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        <title><emph>From Slavery To a Bishopric, or, The Life of 
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        <author>Edwards, S. J. Celestine</author>
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    <front>
      <div1 type="cover image">
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      </div1>
      <titlePage>
        <docTitle>
          <titlePart type="main">FROM SLAVERY TO A BISHOPRIC
<lb/>
OR
<lb/>
THE LIFE OF BISHOP WALTER HAWKINS
<lb/>
OF
<lb/>
The British Methodist Episcopal Church
Canada</titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <byline>BY</byline>
        <docAuthor>S. J. CELESTINE EDWARDS
<lb/>ASSOCIATE OF KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON; LECTURER ON CHRISTIAN<lb/>
EVIDENCES; FELLOW OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF LITERATURE;<lb/>
MEDICAL STUDENT AT THE LONDON HOSPITAL</docAuthor>
        <docImprint><pubPlace>LONDON</pubPlace>
<publisher>JOHN KENSIT, PUBLISHER</publisher>
<pubPlace>18 PATERNOSTER, E.C.</pubPlace>
<docDate>1891</docDate>
<hi rend="italics">[All Rights reserved]</hi>
</docImprint>
      </titlePage>
      <div1>
        <p>TO<lb/>
WILFRED T. GRENFELL, M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P.,
<hi rend="italics">Superintendent of the Deep Sea Mission,</hi>
<lb/>
<hi rend="italics">This Work is Dedicated,</hi>
<lb/>
AS A TOKEN OF MANY KINDNESSES RECEIVED DURING<lb/>
THE LAST FIVE YEARS,
<lb/>
BY
<lb/>
THE AUTHOR.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="Bibliography">
        <pb n="vii"/>
        <head>LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED DURING THE<lb/>
PREPARATION OF THIS BIOGRAPHY.</head>
        <list type="simple">
          <item>A Visit to the United States. Sturge.</item>
          <item>Anti-Slavery days. Clark.</item>
          <item>American System of Government.</item>
          <item>Bancroft's History of the United States. 3 vols.</item>
          <item>Buckingham's America. 3 vols.</item>
          <item>Black America. W. Laird Clowes.</item>
          <item>Constitution of the United States. Paschal.</item>
          <item>English Nonconformity. Vaughan.</item>
          <item>Gesta Christe. Brace.</item>
          <item>Hosack's Law of Nations.</item>
          <item>History of European Morals. Lecky, 2 vols.</item>
          <item>History of the English People. Green.</item>
          <item>History of England. Macaulay.</item>
          <item>International Law. Gallandet.</item>
          <item>Irving's Life of Columbus.</item>
          <item>Life and Time of Fred. Douglas.</item>
          <item>Men and Manners in America. 2 vols</item>
          <item>Power and Progress of the United States. Poussin.</item>
          <item>Popular History of America. Mrs. Cooper.</item>
          <item>Prescott's History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.</item>
          <item>Robertson's America. 2 vols.</item>
          <item>The United States. 3 vols.</item>
          <item>The American Union. Spence.</item>
          <item>Travels in the United States. Lady Wortley.</item>
          <item>Willard's United States.</item>
          <item>White, Red, and Black. 3 vols.</item>
        </list>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="contents">
        <pb id="edwardsix" n="ix"/>
        <head>CONTENTS.</head>
        <list type="simple">
          <item>PREFACE,. . . . .<ref targOrder="U" target="edwardsxi">xi</ref></item>
          <item>INTRODUCTION,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwardsxv">xv</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER I.
Historical Sketch of Slavery in the New World,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards1">1</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER II.
Early Life,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards26">26</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER III.
Life as a Slave,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards35">35</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER IV.
Escape from Slavery,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards53">53</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER V.
Found at Last,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards65">65</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER VI.
Philadelphia,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards76">76</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER VII.
On the Road,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards86">86</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER VIII.
Buffalo,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards96">96</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER IX.
New Bedford,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards104">104</ref></item>
          <pb id="edwardsx" n="x"/>
          <item>CHAPTER X.
Life as a Farmer,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards113">113</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER XI.
Canada—“Where coloured men are free,”. . . . . 
<ref targOrder="U" target="edwards123">123</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER XII.
The First Circuit,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards132">132</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER XIII.
St. Catharines,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards142">142</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER XIV.
Made Bishop,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards151">151</ref></item>
          <item>CHAPTER XV.
In England,. . . . . <ref targOrder="U" target="edwards164">164</ref></item>
        </list>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="preface">
        <pb id="edwardsxi" n="xi"/>
        <head>PREFACE</head>
        <p>I UNDERTAKE this work, because I think it will
probably act as a stimulus to the young men of my
race, who, though physically free, have not yet
realised the duty they owe to themselves, and to
humanity at large, and especially to the British
public, to whom I feel we owe a great debt of
gratitude for leading the way for our emancipation
in the New World. My experience in England
has led me to think that many are somewhat
disappointed that the Negro, from whom they
expected so much fifty or sixty years ago, has not
come up to their expectations,<hi rend="italics"> i.e.,</hi> he has not
improved his position quite as quickly as they feel
he ought to have done. In this book I hope to set
forth what Europeans well know: viz., that there
is not a single nation in Europe who could have
done more for itself, in the same time and under
similar circumstances, than our race: they have
expected too much of us, with far less opportunities.
Besides, it is all very well to tell people what they
ought to do, but it is quite another thing to give
them the opportunity of doing.</p>
        <pb id="edwardsxii" n="xii"/>
        <p>1st. We cannot expect much from a people who
had to start an existence upon nothing, like the
West Indian Negroes.</p>
        <p>2nd. Neither can we hope for much progress from
any nation who are treated as our race have been,
and are being treated, since the American Civil
War. And</p>
        <p>3rd. No nation can be expected to advance in
so-called civilisation whose faults are continually
being paraded before them, as ours are in the
literature of the superior race. It is well known,
and most keenly felt, in every country where
the Negro has been sent as an exile, that his
superior brethren have used every means and
meanness, not only to make him feel his position,
but to prolong his degradation, and even to
discourage any and every attempt on the part of
the Negro to approach the social equality of the
most abandoned white man. Our own conviction
is that until the Negro knows and is convinced in
head and heart that God has not sent him into
the world as a mere toy to be kicked about by
every and any one—until he learns that fate has
not made him to be a mere spectator and serf—  
we can never hope for better things to befall our
people. Our aim in this book is not merely to
give an account of one of our own kind, or to turn
the light of this closing century upon slavery, but
<pb id="edwardsxiii" n="xiii"/>
to put into the hands of the rising generation the
history of one who has, by sheer force of character,
raised himself above the degrading condition of the
life in which he was born.</p>
        <p>By following Walter Hawkins from a slave farm
to a Bishopric, we shall see how Providence has
provided every man with the means—if he will use
them—to improve his position in the world; the
young Negro will see that while he may not become
a bishop, doctor, or lawyer, he may so utilise his
opportunities that he shall command respect from those
who have hitherto regarded all Negroes as vagrants,
destined to wander on the face of the earth. The
race will feel that, with patience, perseverance,
and hard work, what Bishop Hawkins has done
in one direction, millions may do in other ways.
Ah! we trust that his life will urge the race not
to look to others so much as to themselves. I
confess my inability to do justice to the subject,
as I have had no experience in this kind of work;
and, secondly, I have had little time to give to its
preparation, as I have to work for my living while
prosecuting my studies. I have tried to give an
historical sketch of slavery from its introduction
in the New World down to the time of Bishop
Hawkins. I have also tried to give an historical
sketch of several places where he stopped before
he finally settled in Canada, as I thought it would
<pb id="edwardsxiv" n="xiv"/>
add to the interest of the life of one who has served
his race—and through them humanity—in a way
I should like to serve them.</p>
        <p>I must thank my many friends for their advice
and suggestions. I do hope, most sincerely, that
no one will blame Bishop Hawkins for any
statement which they might think ought to have been
left out. Perhaps a little more polish would have
made me choose better words to express myself;
still I will trust to the generosity of the impartial
reader to exonerate me from any wilful desire to
wound the susceptibility of the race who are, for
the most part, responsible for our shortcomings.</p>
        <closer><signed>S. J. CELESTINE EDWARDS.</signed>
<dateline>SOUTH HACKNEY,
LONDON, N.E., 1891.</dateline></closer>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="introduction">
        <pb id="edwardsxv" n="xv"/>
        <head>INTRODUCTION.</head>
        <p>NO race under heaven (except, perhaps, the Jewish
nation) have suffered so many wrongs, endured
more insults, and survived so many centuries of
private and public vicissitudes as the African race.
