children, I left him. I got off without much trouble. I suffered a great deal from wet and cold, on the first part of the way—afterwards, I was helped on by kind white men.</p>
            <p>Rents and provisions are dear here, and it takes all I can earn to support myself and children. I could have one of my children well brought up and taken care of, by some friends in Massachusetts, which would much relieve me,—but I cannot have my child go there on account of the laws, which would not protect her. This is a hardship: but had I to struggle much harder than at present, I would prefer it to being a slave, Now, I can lie down at night in peace,—there I had no peace even at night, on account of my master's conduct.</p>
            <p>Slavery is a wicked institution. I think if the whites were to free the slaves, they would incur no danger. I think the colored people would go to work without any trouble.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <pb id="p45" n="45"/>
            <head>DAN JOSIAH LOCKHART.</head>
            <p>I belonged in Frederick county, Va. I was sold at five years of age; and when I first saw my mother to know her, I had a wife and child. My business was to clean knives, forks, candlesticks, etc., until my mistress died, say when I was twelve or thirteen. My master remained a widower some time—say eighteen months,—when he married the daughter of a farmer, upon which he quit merchandise, and went on a small farm. The hands in a rainy day worked in the shop with tools. I was made overseer. The management was pretty much left to me. I would carry my gun down into a hollow, and have a book,—the children had taught me to read. Every thing worked pretty comfortably with me.</p>
            <p>One of the women called me a liar. I punished her. My master took me to the granary to whip me,—he told me to take off my coat. Said I, “master, whip me with my coat on!” I prayed hard for him to whip me with my coat on. He did finally whip me with my coat on, and slightly at that. He was an Irishman. He said he would whip me till I was as striped as a <hi rend="italics">zaybra.</hi></p>
            <p>I was harder on the servants than he wanted I should be. At another time he undertook to whip me, and I told him I would leave him if he did. I had my mind on my wife, Maria. She was sold to a man in Winchester, eight miles. This was too far,—so I wanted to be sold. He said if he sold me, he would sell me where I would never see her. At this time I was studying divinity, having met with a change of heart. I took my books and started off in daytime. I went on five 
<pb id="p46" n="46"/>
miles,—then I met Mr.—, who asked me where I was going. I told him I was sold. He persuaded me back. I was thinking of trying to be free. Mr.—said he would buy me. I told him, “I will do the best I can for you.” He slapped his hand on his pocket and said, “I've got the money in my pocket for you.” He then rode forward to see my master. The bargain was made there, and money paid to—, a Methodist preacher. Mr.—took me, and southern traders who came for me were too late. I lived with my new master three years and two months. Then he whipped my wife and children,—(I had now ten children by Maria). I could not stand this abuse of them, and so I made up my mind to leave. I told my wife so. She said she was afraid they would catch me and bring me back and—you know what then.</p>
            <p>It was in the year 1847, that I made my escape. My master had gone to Philadelphia. I told my mistress that my father was sick, and she gave me permission to go and see him. Between two and three o'clock next morning, Sunday, I got up and dressed myself to leave. One of my little children came to me when I had stepped out. Said I, “Jane, where are you going?” “Daddy, I'm looking for you.” My feelings were very tender at the time. I took her up in my arms, and carried her and laid her back in the bed with her mother and the other little child, Julia. I sat down and waited till they were all asleep; I then got up, looked at the mother and the two little children,—said “Farewell!” and started on my journey.</p>