Many of the nations who afflicted the African
are no more; yet, at this day, the nations who
glory in the knowledge of their being members of
the Aryan family, or some other real or imaginary
race, take a pride in perpetually reminding the
Negro of the inferiority of his kind: that he is a
savage, or at least a child, who does not improve
in intelligence, though he develops in body. Every
nation of antiquity have had something to say in
praise or blame of the Negro, and most, if not all,
have had something to do with him. By all,
ancient and modern, he has been robbed, murdered
and enslaved; his daughter has been robbed of
her virtue before his eyes; his home broken, and
his country pillaged and laid waste. It is as
yesterday that the nations of the West began to
think seriously either of his country or the Negro,
<pb id="edwardsxvi" n="xvi"/>
or both; but none of the ancients ever afflicted
the man as the moderns have done. Not content
with setting tribe against tribe in Africa, they tore
him away from the bosom of his country; packed
him in ships, chained as though he were a murderer,
and sold him. They were not content with these
methods of degrading him, but every moral, mental
and religious influence was kept from him—for
centuries—save such as would tend to make him
more docile to his master. Everything was done to
completely crush the moral sense out of the man, and,
as if all this loathsome treatment would not serve
their purpose, historians and travellers, until late
years, misrepresented him. Some even went as far
as to say that his skull was too thick for culture—  
rather a sad reflection on the Being or Power that
called him into being. Believers in the Bible
held that he was born to serve his brethren.
Evolutionists maintained that there was only a
step between him and the ape. Men of every
profession have found fault with the Negro for his
indolence, while priding themselves on superior
virtues; nothing was too bad to say of him, even
when the Negro rose above the condition in which
might and superior craft had placed him. The
Negro even now is only known as a “nigger”.
He is shouted at in the most enlightened cities in
the world as a “darkey,” “nigger,” “Sambo,
<pb id="edwardsxvii" n="xvii"/>
etc. If he appears respectable, every effort is
made in the United States to keep him down.
The whites do not hesitate to say that “quashey”
is only fit to be a hewer of wood and drawer of
water; no matter how well he is educated or how
clean his body, he must not sit next to the most
degraded white man. Sometimes in a tram; at
other times in a train; if he goes to the theatre,
he must sit where all blacks are sitting. They will
neither shave him nor serve him in a dram shop.
In the church, where people are supposed to
worship one God, the Negro cannot find a seat.
When he was a slave he could cook the food and
serve at the table; but now he is free he must not
eat in the same room as the white man. The
poor innocent child cannot be comfortable in the
school where the white children are, no matter
how much tax his father pays to the State; hence
he must have his own church and chapel—except
Roman Catholic—his own shaving and drinking
saloon. In many of the States even the right of
citizenship is denied him. Whatever crime he
commits is too often magnified an hundred fold;
and, when he is wronged, justice is withheld from
him in courts of law for no other reason than that
he is a Negro. Very often his greatest oppressors
are men who have been forced to flee their own
country by want or crime. There is a saying in
<pb id="edwardsxviii" n="xviii"/>
the Southern States: “When the nigger is down
keep him down, for when the nigger rises, hell
rises”; and the whites seem to act very much on
that principle. In the old days, though some
acknowledged that “many of the Negroes possess a
natural goodness of heart and warmth of affection,”
yet they used to fix their prices not merely according
to their bodily powers, but in proportion to the
docility and good disposition of their commodity;
so at this very time, while they are patronising
the Negro and professing friendliness towards him,
every artifice is being used to stop his growth in
the United States. Under the pretext of kindly
feeling he is told to go out of the country. If the
Negro should ask: “Where?” he is told: “Go
back to your fatherland, or anywhere, so long as
you go”. The Negro might well reply: “1st. I
did not come here by choice: you stole me from
my country; you made money out of my degradation,
blood and bones. 2nd. The country out of
which you are sending me is no more yours than
mine: white men came here because they were
driven from Europe by tyranny and poverty; and
you no sooner landed than you began to murder
(in cold blood) the Indians, and plundered Africa
to enrich yourselves, and built an empire; so that
if you think that might is right I don't. 3rd.
Moreover, your race have divided Africa among
<pb id="edwardsxix" n="xix"/>
themselves, and call it theirs. Don't you think
that they ought to clear out in order that we might
go in? And do you suppose that we can go out
of your (so-called) country without your paying us
our due? You have got a large indemnity to pay for
the Negroes whom you threw overboard to lighten
the cargo of your slave ships; for those whom
you killed under the lash, chased to death by
bloodhounds, and caused to perish in the slave-gang.
What about the pay for nigh three hundred
years of free labour? What about our property?
And surely if all my race were willing to go, and
you had removed every barrier in Africa, you will
certainly have to find us a free and comfortable
passage back, for we would not think of going as
you brought us.” We know it will be argued
that the Negro has improved by being a slave. A
few may have improved their condition—which
was due, not to the generosity of slave-holders,
but in spite of them—and the majority have paid
enormously for it. Just think what it must mean
to a nation who were instructed into the vices
of a foreign power, and not many, or very little,
of its virtues. To keep a man a slave, means a
sacrifice of all his moral qualities. Courage,
singleness of affection, gentleness and parental
attachment were all offered up on the auction-block
and the lash. The common decency which
<pb id="edwardsxx" n="xx"/>
the Negro in his savage condition regarded was
abused by slavery. Men, women and children
were thrown together. Marriage was unknown.
We wonder a race did tolerate such iniquities
from men viler than themselves. Still the Negro
has outlived the ravages on his oppression,
barbarity of his master, and will outlive the prejudices
of to-day. In spite of his forcible removal from
the land of his nativity, and in spite of all the
difficulties of his forced condition, he increases and
multiplies in every country whither he has been
taken. And now the Negro has come through
many vicissitudes to be a real political force in the
world. At first he was pitied; now the Yankee
begins to fear his number. We do not think any
one of us need be alarmed about what Mr. Froude
has had to say. We have outlived his master's
hatred of our race; and we sincerely trust that in
time the Negro will show the world that he is
“worthier of regard and stronger, than the colour
of his kind”. Whatever other races may think
about our future destiny, the Negro himself is
very hopeful; we shall plod on and wait. The
opening up of Africa, from whatever motives, is
doing us and the nations good. The growing
increase of the Negro population of the United
States, Canada, the West Indies and South
America are forces which are acting upon the
<pb id="edwardsxxi" n="xxi"/>
minds of our late masters with a certain amount
of alarm. The spread of education among our
race is enabling us to know what the white people
have thought of us, and what they are now
thinking. All these things will work wonders in
our minds, and will tend to help us to shape our
future course. We contemplate neither war nor
bloodshed to gain our end: ours shall be a victory
of peace, for “Peace hath her victories no less
renowned than war”. It is a long process; but it is a
sure and sound policy. All other races have had, or
are having, their day: ours is coming, when those
who despised, degraded and abused us in our
childish innocence shall know, that the Negro is
a rational individual, composed of mind and body,
of outward and inward being, of necessity and
freedom like themselves—though to himself a
mystery, to the ignorant a laughing-stock, and to
philosophers the subject of speculation; yet to the
world of spirits he is an object of deepest thought,
of God's Almightiness, wisdom and love, a living
witness veiled round by a black skin. He sees
God at a distance, yet he is as certain of His
existence and justice as the One Eternal Righteous
Spirit as he is of his own. The Negro feels that
he is a child of revelation—weak yet strong, poor,
but rich in the faith; that, by patience and works,
justice cannot long be withheld from his race.</p>
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    <body>
      <div1 type="Chapter">
        <pb id="edwards1" n="1"/>
        <head>CHAPTER I.</head>
        <head>HISTORICAL SKETCH—SLAVERY.</head>
        <p>“BANISHMENT is but the change of place,” said Seneca,
“and this blessing we owe to the Almighty Power—  
call it what you will—either God or an incorporeal
Reason—a Divine Spirit or Fate, and the unchangeable
course of causes and effects. It is, however, so
ordered that nothing can be taken from us but what
we can spare, and that which is most magnificent and
valuable continues with us. Wherever we go, we have
the heavens over our heads, and no farther from us
than they were before; and so long as we can entertain
our eyes and thoughts with these glories, what
matters it what ground we tread?” This might be
aptly applied to our race, who had no choice in their
banishment from the Fatherland. The discovery of the
West Indies by Columbus, and America by Cabot and
Vespucci, drew the attention of Europe from domestic
slumber to the New World, concerning the existence
of which Europeans were, for the most part, sceptical.
Not only a New World; but there was on the
virgin soil a race of people who appeared to the
Spaniards as an idle and improvident race, indifferent
to most of the objects of human anxiety and comfort.
Amid the region of the Vega the encircling seasons
<pb id="edwards2" n="2"/>
brought them its stores of fruit, when some were
ripening on their boughs, crops were being gathered
in their full maturity from the fields—some trees budding
into new life, while others blossomed into bloom,
giving promise of still succeeding abundance.</p>
        <p>What need, then, were there for the childlike natives
to garner up and anxiously provide for, coming days,
when nature lavished their lands so abundantly?
Theirs was a perpetual harvest. To men who lived in
such abundance, what need of toiling, spinning, or
labouring throughout the year, when neither nature nor
custom prescribed the necessity of better clothing than
the former herself supplied? Wherever the European
went among these—children of the wood—it was a
continual scene of festivities, and a constant stream of
rejoicing; while the natives hastened from all parts to
lay the treasures of their groves, streams, and mountains
at the feet of beings whom they ignorantly
thought had fallen from the skies to bring blessings
to their country. We would that it were so; but the
strangers betrayed their confidence, and proved themselves
rather to have ascended from the abyss, bringing
curses not blessings. As long as Isabella lived,
the Indians found an efficient friend and protector;
but “her death,” says the Venerable Las Casas, “was
the signal for their destruction”. “Immediately on
that event. . . Columbus, who seems to have had
no doubt, from the first, of the Crown's absolute
right of property over the natives, carried it to its
full extent in the colonies. Every Spaniard, however
<pb id="edwards3" n="3"/>
humble, had his proportion of slaves; and men,
many of them not only incapable of estimating the
awful responsibility of the situation, but without the
least touch of humanity in their natures, were individually
entrusted with unlimited power, of the disposal
of the lives and destinies of their fellow-creatures. They
abused this trust in the grossest manner; tasking the
unfortunate Indian far beyond his strength, inflicting
the most refined punishments on the indolent and
hunting down those who resisted or escaped like so
many beasts of chase, with ferocious bloodhounds.</p>
        <p>“Every step of the white man's progress in the New
World may be said to have been on the corpse of a
native. Faith is staggered by the recital of the
number of victims immolated in these fair regions
within a very few years after the discovery; and the
heart sickens at the loathsome details of barbarities,
recorded by one who, if his sympathies have led him
sometimes to overcolour, can never be suspected of
wilfully misstating facts of which he was an eye-witness.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref1" n="1" rend="sc" target="note1">*</ref>
On the northern coast of South America
—Terra Firma, as it was called in contrast with the
islands—when it had been explored, and before its
virgin soil had been polluted by the touch of selfish
and self-seeking plunderers, it occurred to the ardent
imaginative mind of Las Casas that a colony might
be founded, in which Spaniards might exercise a
sort of paternal rule over the gentle natives, whose
<note id="note1" n="1" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref1"><p>* Prescott's <hi rend="italics">History of Ferdinand and Isabella.</hi></p></note>
<pb id="edwards4" n="4"/>
hospitality was evinced towards Columbus and his
followers, in a marked manner, and to prove to the other
settlers—whose avarice, pride, and sordid care had
been made manifest in the paradise of the Indians
—that the two races could live together and mingle
with mutual profit. With this notion Las Casas
undertook to select fifty men of upright character,
who would advance the principle of equity in dealing
with the natives, and make it their serious purpose to
draw them by lawful means to the belief in the Gospel.
To distinguish his men from the other Spaniards, they
were to wear a white dress, with a coloured cross upon
it, and to proclaim as widely as possible that their
mission was one of peace. Within the limits of the
proposed colony, slavery was to be forbidden.</p>
        <p>In his anxiety to lighten the expense of the colony
and to procure revenue to the Crown, Columbus had
recommended that the natives of the West Indies—  
being cannibal and ferocious invaders of their peaceful
neighbours—should be captured and sold as slaves,
or exchanged with merchants for live stock, and other
necessary supplies. This was in the year 1493.</p>
        <p>According to Las Casas, the Indians were to be
won by presents to friendly relation with the colonists,
and then hired to cultivate the soil for wages as free
men. For himself, he asked for nothing except the
right of selecting the men with whom he should try
his experiment, liberty to advise freely and to exercise
a regulating power over the colony along with the
civil officers to be appointed by the Crown. Though
<pb id="edwards5" n="5"/>
prompted by the best motives, Las Casas knew from
experience that no royal sanction could be secured for any
scheme of colonisation which did not promise some
return to the revenue. Therefore, to satisfy this demand,
and to save the lives of the natives, whom he passionately
loved, he, in a moment of weakness, proposed that
every one of his fifty settlers—whom he thought were
as unselfish as himself—should have licence to buy
three Negroes, with permission to increase the number
to ten by the consent of the Protector.</p>
        <p>Evidently Las Casas thought that these Negroes
were a stronger and hardier race than the Indians,
and would share the toil and bear some of the heavier
burdens of the natives in tilling the ground, etc. But
the plan of this illustrious man never came to maturity;
and not a single Negro was bought or sold under this
clause in the charter. Moreover, he afterwards saw
the folly of the scheme, and confessed it, saying:
“I forgot for the moment that the sellers were men-stealers”.
Las Casas was not the first to introduce
Negro slavery in the New World, as they must have
been on the spot for him to suggest their purchase; in
any case, we have no authentic date until 1503, when
the first ship-load of Negroes was landed in the island
of St. Domingo. The impossibility of effecting any
improvement in the New World, unless the Spanish
planters could command the labour of the natives,
was an insuperable objection to Las Casas's plan. In
order to overcome this difficulty, the Spaniards
purchased a number of Negroes from the Portuguese
<pb id="edwards6" n="6"/>
settlement on the coast of Africa. In 1503 only a
few Negroes were brought into the West Indies; but,
in 1511, we find that Ferdinand permitted the
importation of a greater number.</p>
        <p>1st. Because they were proved to be more robust
and hardier than the natives. 2nd. They were more
capable of enduring fatigue, and more patient under
servitude. 3rd. And that the labour of one Negro was
thought to be equal to that of four Indians.</p>
        <p>In vain did Cardinal Ximenes protest “against the
iniquity of reducing one race of men to slavery, while
endeavouring to save the lives and restoring the liberty
of another”. Charles V. granted a patent to one of his
Flemish favourites, by which he had the exclusive
right to import four thousand Negroes to the New
World. This man sold his patent to some Genoese
merchants for 25,000 ducats, who degraded commerce
by bringing a larger number of slaves than ever had
been introduced before in the West Indies. From
that time the traffic extended with alarming rapidity
to the continent of America. The Africans, who
were carried to the western world were, as a general
rule, of the weakest of the people in their own
country: people who did not fairly represent the best
qualities and endowments of the race—even the traditions
of their country were carried away in the most
distorted form. They were for the most part people
from the alluvial districts of Africa, who had been
preyed upon by local diseases, and captives taken in
those tribal wars which devastated large towns and
<pb id="edwards7" n="7"/>
villages in the heart of the country, and<hi rend="italics"> is </hi>until this
day. The more powerful tribes pushed the weaker
ones from the abundant supplies of food—from the
high lands to the sea coast—whither the white man
either stole, bribed, or made war against them. They
did not even scruple to call in the aid of the rum bottle,
and every other unrighteous means, in order to
entrap them to supply the slave market. Nevertheless,
some of the better class and stalwart sons of Africa
found themselves as slaves among the rabble.