            <p>The night previous I had got some meat and bread, and had taken my master's saddle-bags, cramming both ends full of provisions. By daybreak I was out of the neighborhood of the folks that knew me. . . . .</p>
            <pb id="p47" n="47"/>
            <p>When I reached the Potomac River, the ferry-boat had left the shore for the last time. I sung out “Ferry, ahoy!” They put about and came for me. I got in and seated myself with a colored man and a white man. I inquired the damage for crossing? Ferryman said “Fippenny bit.” I gave him a ten cent piece, and told him may be I'd be passing again, and he could make it right next time. The colored man asked me, “Are you a free man?” It staggered me at first to think that a colored man should ask me that question. The white man reproved him. “What the d—l do you ask that question for? do you think a man dressed like him can be a runaway?” I got across safely. . . . . [Some highly interesting portions of Lockhart's narrative are omitted from prudential considerations.]</p>
            <p>I got employment in Pittsburg, but my mind being uneasy, I wrote to a friend to tell my wife that I was there, and assuring her of my continued affection. My old master got hold of this letter, and so pursued me with two officers, K—and J—, with a bill of sale specifying the sum paid for me. They secured themselves in Crawson's Hotel, Pittsburg,—set their trap, baited their hook, put out a reward of one hundred and fifty dollars for my arrest. One very smart gentleman came down to Diamond Square,—I was there looking at a busy knife-grinder with a crowd around him: the smart gentleman, knowing by the description who I was, selected me from the crowd, under the pretence that he wished me to carry a trunk—told me he would give me a quarter of a dollar for it. I went to the place where he directed me, expecting to find the trunk,—went to the Monongahela House,—he conducted me up stairs: going down the hall, to a lady, sweeping, he says; “Where is the 160th room?” “Yes, that middle 
<pb id="p48" n="48"/>
door.” “Sure enough,” said he,—then to me, “Open the door, and bring out my trunk.” However, he opened the door,—when lo! up jumped the old man! He gave me a pat on the shoulder,—“Hallo, Dan! don 't you want to go back and see your wife and children ?” I said nothing,—I could n't say any thing. Then came up K. and J. to me,—“Dan, you 've got the best master in Virginia,—come, go back with me.” The old man then left the room and went away. I began to feel like speaking—had a watch in my pocket,—I put my hand to it, to see if it was safe, and K. said, “Dan, you need n't do that,—we knew you 'd fight, but we 've come prepared to take you—don 't want to hurt you.” This was on a Friday, between eleven and twelve o'clock, A. M. Said I, “Gentlemen,”—this was the first time I had spoken, and I called no name,—“let me go; you have no business with me here.” This was all out in the hall; they had irons in the room, but they could n't get me in there. We were now engaged very smartly for a time, each man for himself. The noise reached the people in the house, and some of the servants came up to see what was the trouble; I called them,—“Come to me;” some of them were colored, but being alarmed, they did not interfere. I spoke out,—“You go to John—, and tell him that I am in trouble here; that I am in kidnappers' hands.” In a short time, the landlord came up stairs. Says he to the officers, “This man has got to go down, or there 'll be bloodshed here,—it will ruin my house to have the word go abroad that there are kidnappers here.” By this time John—, Peter—, Hadley—, and old Uncle Sammy—, had marshalled a troop; they came and surrounded Crawson's Hotel, started in, and came up the stairs. I was hollowing “murder!” and “fire!”