Hundreds of tribes were mixed together in the slave
markets of the New World. The nefarious traffic in
human flesh, which began in the midst of pestilence,
war, and famine, soon pushed these Negroes beneath
the physical standard of the hardier tribes of Africa;
and the common moral standard of the human species,
with which they were surrounded in their new home
—the galling bond of slavery—bound their bodies,
and fettered their intellectual faculties, impaired their
social affection, and reduced them to move like
common machines. The atrocious debasement of slavery
paralysed their reflective faculty, suspended their
judgment, so that their power of choice was nil; while
reason and conscience had little influence over their
conduct. Being governed by fear, the Negro became
a mere automaton in the hands of his master.</p>
        <p>About one hundred and sixteen years after the
Portuguese took the first few Negroes to the West
Indies we find a slaver landing some slaves in
Virginia (<hi rend="italics">i.e.,</hi> 1619) in exchange for food to relieve the
<pb id="edwards8" n="8"/>
hunger of some famishing sailors. Better for those
Negroes had they been eaten, rather than to have been
enslaved, that others might eat. But the African was
not alone; as it was a common thing at this time to
send white men into servitude—being sent out as convicts
from England, some of whom afterwards became
masters, others slave-drivers. Thus the reader will
readily understand how it was that they inflicted such
dreadful punishment upon the Negro, as we shall
hereafter mention.</p>
        <p>“Virginia was the mother of slavery in America, as
well as ‘the mother of Presidents,’ unfortunate for
her, unfortunate for the other colonies, and thrice
unfortunate for the poor, weak, and friendless Negroes
who, from 1619 to 1863, were made to yield their liberty,
their toil, their bodies, and their intellects to a system
which ground them to powder. While it thus affected
the Africans, the white man and institutions felt the
direful influence of slavery, for it touched the
brightest features of social life, and they faded under
the contact of its poisonous breath. It affected legislation,
local and national; it made and destroyed
statesmen; it prostrated and bullied honest public
sentiment; it strangled the voice of the press, while it
awed the pulpit into silent acquiescence; it organised
the judiciary of the States, and wrote decisions of
judges; it gave States their political being, and afterwards
dragged them by the forehair through the
stormy sea of a civil war; laid the parricidal fingers
of treason against the fair throat of liberty: and
<pb id="edwards9" n="9"/>
through all time to come no event will be more
sincerely deplored than the introduction of slavery into
the colony of Virginia.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref2" n="2" rend="sc" target="note2">*</ref> In degrading the Negro, the
Virginian colonists did not fail to degrade themselves.
How could it be otherwise? Can a man use pitch
without smearing himself? Alas! for Virginia—better
far had thy virgin soil remained untouched than that
thou shouldst have witnessed the loud sad wails of
agony sent up from the broken hearts of the sons of
Africa, into whose mouths Burns put the following
lines:— </p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>It was in sweet Senegal that my foes did me enthral</l>
          <l>For the lands of Virginia—ginia, O;</l>
          <l>Torn from that lovely shore, and never to see it more,</l>
          <l>And, alas! I am weary, weary, O.</l>
        </lg>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>All on that charming coast is no bitter snow and frost</l>
          <l>Like the lands of Virginia—ginia, O;</l>
          <l>There streams for ever flow, and there flowers for ever blow,</l>
          <l>And, alas! I am weary, weary, O.</l>
        </lg>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>The burden I must bear, while the cruel scourge I fear</l>
          <l>In the lands of Virginia—ginia, O;</l>
          <l>And I think on my friends most dear, with the bitter, bitter
tear,</l>
          <l>And, alas! I am weary, weary, O.</l>
        </lg>
        <p>It appears, however, that Virginia began to repent
of her iniquity in 1776, for William Gordon of Roxburgh,
Mass., wrote: “The Virginians begin their declaration
of rights by saying that ‘all men are born equally
free and independent; and have certain interests, and
<note id="note2" n="2" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref2"><p>* Williams' <hi rend="italics">History of the Negro Race in America.</hi></p></note>
<pb id="edwards10" n="10"/>
natural rights, of which they cannot by any compact
deprive themselves or their posterity, among
which are their enjoyments of life and <hi rend="italics">liberty’.</hi> The Congress declare that they ‘hold these truths to be
self-evident, that all men are created <hi rend="italics">equal,</hi> that they are endowed by their Creator with certain INALIENABLE
RIGHTS—that among these are life,<hi rend="italics"> liberty,</hi>and pursuit of happiness’.”</p>
        <p>Maryland, the State in which the Bishop was born,
constituted a part, and was for a long time within
the limits, of the colony of Virginia, consequently the
slave traffic of the latter extended throughout the
entire territory. Here the colonists found the soil
rich; and the cultivation of tobacco would be a
profitable enterprise. The country was new, and, the
physical obstacles in the way of the advancement of
civilisation being numerous and formidable, the
demand for robust labourers became an absolute necessity;
and, as Negroes were at hand and cheap, there
was nothing to do but import them. Thus, in 1671,
the legislature passed “an act encouraging the
importation of Negroes and slaves,”<hi rend="italics"> i.e.,</hi> Negroes and white convicts. The former were “used to till the
soil, fell trees, assist mechanics, and to man light
crafts along the water-ways ”. Steadily Africans
found their way into houses of opulence and
refinement, either on account of novelty or cheapness,
or both. This gave rise to an import tax being
imposed upon slaves imported into the colony, which did
not destroy the vile traffic, but supplied grist to the
<pb id="edwards11" n="11"/>
government's mill. In 1696 an act was passed
laying “an imposition on the slaves and white persons
imported into the colony”. Mr. Williams explains
that “the word ‘imported’ means persons who could
not pay their passage, and were therefore indentured
to the master of the vessel. When they arrived their
time was hired out, if they were free, for a term of
years at so much per year; but, if they were slaves, the
buyer had to pay all claims against this species of property
before he could acquire a fee-simple in the slave.”<ref targOrder="U" id="ref3" n="3" rend="sc" target="note3">*</ref></p>
        <p>In 1704 the legislature passed another act “imposing
threepence per gallon on rum, wine, brandy,
and spirits; twenty shillings per poll for Negroes, for
raising a supply to defray the public charge in this
province; and twenty shillings per poll on Irish
servants, to prevent the importation of too great a
number of Irish papists into this province”: which
act was passed for only “three years”; but the
hell-conceived child, avarice, kept it alive with all its
hideousness for twenty-one years. Rum, slavery, and
bigotry were the forces which prompted the colonial
economists of that day to stain the statute-book with
such a vile law—depraved sentiments made law, and
law fashioned slaves and servants into chattelled goods.
Poor wooden-headed law-makers! knew ye not that
the very law which ye made to keep your nests
well-feathered would dehumanise and make you cruel
tyrants? Ill-got fortune can never make villains respectable.
<note id="note3" n="3" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref3"><p> *<hi rend="italics">History of the Negro Race in America,</hi>p. 242.</p></note>
<pb id="edwards12" n="12"/>
The dignity of labour was dishonoured by
your ill-conceived enactments; while a remorseless
greed for wealth created, perpetuated, and deluged
the country with a thirst for the blood of the innocent
for gain. Few people at this day can picture to
themselves the horrors of the slave traffic at that time,
and long after. Masters were men who believed that
the wretched slaves were indispensable to the
property of the country—convicts, whose moral sense
was already deadened by the crimes which caused
them to be transported; men, whose religion was a
mere name, whose moral sensibilities were numbed
by their frequent acts of vice, and whose god was their
passions, could not be expected to be humane. In
fact, they were mostly members of the criminal class—  
“people whose blood might have been traced through
many generations of stupid, sluggish, and vicious
ancestors, with no claim to merit but the names they
bore”. Indeed, such was the character of these
“scoundrels” that the best colonists dreaded their
continual increase, and well they might, when the “age
revolted at the idea of going back to such as these for
the roots of a genealogical tree”. Here is a letter
from one of these refuse of Europe, or his representative,
taken from the <hi rend="italics">Maryland Gazette</hi> of July 30,
1767: “I confess I am one who think a young
country cannot be settled, cultivated, and improved
without people of some sort; and that it is much
better for the country to receive convicts than slaves.