<pb id="p49" n="49"/>
being in the hands of K. and J. I said to the colored men,—“I thought I had friends in Pittsburg” They answered,—“Mr. Lockhart, you have friends,—we did not know you were here until just now.” John—and Peter—took hold of me, and told K—to let go. He answered,—“<hi rend="italics">You</hi> let go—if you don 't I'll shoot you.” Peter said,—“Shoot, and make a sure shot, if you don 't the next is mine.” Then Peter knocked J—down, and from that they got me out of the hands of the Philistines.</p>
            <p>My friends conducted me to a house not far from Crawson's, and told me to lie down. I was fatigued, but not hurt. Peter—said,—“We are going to get K. and J. in where your master is,—he is safe.” They were arrested and tried for breaking the peace of the city, so it was told me. Some new act had been passed, and the judge wanted some time to see how it differed from the former law. On Monday afternoon he decided that there was no violence on the part of the whites, but that the colored men had been seen to knock down some persons; that my master had a right to take me; and that K—and J—had acted in discharge of their duty as officers. I was told on Tuesday morning how the law was, and that I could be carried back if I remained in the United States. I then started off for Canada by the underground railroad. . . . .</p>
            <p>My work is as hard here as it was in slavery. The hardest thing in slavery is not the work,—it is the abuse of a man, and, in my case, of a man's wife and children. They were not punished severely,—but I did not want her whipped at all—I do n't want any man to meddle with my wife,—I bothered her enough, and did n't want anybody else to trouble her at all. It 
<pb id="p50" n="50"/>
is ignorance that keeps the slaves there. I was told before I left Virginia,—have heard it as common talk, that the wild geese were so numerous in Canada, and so bad, that they would scratch a man's eyes out; that corn would n't grow there, nor any thing else but <hi rend="italics">rice;</hi> that every thing they had there was imported.</p>
            <p>I attended a church for colored people in Virginia, and had good privileges in religion. The children showed me to read and write.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>MRS. NANCY HOWARD.</head>
            <p>I was born in Anne Arundel county, Maryland,—was brought up in Baltimore. After my escape, I lived in Lynn, Mass., seven years, but I left there through fear of being carried back, owing to the fugitive slave law. I have lived in St. Catharines less than a year.</p>
            <p>The way I got away was,—my mistress was sick, and went into the country for her health. I went to stay with her cousin. After a month, my mistress was sent back to the city to her cousin's, and I waited on her. My daughter had been off three years. A friend said to me,—“Now is your chance to get off.” At last I concluded to go,—the friend supplying me with money. I was asked no questions on the way north.</p>
            <p>My idea of slavery is, that it is one of the blackest, the wickedest things that ever were in the world. When you tell them the truth, they whip you to make you lie. I have taken more lashes for this, than for any other thing, because I would not lie.</p>
            <p>One day I set the table, and forgot to put on the 
<pb id="p51" n="51"/>
carving-fork—the knife was there. I went to the table to put on a plate. My master said,—“Where is the fork?” I told him “I forgot it.” He says,—“You d—d black b—, I 'll forget you!”—at the same time hitting me on the head with the carving-knife. The blood spurted out,—you can see. [Here the woman removed her turban and showed a circular cicatrice denuded of hair, about an inch in diameter, on the top of her head.] My mistress took me into the kitchen and put on camphor, but she could not stop the bleeding. A doctor was sent for. He came, but asked no questions. I was frequently punished with raw hides,—was hit with tongs and poker and any thing. I used when I went out, to look up at the sky, and say, “Blessed Lord, oh, do take me out of this!” It seemed to me I could not bear another lick. I can't forget it. I sometimes dream that I am pursued, and when I wake, I am scared almost to death.</p>
            <p>Slaveholders ought to be prayed for. I find it harder to get work here, than I did in Massachusetts. It is a sin on the slaveholders that I had to leave and come here. It has brought me lower to the ground. I think the slaveholders do n't read the Scriptures the right way,—they do n't know their danger.</p>
            <p>My master bragged one day to his friend, that I would not lie. He said, “I came nigh laying that d—d b—'s side open, and she stuck to it she was telling the truth, and it turned out she was.” We ain't no more than the brutes, at the South. I used to think they would speak better to a dog or cow. Then they would say, “Get out of the way,”—they would n't put the other to it.</p>
            <p>One Sunday, my master promised me and my boy, that he hoped God would damn him, if he did not tie 
<pb id="p52" n="52"/>