The wicked and bad amongst them that come into
<pb id="edwards13" n="13"/>
this province mostly run away to the northward, mix
with their people, and pass for honest men; while
those more innocent, and who came for very small
offences, serve their time out here, behave well, and
become useful people.” This convict, or otherwise,
even estimated “that, for these last thirty years—  
<hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="lat">communibus annis</foreign></hi>—  there have been at least 600 convicts
per year imported into this province, and these
have probably gone into 400 families”. Alas! for
Maryland and for the poor African slave. Was it likely
that people of the criminal class, so <hi rend="italics">far</hi> removed from social and moral influence, and from all restraint, at a
time when it was necessary for detectives to dog their
every step in Europe—when there were no steamships
crossing the Atlantic in seven days—when there was
no electric telegraph, and the quickest passage took
months—that these convicts would be transformed
into angelic masters?</p>
        <p>“Who but a man swayed with the most sordid selfishness
would endeavour,” cried one of the colonists, “to
disarm the people of the colony of all caution against
imminent danger, lest their just apprehensions should
interfere with his little scheme of profit? And who
but such a man would appear publicly as an advocate
for the importation of felons, the scouring of jails, and
the abandoned outcasts of the British nation, as a
mode in any sort eligible for peopling a young
country?”</p>
        <p>These were the creatures who undoubtedly
became, for the most part, masters and slave-drivers
<pb id="edwards14" n="14"/>
in the terrible days which followed:
felons and convicts, with hearts like flint, hardened
in the furnace of crimes, let loose unrestrained, and
given over to unbridled passions and lusts. It is this
convict element which, through its numerous and
ever-increasing popularity, created and inflamed
popular sentiment in favour of an indiscriminate
and cruel code of laws for the brutal government of
Negro slavery. The pride of the revolting convict
stunted every humane instinct in his nature, so that
the African's helpless and dying appeal for mercy and
kindness never moved him, except in the direction of
making him feel his burden the more. These masters
and Negro-drivers were considered by their contemporaries
as “guilty of the most shameful misrepresentation
and the grossest calumny upon the whole
province, and the most abandoned profligates in the
universe”. Who, then, can wonder at their harsh
treatment of the Negro?—whom these convicts hated,
not because of his condition or circumstance, but on
account of his barbaric nationality and colour. Thus,
to make him feel more keenly his master's contempt
and hatred, convicts no longer called the
African a Negro, but “nigger”—so using the Negro to
divert the attention of the virtuous colonists, who
despised their pedigree, from their hateful selves.
The convict class of Maryland had the honour to
make a slave code, which, for barbarity and general
inhumanity, has no equal—except in South Carolina 
—in the annals of American slavery.</p>
        <pb id="edwards15" n="15"/>
        <p>1st. In 1723 they made “an act to prevent tumultuous
meetings and other irregularities of Negroes
and other slaves,” no matter for what purpose
these meetings were held. They were to have
their ears “cropt, on order of justice”. What
known and untold wrongs have been committed
in the name, and under the pretext of doing
“justice”! What sense of justice had these
transported convicts ?</p>
        <p>2nd. The Negro was denied the right of possessing
property—not even an ass—like one of those
who voted for such a law.</p>
        <p>3rd. The act gave authority to any white man to
kill a Negro who resisted an attempt to arrest
him. If such authority had been given to the
constables of England before these convicts
were transported, there would not have been
sufficient voting convicts left to carry such a
clause.</p>
        <p>In 1751 the act of 1723 was supplemented in the
master's favour, so that, if he were killed in taking the
Negro, the legislature handed a sum of money to his
relations. To crown their abominable enactments,
and rob the Negro of the last vestige of the rights of
manhood, an act was passed by which it was made
legal, “not to hang a Negro” by the neck, but “his
body was quartered and exposed to public view”.
Having augmented the fortune of his master, a respectable
man sometimes thought fit to reward his old
slave by giving him his freedom in his old age, or make
<pb id="edwards16" n="16"/>
provision in his will, that at his death his slave or
slaves should be emancipated. Again the Negro-hating
convicts stepped in and forbade manumission
by the last will and testament. From the introduction
of slavery until 1780 Maryland, as we now know it,
was stricken with silence in the face of the monstrous
and stubborn slave traffic—the press was gagged, the
men of God were struck with dumbness, and statesmen
like dead fishes went with the stream. It was
not until men like Jefferson exclaimed: “That
throughout the whole commerce, master and slave, is
a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions,
the most unrelenting despotism on the one part and
degrading submission on the other,” that a ray of
hope began to shine through the dark horizon of
“Black America ”. “Our children see this,” said
Jefferson, “and learn to imitate it—for man is an
imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all
education to him. From his cradle to his grave he is
learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent
could find no motive, either in his philanthropy or his
self-love, for restraining the intemperance of passion
towards his slave, it should always be a sufficient one
that his child is present. But it is not generally
sufficient. The parent storms; the child looks on,
catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on some airs in
the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose tongue to the
worst of passions, and, thus nursed, educated, and daily
exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped with
odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who
<pb id="edwards17" n="17"/>
can retain his manners and morals undepraved by
such circumstances. And with what execration
should the statesman be loaded who, permitting one
half the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the
other, transforms those into despots and these into
enemies, destroys the morals of the one part and the
<hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="lat">amor patriae</foreign></hi>of the other?” In 1706 a society was
formed at Trenton, New Jersey, for “the Abolition of
Slavery”. The Quakers set the example to Christian
America by emancipating their slaves. Anti-slavery
societies sprang up in almost every State; in vain did
loud-mouthed pulpit orators of the ex-convict type try to
prop up the traffic as a divine institution, when such
men as Dr. Franklin threw in his lot with the abolitionists
and charged the enemies of liberty. In 1789
he wrote: “Slavery is such an atrocious debasement
of human nature that its very extirpation, if not
performed with solicitous care, may sometimes open a
source of serious evils”. <sic corr="Every">Ever</sic> year, from the first
formation of an anti-slavery society down to Garrison,
was crowned with success; his efforts were untiring,
and his method of attacking the traffic was unique.
“I determined,” said he, “at every hazard to lift up
the standard of emancipation in the eyes of the nation,
within sight of Bunker's Hill and in the birthplace of
liberty. That standard is now unfurled, and long may
it float unhurt by the spoilations of time or the missiles
of a desperate foe; yea, till every chain is broken and
every bondman set free! Let southern oppression
tremble; let their secret abettors tremble; let all the
<pb id="edwards18" n="18"/>
enemies of the persecuted black tremble. . . .On
this question my influence, humble as it is, is felt at
this moment to a considerable extent; and it shall be
felt in coming years—not perniciously, but beneficially,
not as a curse, but as a blessing—and posterity will
bear testimony that I was right. I desire to thank
God that He enables me to disregard the fear of man,
which bringeth a snare, and speak truth in its simplicity
and power; and I here close with this dedication:— </p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>Oppression! I have seen thee face to face,</l>
          <l>And met thy cruel eye and cloudy brow</l>
          <l>By the soul-withering glance. I fear not now,</l>
          <l>For dread to prouder feelings doth give place,</l>
          <l>Of deep abhorrence, scorning the disgrace</l>
          <l>Of slavish knees that at thy footstool bow;</l>
          <l>I also kneel—but with far other vow</l>
          <l>Do hail thee and thy herd of hirelings base;</l>
          <l>I swear, while life-blood warms my throbbing veins,</l>
          <l>Still to oppose and thwart, with heart and hand,</l>
          <l>Thy brutalising sway—till Afric's chains</l>
          <l>Are burst, and freedom rules the rescued land,</l>
          <l>Trampling oppression and his iron rod;</l>
          <l>Such is the vow I take—so help me, God!</l>
        </lg>
        <p>“Well done, thou prophet of the living God! Millions
of Negroes bless thee and thine for all the energy
which thou in thy glorious day did put forth!” Time
would fail us to name the illustrious men and women
who helped, both in England and America, to bring
about the abolition of Negro slavery. Yet it must not
be thought that these illustrious men were the first to
express anti-slavery sentiments; for the Mosaic law
pronounced death upon the manstealer. Zeno, the
<pb id="edawrds19" n="19"/>
founder of Stoicism, laid down the principle that “all
men are equal, and that virtue alone establishes a
difference between them”. Anti-slavery sentiment
was eloquent in the days of Christ, who Himself laid
it down as a fundamental principle of the new religion
that “whatsoever ye would that men should do unto
you, do ye even so to them”. Seneca taught the
slave-holders of his time to “let your slaves laugh, or
talk, or keep silence in your presence, as in that of the
father of the family. Remember that he whom you
call your slave belongs to the same race as yourself.
Will you despise a man for circumstances which may
become your own? We all have one common origin,
and no other is nobler than another unless he is more
ready for good deeds.” That God-given mandate
quoted above carried the gospel of humanity into the
palaces of the Cæsars and Antonies. In 312 A.D. a law
was passed under Constantine the Great condemning
the poisoning of a slave, or tearing his body with the
nails of a wild beast, or branding him to be homicide.
In 314 A.D. liberty was declared a right which could
not be taken away. Sixty years of captivity could not
take from the free-born the right of demanding liberty.
In 316 Constantine wrote to an archbishop: “It has
pleased me for a long time to establish that, in the
Christian Church, masters can give liberty to their
slaves, provided they do it in the presence of all the
assembled people and with the assistance of Christian
priests, and that, in order to preserve the memory
of the fact, some written document should inform
<pb id="edwards20" n="20"/>
where they sign as parties or as witnesses”; and in
321 A.D. Constantine directed that “he who under a
religious feeling has given a just liberty to his slaves
in the bosom of the Christian Church will be thought
to have made a gift of a right similar to Roman
citizenship, which privilege was only granted to those
who emancipate under the eyes of the priest”.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref4" n="4" rend="sc" target="note4">*</ref></p>
        <p>Chrysostom, the golden-mouth, who advised Vespasian
to restore the republic, exhorted Trajan to
devote himself to the welfare of his subjects, and
imitate God in philanthropy, as well as those in which
he proclaimed to the common people, who were his
favourite auditors, the dignity of labour, the sin
of slavery and the folly of training hermits. St.
Theodore of Constantinople ventured to put forth the
command: “Thou shalt possess no slave, neither for
domestic purposes nor for the labour of the fields, for
man is made in the image of God ”. (<hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="lat">Vide Gesta
Christi.</foreign></hi>)</p>
        <p>The opposition of slavery shook the thrones of
Europe during medieval times. In 441 A.D. a church
council (Orange) enacted that a slave once emancipated
in Church could not be made either slave or serf again
without incurring ecclesiastical censures. The Justiman
Code bristles with enactments against slavery.
From Emperor Leo, 717 A.D., we find an unbroken
stream of sentiments shaping law both for the amelioration
of slaves and the suppression thereof. Thirty-seven
<note id="note4" n="4" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref4"><p>*<hi rend="italics">Vide </hi>Lecky, <hi rend="italics">History of European Morals,</hi> vol. ii. p. 62.</p></note>
<pb id="edwards21" n="21"/>
church councils are reported to have passed
acts favourable to slaves. One council called in London
by Anselm forbade absolutely the nefarious business
of selling human beings like brute beasts. Sir
Thomas Smith, who was a statesman in the time of
Elizabeth, 1570, said: “That already in his time
slaves were unknown in England, and of serfs only a
few survived, but that both conditions were recognised
in English law. I think both in France and England
the change of religion to the more gentle and more
equal sort (as the Christian religion is in respect to
the Gentiles) caused this whole kind of servile servitude
and slavery to be brought into that moderation,
so that they almost extinguished the whole.” Austria
and France led the way, and finally slavery was
driven out of Europe, never to appear again.</p>
        <p>Then it found a home in the New World, but not even
there could the wretch find rest for the sole of its feet,
for in 1688 the “Friends” of Pennsylvania publicly
protested against it, while the Roman Catholics hunted
down the monster in the West Indies, as we have
elsewhere shown; the work steadily went on until
England could not endure the united efforts of Wilberforce
and his stalwart co-workers, but yielded up the
iniquitous system on the 29th of July, 1833, leaving
America and the Americans to struggle on, though
Jefferson had told his countrymen: “Indeed, I
tremble for my country when I reflect that God is
just, that His justice cannot sleep for ever”. At last
this prophetic declaration was fulfilled, and the
<pb id="edwards22" n="22"/>
down-trodden Negro took up arms and stood side by
side with those heroic white men who were prepared to
fight for the absolute emancipation of the people, God
be thanked! We only regret that statesmen with
the spirit of Franklin, Rush, Hamilton, and Jay;
that divines like Hopkins, Edwards, Channing, and
Stiles; philanthropists like Lundy, Woolman, and
Garrison are not now moving among the Americans
to crown the labours of those illustrious dead, by
removing those obstacles which are second to slavery
in importance. Alas! for the proud republic whose
constitution is supposed to be founded upon “Liberty”.
Let America, in the fulness of her pride, wave on high
in her banner fraternity and liberty, if not equality, to
each of her subjects. Let America learn from most of
the European powers that virtue, not colour, makes
the man.</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>Then let us pray that come it may,</l>
          <l>As come it will for a' that;</l>
          <l>That man to man the World o'er</l>
          <l>Shall brothers be for a' that.</l>
        </lg>
        <p>As sure as the day star of human liberty has
arisen above the dark horizon of slavery, so assuredly
will the sun of righteousness penetrate the black cloud
of prejudice against the Negro, and shine in majestic
splendour to the glory of God, and the peaceful dwelling
together of the races which have made the United
States what she is. Let Americans remember that
the Negro helped to fight for her independence under
the slave-holder Washington, and fought gloriously in
<pb id="edwards23" n="23"/>
the Civil War. Remember, too, that they helped to
augment the wealth of your boasted republic. We do
not ask that her government should create right, but
to protect them, as we are not now ignorant that
governments are instituted to maintain order, secure
peace, administer justice, and protect the rights of
all people, and not to destroy or diminish them. We
do not ask the United States' Government to enlarge
the rights of the Negro by contracting the rights of
the white man in order to equalise either property,
social position, or political power. We know that
such an act would involve the infringement and
contraction of their rights. We know too that— </p>
        <lg>
          <l>Order is heaven's first law, and thus confess'd,</l>
          <l>Some are, and must be, greater than the rest;</l>
          <l>More rich, more wise; but who infers from hence</l>
          <l>That such are happier shocks common-sense.</l>
          <byline>—POPE.</byline>
        </lg>
        <p>Thus, we only demand justice for our race, a right
which the constitution affirms in the following terms: 
“All citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several
States,” and as long as she withholds a little of the
rights which this and other sections of the constitution
allow, so long we will persist in making our demand.
Why should our race contribute to the maintenance of
the government in the shape of taxes when black
children are kicked out of State schools? Why should
a Negro be punished if he breaks the law, and a white
man go free when he does the same? Is not a
<pb id="edwards24" n="24"/>
government impotent when it cannot protect the
weak and promote the welfare of all citizens? If a
government is based upon popular and democratic
principles as that of the United States, is it not its
duty to protect the weak elector, and punish those who
use force to prevent some citizens from using their
electoral rights? In Great Britain and Ireland the
most ignorant and unlettered farm labourer who is a
lodger or householder can vote, but in the United States
the Negro, because he has been a slave, too often
cannot do so. Which then is the freest country, and in
which have the subjects the most liberty? Where is
the protection for the respectable Negro citizen in a
tram, train, or ’bus in the U.S.A.? The Negro does not
beg for pity or favour; he merely asks for more of
justice, and less of either. Let the United or any
other State withhold justice as long as it likes from the
weaker members of the community, the day will come
when those very people will rise either by craft or
force, or both, and have it. What people could have
been more oppressed than the Frenchmen of the
preceding two centuries? From the most servile deference
to monarchy, men passed at once to a democracy
of a bolder character than either the Greek or the
United States' republics. They sprang from a gradation
of ranks which rose tier upon tier, assigning to
the upper class special privileges, and heaping on the
lower orders penalties and fiscal burdens. The nation
dropped into a level on which all citizens were equal.