us up and whip us the next morning. I went into a corner and prayed to God, to allow me to take all the whipping, but to spare my boy. By and by, my mistress ran for me; she said “your master is dying!” I blew the horn to call people to us. My master lay on the floor—he never spoke afterwards, but he lived a week. He seemed to have his senses—he would make signs with his head. He would allow no one to pray with him. I prayed for him all the time he was sick. To the last, when they asked him to have prayers, he would shake his head.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>GEORGE JOHNSON.</head>
            <p>I arrived in St. Catharines about two hours ago. [1855, 4, 17.]</p>
            <p>I was raised near Harper's Ferry. I was used as well as the people about there are used. My master used to pray in his family with the house servants, morning and evening. I attended these services until I was eighteen, when I was put out on the farm, and lived in a cabin. We were well supplied with food. We went to work at sunrise, and quit work between sundown and dark. Some were sold from my master's farm, and many from the neighborhood. If a man did any thing out of the way, he was in more danger of being sold than of being whipped. The slaves were always afraid of being sold South. The Southern masters were believed to be much worse than those about us. I had a great wish for liberty when I was a boy. I always had it in my head to clear. But I had a wife and children. However, my wife died last year of 
<pb id="p53" n="53"/>
cholera, and then I determined not to remain in that country.</p>
            <p>When my old master died, I fell to his son. I had no difficulty with him, but was influenced merely by a love of liberty. I felt disagreeably about leaving my friends,—but I knew I might have to leave them by going South. There was a fellow-servant of mine named Thomas. My master gave him a letter one day, to carry to a soul-driver. Thomas got a man to read it, who told him he was sold. Thomas then got a free man to carry the letter. They handcuffed—, the free man, and put him in jail. Thomas, when he saw them take the free man, dodged into the bush. He came to us. We made up a purse, and sent him on his way. Next day, the man who had carried the letter, sent for his friends and got out. The master denied to us that he intended to sell Thomas. He did not get the money for him. Thomas afterward wrote a letter from Toronto to his friend.</p>
            <p>I prepared myself by getting cakes, etc., and on a Saturday night in March, I and two comrades started off together. They were younger than I. . . . . We travelled by night and slept by day until we reached Pittsburg. When we had got through the town, I left the two boys, and told them not to leave while I went back to a grocery for food. When I returned, they were gone,—I do not know their fate. I stopped in that neighborhood two nights, trying to find them—I did not dare to inquire for them. The second night, I made up my mind to ask after them, but my heart failed me. I am of opinion that they got to Canada, as they knew the route. At length I was obliged to come off without them.</p>
            <p>I think that slavery is not the best condition for the 
<pb id="p54" n="54"/>
blacks. Whipping and slashing are bad enough, but selling children from their mothers and husbands from their wives is worse. At one time I wanted to marry a young woman, not on the same farm. I was then sent to Alabama, to one of my masters's sons for two years. When the girl died, I was sent for to come back. I liked the work, the tending of cotton, better than the work on the farm in Virginia,—but there was so much whipping in Alabama, that I was glad to get back. One man there, on another farm, was tied up and received five hundred and fifty lashes for striking the overseer. His back was awfully cut up. His wife took care of him. Two months after, I saw him lying on his face, unable to turn over or help himself. The master seemed ashamed of this, and told the man that if he got well, he might go where he liked. My master told me he said so, and the man told me so himself. Whether he ever got well, I do not know: the time when I saw him, was just before I went back to Virginia.<ref id="ref2" n="2" rend="sc" target="note2" targOrder="U">*</ref><note id="note2" n="2" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref2"><p>* Mr. Johnson had already engaged work when I saw him.</p></note></p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="section">
            <head>ISAAC WILLIAMS.</head>
            <p>My master's farm is in Virginia. When my first master died, his widow married a man who got into debt and was put into prison. The woman gave up her rights to get him out. Then we were sold. Every man came to be sold for her lifetime,—then to revert to the heirs. The heirs bought in all they could—among them my two sisters. They were sent straight
<pb id="p55" n="55"/>
to a slave-pen at Richmond. Where they went I know not: that was the last I heard of them; we could not help it,—they went off crying. My purchaser bought also the interest of the heirs in me, and I remained with him ten years—until my escape, near the close of 1854.</p>