God forbid that the Negro problem should bring such
<pb id="edwards25" n="25"/>
a calamity upon America as the French Revolution!
But the more a people suffer the more revengeful will
they become, when they get the opportunity. Let
America remember that the marvellous revolution of
opinion which produced such an upheaval was not the
growth of a few years, but a power that was long brewing.
The Negroes may yet have their Voltaires and Rosseaus
to kindle the explosive. Even in our time tyranny had
to give way in Germany, Italy, Greece, and poor down-trodden
Egypt. Russia cannot hold out for ever against
Nihilism; and the Negro in the United States will not
continue to endure the wrongs which are being inflicted
upon his race until the end of time, any more than
other nations. Let experience speak, and the awful
dread of irreparable consequences have weight with
the Yankees. Every day the pressure grows, the friction
between the two races gets more severe, and the
rising tide of education is making the Negro more
sensitive to his wrongs and the mockery of the words
of the constitution. If the government does not fall
back upon the law and maintain its dignity, if the
majority does not blend order with freedom and safety
with progress, the tide which is steadily rising will
crumble piecemeal the old cliffs of the constitution;
and woe to them who live in a fool's paradise! May
heaven forgive the folly of the strong and defend the
weak is the sincere wish of every Negro.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="edwards26" n="26"/>
        <head>CHAPTER II.</head>
        <head>EARLY LIFE.</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q direct="unspecified">
            <p>Life is like the transition from class to class in a school.
The schoolboy who has not learnt arithmetic in the early
classes cannot secure it when he comes to mechanics in
the higher: each section has its own sufficient work. He may
be a good philosopher or a good historian, but a bad
arithmetician he remains for life, for he cannot lay a
foundation at the moment when he must be building the
superstructure. The regiment which has not perfected
itself in its manœuvres on the parade ground cannot learn
them before the guns of the enemy. And just in the same way
a young person who has slept his youth away, and become idle and selfish and hard, cannot make up for that afterwards. He may do something: he may be religious—yes; but he cannot be what he might have been. There
is a part of his heart which will remain uncultivated to the end. 
The Apostles could share their Master's suffering
—  they could not save Him. Youth has its irreparable past.</p>
          </q>
          <bibl>—F. W. ROBERTSON.</bibl>
        </epigraph>
        <p>YES, “Youth has its irreparable past,” but the
misfortunes of youth were not self-imposed; it was the
tyranny of slavery which loaded Walter Hawkins, as
soon as he was born, with calamities, most of which
he has never been able to overcome. While some only
know misery by comparison with their own happiness,
this man was made to experience it before he could
understand what it meant. From his birth he was
<pb id="edwards27" n="27"/>
made to go under a dark, bleak rock—on a sunless
shore—in company with those who could not explain
why he was born to such a cruel fate. They could
not even pity him, since they themselves were martyrs
to the same heartless destiny. Himself and they
might have felt that there was a thing called happiness
by people whom they had seen laughing, or singing
those sacred songs which he would one day learn:
that was the only cup of consolation they had to drink
from. But as years rolled on, and the slave-driver
compelled him to speak in subdued tones, it was then
the child began to comprehend the mystery of the
sunless path—which afterwards made him incapable
of being in love with his fate. What he would have
been if he had not been born, nursed, and spent his
early days in bondage we cannot tell; this we will
venture to say from what we shall learn from his life
—there was the making of a man worthy of any race
in the slave child.</p>
        <p>Bishop Walter Hawkins was born at Georgetown,
Maryland, in the district of Columbia, in or about the
year 1809, at a time when the United States no less
than Great Britain were beginning to be stirred from
centre to circumference with the anti-slavery agitation.
His father and mother were both pure-blooded Negroes,
whose ancestors were among the millions that were
stolen from the bosom of their fatherland to supply
the labour market of America. They were both slaves
at the time of the birth of their son Walter. At the
age of forty his father was encouraged by the Quakers
<pb id="edwards28" n="28"/>
—whom we have said were the first to free their
slaves in the United States—to work overtime after
he had fulfilled his long day's work for his master. In
this way the poor man managed to save the sum of
365 dollars (£73 4s. 2d.), with which he
 purchased his liberty. Heaven only knows what the slaves would
have had to go through, but for the humanity and
practical sympathy of those unostentatious Christians.
Bishop Hawkins does not seem to remember much
about his mother, for she died when he was quite
young. Although the children lost much by her
death, it certainly was great gain to this mother, who
dared not call the children of her anguish her own.
What a glorious emancipation was hers! Better far
is thy lot to be numbered with the dead than to have
lived to be hunted down by bloodhounds or whipped
by ex-convicts. What a glorious transformation is
thine! Thy death was a far better thing than the
insults of bullies more degraded than thyself. Was
thy death not preferred, than to live to see thy loved
ones torn one by one from thy heart, and sent off in
the chain-gang never to see them in the flesh any
more, or, what is worse, to see and not to know that
they were verily part and parcel of thyself?</p>
        <p>Out of a large family, the Bishop can only remember
two brothers and two sisters. Who knows but that
before Walter was born the others were carried into
the south, from whence it was believed that neither the
living nor dead ever returned to relate the horrors of
the life of a slave in yonder region? The eldest of
<pb id="edwards29" n="29"/>
the two sisters died, while the eldest brother,
determined no longer to serve his master, ran away; we
hope he was never recaptured. The Bishop, one
sister, and a younger brother—who fell down a flight
of stairs, in consequence of which he became a cripple
for the rest of his life—was all the family left to
Hawkins the elder. The cripple was given as a present
to the old man, but he did not enjoy the present
of his own son for long, for he followed his mother
into the eternal world. Listen to the heartless
language of this descendant of a convict: “Old man, you
can have him; he is of no use to me”. Nevertheless
the man was glad to have one free child, though he be
a cripple. At the death of the master the remaining
two children became the property of widow Jane
Robinson, the sister of one Robert Beverly, a rich
squire, who always supplied her with all the necessaries
of life, as she was what they called very poor.
And a most eccentric creature was this Jane Robinson.
Following the custom and spirit of the age, she
professed the popular religion. She used to teach young
Hawkins to lie on her behalf, but would have him
whipped if he did so on his own responsibility, or
threaten him with being “cast into a lake of fire and
brimstone”; not her religious belief, but the effect of
slavery on the slave-holder made them so inconsistent
as to say to the slave boy: “If there is a knock,
put on a clean white apron, and go to the door, open
it, and if it is Mrs. Thomas Bell or Mrs. Frank Keys
tell her I am gone out”. Evidently old Jane believed
<pb id="edwards30" n="30"/>
that there must have been some virtue in a “clean
white apron”; perhaps it served to cover a multitude
of sins. Not content with putting this lie into the
boy's mouth, she would stand off where she could hear
him tell the lie, and having satisfied herself that the lad
had done his duty well, <hi rend="italics">i.e.,</hi>according to her moral standard, she would laugh with
delight, like a daughter of an ex-convict, at the exploits
of her illustrious father's dashing acts of villainy. Having
done this, old Jane would say: “Go to your work
 (not with a clean white apron) in ten minutes”. 
When she thought that he was there she would go and look
around and say, pushing the soil with her foot: “Are
you cutting the weeds all right, John?” If he replied
in the affirmative, when he was not strictly accurate,
old Jane Robinson would say, by way of exhortation:
“John, you must not lie. Don't you know that all
liars are cast into the lake that burns for ever?”