            <p>Before I was sold I was hired out to work: at one time to a man on the Rappahannock. Three of his men got away—went as far as Bluff Point. Then they were overtaken, tied to his buggy by the overseer, who whipped up, and they had to run home. One, our employer and his overseer whipped, taking turns about it, until they cut him through to his caul, and he died under the lash. The employer, it was said, caused the man's heart to be taken out and carried over the river, so as not to be haunted by his spirit. He was arrested, and heavily fined. The other two runaways were sold south. Then I worked for another person, being hired out to him. Directly after I went to him, I went to a haystack to feed cattle: accidentally I set fire to the haystack which was consumed,—for which I received three hundred lashes with hickory sticks. The overseer gave me the blows and Jo—counted them. His feeding was herrings and a peck of meal a week—never enough—if one wanted more he had to steal it.</p>
            <p>My last master's allowance was a peck and a half of corn meal a week, and a small slice of meat for each dinner. If any thing more was got it had to be obtained at night. He had but one overseer, and that for but one year. He was a sharp man—whipped me with a cowhide. I've seen him whip women and children like oxen. My master owned a yellow girl, who, he feared, would run away. I was his head man and had to help do it. He tied her across the fence, naked, 
<pb id="p56" n="56"/>
and whipped her severely with a paddle bored with holes, and with a switch. Then he shaved the hair off of one side of her head, and daubed cow-filth on the shaved part, to disgrace her—keep her down. I tried hard to avoid the lash, but every year he would get up with me for a whipping in some way. I could not avoid it,—he would catch me on something, do how I would. The last time he whipped me, was for stealing corn for bread for Christmas. George—was with me. He tied our wrists together about a tree, and then whipped us with a carriage whip—that was six years ago. He whipped till he wore the lash off; then he tied a knot in the end, and gave me a blow which laid me up limping three weeks,—the blood ran down into my shoes. After that he used to whip the others. George and others would have their shirts sticking to their backs in the blood. I have seen him strip my wife and whip her with a cobbing board or cowhide. . . .</p>
            <p>One Sunday he sent me into the woods to look for hogs. I could not find them, and I told him so on my return. Said he, “They are killed and eaten, and you know the going of them.” I told him the truth that I did not know of it. He then seized me by the collar, and told me to cross my wrists. I did so,—but when he laid a rope across to bind them, I jerked them apart. He then undertook to trip me forward with his foot, and as I straightened back, to avoid it, it threw him. He kept his hold on my collar and called for help. The servants came pouring out,—they seized me, and he tied my wrists together with leading lines, eleven yards long, wrapping them about my wrists as long as there was a piece to wrap. Then he led me to the meathouse and said, “Go in there—I'll lay examples on 
<pb id="p57" n="57"/>
you for all the rest to go by—fighting your master!” Whilst one was making a cobbing board, and another was gone to cut hickory switches, and he was looking up more leading lines, I got a knife from my pocket, opened it with my teeth, and holding it in my mouth, cut through the lines which bound me. Then I took a gambrel, and broke open the door. I had made up my mind, knowing that he would come <sic corr="well-nigh">wellnigh</sic> killing me, to hit with the gambrel any one who came to seize me. When I burst the door open, no one was there,—but master was coming. I sprung for the flats: he hailed me to come back. I stopped and told him that I had worked night and day to try to please him, and I would never come back any more. I stayed away nine days—then he sent me word, that he would not whip me, if I would come back. I went back, and he did not whip me afterward. But he used to whip my wife to spite me, and tell her, “you must make Isaac a good boy.” This is true, God knows.</p>
            <p>At one time, one of the hands named Matthew was cutting wheat. His blade being dull, our master gave him so many minutes to grind it. But Matthew did not get the blade done in the time allowed. Trouble grew out of this. Matthew was whipped, and kept chained by the leg in one of the buildings. One day when master was at church, I showed Matthew how to get away. He went away with the chain and lock on his leg. The neighbor's people got it off. He then took to the bush. After two or three weeks, my master sent me to look for him, promising not to whip him if I could get him in. I did not see him, but I saw Matthew's sisters, and told them master's promise not to whip. On a Saturday night, soon after, he came in. He was chained and locked in the house until Sunday. 
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Then he was given in charge to Wallace (a colored man employed in the kitchen) to take care of him. On Monday, he was whipped. Then master got me to persuade Matthew not to run away. He would n't tell Matthew he was afraid of his running, but would tell him he <hi rend="italics">could n't</hi> get away,—that times were so straight with the telegraph and railway, that he could n't get away. And that's what keeps the poor fellows there: that, and knowing that some do set out, and get brought back, and knowing what is done with them. So Matthew stayed on the farm. This occurred last summer, [1854].</p>
            <p>In the fall, I was making money to come away, by selling fish which I caught in the creek, and by other means, when a woman on Mr.—'s farm came to see me about some one that she feared would leave. As we talked, she said, “You would n't go away from your wife and children?” I said, “What's the reason I would n't? to stay here with half enough to eat, and to see my wife persecuted for nothing when I can do her no good. I'll go either north or south, where I can get enough to eat; and if ever I get away from that wife, I'll never have another in slavery, to be served in that way.” Then she told her master, and he let on to my master, that I was making money to go away.</p>
            <p>By and by I saw Mr. E—, who had a little farm in the neighborhood,—then I said to one of the men, “There's going to be something done with me to-day, either whip me or sell me, one or the other.” Awhile after, as I was fanning out some corn in the granary, three white men came to the door—my master, Mr. E—, and a neighboring overseer. My master came walking to me, taking handcuffs out of his pocket, 
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—“Come, Isaac,” says he, “it's time for you to be corrected now; you 've been doing wrong this year or two.” Said I, “What's the matter now, master—?” He answered, “I'm not going to whip you; I've made up my mind to sell you. I would not take two thousand dollars for you on my farm if I could keep you. I understand that you are getting ready to go off.” He had then put his handcuffs on me: “Well, Sir, it is agreed to go as freely as water runs from the spring,”—meaning that I would go with him without resistance or trouble. “I have done all I could for you, night and day, even carting wood on Sunday morning,—and this is what I get for it.” “Ah, Sir,” said he, “you are willing to go, but 't will be none the better for you.” “Well, master—, there's good and bad men all over the world, and I'm as likely to meet with a good man as to meet with a bad one.” “Well, Sir, if there's not less of that racket, I'll give you a good brushing over.” I was going over to the house then, from the granary. I answered, “Well, master—, you may do as you please, I am your nigger now, but not long.” Then I met my wife, coming crying, asking,—“What's the matter?” I told her, “Eliza, no more than what I told you,—just what I expected was going to be done.” His word was, “Take her away, and if she don 't hush, take her to the granary, and give her a good whipping.” She was crying, you see. He took me to his bedroom, and chained me by one leg to his bedpost, and kept me there, handcuffs on, all night. He slept in the bed. Next morning, he took me in a wagon and carried me to Fredericksburg, and sold me into a slave-pen to George Ayler, for ten hundred and fifty dollars. Here I met with Henry Banks. He entered the slave-pen after I had been there
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three days. He had run away since May, but was taken in Washington, D. C.</p>
            <p>On a Thursday evening, came a trader from the south, named Dr.—. He looked at Henry, and at a man named George Strawden, and at me, but did not purchase, the price being too high. I dreamed that night that he took us three. Next morning I told Henry, “That man is coming to take you, and George, and me, just as sure as the world; so Henry, let's you and me make a bargain to try and get away; for I'm never deceived in a dream,—if I dreamed master was going to whip me, he would surely whip somebody next day.” That's as good a sign in the south as ever was.</p>
            <p>About breakfast time, Dr.—came and stripped us stark naked to examine us. They frequently do, whether buying women or men. He says, “Well, boys, I'm satisfied with you all, if you are willing to go with me, without putting me to any trouble.” He had his handcuffs and spancels <sic corr="(ankle-beads,">(ancle-beads,</sic> they call them for a nickname) with him. I said to him, “Yes, we are willing to go with you, and will go without any trouble,—I came without any trouble, and will <hi rend="italics">go</hi> without any trouble,”—but he did not know my meaning. “I have no farm to keep you on myself,” said he, “I live in Tennessee,—I am going on to Georgia, and will take fifteen hundred dollars apiece for you—I'll get as good places for you as I can—'t is not so bad there as you have heard it is.” I said, “Oh, yes, Master—, I know you'll do the best you can; I'm willing to go.” “Well, get up all your clothes against the cars come from the Creek, and then we'll go to Richmond.” “I suppose, Master—, we'll have time to get 'em,—how long will it be before 
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the cars come along?” “About three quarters of an hour, boy.” Then he went to George Ayler to give him a check on the Richmond Bank for $3,400 for the three men. Henry and I then got up our clothes,—I put on two shirts, three pairs of pantaloons, two vests, a thick coat, and a summer coat in the pocket,—Henry did the same with his; so we had no bundles to carry. We were afraid to let George know, for fear he would betray us.</p>
            <p>Dr.—left the gate open, being deceived by our apparent readiness to go with him. We told George, “Stop a minute, we are going to get some water. Then we walked through Fredericksburg—having left the city we crossed the bridge to Falmouth, turned to the left, and made for the bush. Then we heard the cars from the creek, as they were running to Fredericksburg. On looking round, we saw a number of men coming after us on horseback. The way we cleared them was, we went into the bush, turned short to the right, leaving them the straightforward road,—we then moved on toward the very county from which I was sold. We were out three weeks, during the last of which we made a cave by digging into a cliff, at the head of the creek. The southern men who saw the cave (as we heard afterward when we were in jail) said they never saw so complete a place to hide in.</p>
            <p>All this time I had visited my wife every day, either when the white folks were occupied, or before day. One Saturday night we hunted about for something to eat, without finding any thing until midnight. It then came into my head about the man who had persuaded my master to sell me,—so we went to him, and got a dozen chickens, which we took to our cave. This made us late,—it was sunrise when we reached our cave, 
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and then H—, who was standing in the woods, looking for my brother Horace, saw me, and saw us going into our den. Then he went off and got N—, with a double-barrelled gun, and T—with a hickory club; and himself returned with a six-barrelled revolver.</p>
            <p>Then I heard N—asking, “Who is in here?” I looked up, and there was the gun within two feet of my head, up to his face and cocked. “Surrender, or I'll blow your brains out!” I looked out, but saw no way of escape, but by going across the creek,—N—was on one side with his gun, H—on the other with his revolver, and T—over the entrance with his hickory stick. I said to Henry, “What are we to do? I started for death, and death we must try to go through. I want to see the man that bought us, no more.” N—hailed me by name, for he had now seen my face, “Surrender, for if you come out, I'll blow your brains out.” “Then,” said I, “You will have to do it.” Then I came out, bringing my broadaxe weighing seven and a half pounds in my hand,—he just stood aside and gave me a chance to come out by the muzzle of his gun. We sprung for the creek, I and my partner. In the middle it was over my depth, but I reached the other side, still holding on to the axe. While I was struggling to get up the bank, N—fired, and shot the broad axe out of my hand, putting twenty-nine shot into my right arm and hand, and seven into my right thigh. I ran until I got through a piece of marsh, and upon a beach near some woods.</p>
            <p>I was standing looking at my arm; and on looking around for Henry saw him in the sedge. By this time H—had crossed the creek too. I called to Henry to come on, and as he rose from the hedge, N—shot him. He fell; then he got up, ran a little distance, and 
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fell again. Then he rose up, presently fell a third time, but again recovered himself and came to me.</p>
            <p>Finding ourselves wounded and bleeding, so that we could do nothing further towards escape, we gave up. They tied our hands behind us with a leather strap, which was very painful, as my wounded wrist swelled very much. I begged them to loosen it but they would not. They took us to jail in—county. Dr. H. there counted ninety shot in Henry's back, legs, and arms. We stayed in the jail, a month lacking three days,—two weeks in a sort of dungeon in the cellar: then, Henry being sick with fever, from the effects of the shooting, they put us up stairs, one story higher. We were kept on water and <hi rend="italics">collots</hi