How was he to know? and if there were such a place
ought not old Jane to have the warmest corner? Who
is to be blamed if this boy grew up to be a hardened
liar? If it were just for him to lie for his mistress without
fear of being “cast into the lake that burns for ever,”
why not do it for himself? Slavery was a bad—not
to say a hard—schoolmaster for the Negro; moreover
it was fruitful in respect of raising a race of men who
were at once semi-barbarous, immoral and degraded
physically as well as mentally. The Bishop says:
“Jane Robinson always had her prayers in her
private room three times a-day”; and he could often
<pb id="edwards31" n="31"/>
hear her say: “O Lord, have mercy upon the poor
Africans!” and groaned as if her soul was really
troubled about them. But what avails prayers and
groans when she, like so many other slave-holders,
persisted in degrading the African? Yet these prayers
and groans constituted the religion of the pious Christians
of Negro-driving America. Their ministers were
their paid puppets, who taught the slaves from the pulpit
that they must obey their masters and mistresses in
all things. These men of God did not think or feel that
it was beneath the dignity of their vocation to tell the
Negroes “that some He made masters and mistresses
for taking care of their children and others belonging
to them. . . others He hath made slaves and servants
to assist and work for their masters and mistresses
that provide for them, and some others He hath
made ministers and teachers to instruct the rest, to
show them what they ought to do, and put them in
mind of their several duties”. God called them, but
the devil shook the bag.</p>
        <p>The Right Rev. Bishop Meade of Virginia, in an
address to slaves, said: “Almighty God hath been
pleased to make you slaves here, and to give you
nothing but labour and poverty in this world, which you
are obliged to submit to, as it is His will that it should
be so. Your bodies, you know, are not your own:
they are at the disposal of those you belong to.” And
others of these paid “liars for God” published a
catechism for slaves, in which they had the impudence to
ask and answer the following questions: “Is it right
<pb id="edwards32" n="32"/>
for a servant to run away, and is it right to harbour a
runaway?—No. What did the Apostle Paul do to
Onesimus, who was a runaway? Did he harbour him
or send him back to his master? Answer—He sent
him back to his master with a letter.” Yes, and this
minister ought to have added: “Receive him not as a
servant but above a servant, a brother in Christ”. Of
course the puppet was paid to keep the last clause
out—nay, more, the slave was even taught that “to
disobey his master was to yield to the temptation of the
devil”. Bishop Hawkins tells us of one Parson
Baulch, who was accustomed to preach once a month
in the Presbyterian Church, in the neighbourhood in
which he lived, to the slaves. This venerable old man
used to take the same text, and preached the same
sermon for twenty years, as testified by his father and
grandfather, to which they were bound to listen, under
pains of being whipped. The text was: “Servants,
obey your masters,” and the substance of the sermon
was: “Sam and Sukey, you must mind all you are
told to do by your masters, and obey. You must not
steal from them. Should they lose a pin, and you find
it, you must give it to them. You must not lie, and
you must not run away from them.” While thus
speaking, he would put his finger on the supposed text
in the open Bible, and, looking in the gallery where
all the slaves were allowed to sit, would continue his
apology for a sermon by saying: “The Lord says (I
suppose the lord of mammon), if you are good to your
masters and mistresses, He has got a kitchen in
<pb id="edwards33" n="33"/>
heaven, and you all will go there by-and-by”. What
if Parson Baulch is in that kitchen now? A more
hateful caricature of a sermon cannot be conceived
than this wretched mutilation of the righteous character
of God. In every denomination were found men
of Parson Baulch's stamp, except the Quakers and a
few laymen who protested against this libel on the
Deity. But many of the slave-holders would carry it
away and repeat it (parrot-like) to the poor slaves.
Poor Jane Robinson had been pretty well off during
some portion of her husband's life, but, unfortunately
for her and her slaves, he ran through his money by
drinking and gambling, two offsprings of slavery, and
at last he died from the effects of his riotous living,
leaving old Jane, a son and a daughter in possession
of five slaves as their fortune, which was considered
very little to live upon; consequently she became very
stingy in her fare. If she put herself upon a smaller
fare, it was certainly a bad look-out for the stomachs of
her five Negroes, who were soon after made to feel as if
their throats were cut. Inasmuch as her rich brother
Beverly came to her assistance and relieved her wants,
she continued to buy the cheapest meal and bread she
could find for her slaves. It was a part of the policy
of many of the slave-holders not to feed the Negro
too highly, and with that fear they gave him too little.
Just as they maintained that “if the slave were not
allowed to read the Bible” he would remain an
intellectual infant, whom they could bend at will, but if
they were allowed to read it the game was up, so they
<pb id="edwards34" n="34"/>
feared that by the perusal of such a book the slave
“would be converted not into a Christian, but a
demon,” <hi rend="italics">i.e.,</hi>he could no longer be kept in subjection.
Old Jane Robinson did with the food exactly what a
thousand masters and mistresses did with both food
and religion, viz., diluted and adulterated them in
quantity and quality to suit the peculiar institution in
which millions of human beings were kept as chattels.
The pinch of hunger made the young man yearn for
liberty.</p>
        <lg>
          <l>Ye clouds! that far above me float and pause,</l>
          <l>Whose pathless march no mortal can control!</l>
          <l>Ye ocean waxes! that, wheresoe'er ye roll,</l>
          <l>Yield homage only to eternal laws!</l>
          <l>Ye woods! that listen to the night-bird's singing,</l>
          <l>Midway the smooth and perilous slope reclined,</l>
          <l>Save when your own imperious branches, swinging,</l>
          <l>Have made a solemn music of the wind!</l>
          <l>Where, like a man beloved of God,</l>
          <l>Through glooms which never woodman trod,</l>
          <l>How oft, pursuing fancies holy,</l>
          <l>My moonlight way o'er flowering weeds I wound,</l>
          <l>Inspired, beyond the guess of folly,</l>
          <l>By each rude shape and wild, unconquerable sound!</l>
          <l>Oh, ye loud waves! and oh, ye forests high!</l>
          <l>And oh, ye clouds that far above me soared!</l>
          <l>Thou rising sun! thou blue, rejoicing sky!</l>
          <l>Yea, everything that is and will be free!—</l>
          <l>Bear witness for me, wheresoe'er ye be,</l>
          <l>With what deep virtue I have still adored</l>
          <l>The spirit of divinest liberty!</l>
          <byline>—COLERIDGE.</byline>
        </lg>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="Chapter">
        <pb id="edwards35" n="35"/>
        <head>CHAPTER III.</head>
        <head>LIFE AS A SLAVE.</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q direct="unspecified">
            <p>The results of the institution of slavery was to encourage a
tyrannical and ferocious spirit in the masters—cast a
stigma upon free labour and at once degraded and
dehumanised the Negro. It is true that there were instances
of sympathy between some masters and slaves, but,
unfortunately, it was more than outweighed by a long series
of the most atrocious acts of cruelty, which were practised
in their capture in Africa, on the voyages to America, and
on the plantations.
<bibl>—S. J. CELESTINE EDWARDS.</bibl></p>
          </q>
        </epigraph>
        <epigraph>
          <q direct="unspecified">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>On him alone was doom of pain</l>
              <l>From the morning of his birth,</l>
              <l>On him alone the curse of Cain</l>
              <l>Fell like a flail on the garnered grain,</l>
              <l>And struck him to the earth.</l>
            </lg>
          </q>
          <bibl>—ANON.</bibl>
        </epigraph>
        <p>ALTHOUGH Spence deplored slavery as a lamentable
evil and regarded it as a great human wrong, and said
that it was a degradation to the blacks, an injury to
the master, and a detriment to society at large, yet
he tried to justify the system by saying that “the
Negroes had at all times abundant food; the sufferings
of fireless winter were unknown to them; medical
attendance was always at command; in old age there
was no fear of workhouse; their children were never
a burden or care; and their labour, though long, was
neither difficult nor unhealthy”. Given that this is
absolutely true, we maintain that the system was
<pb id="edwards36" n="36"/>
iniquitous, inasmuch as “it ignored the essential
characteristic of the man—the existence”. In the
words of Sallust: “Of two natures, the one is common
to us with the gods, the other with the beasts”.
Undoubtedly, slavery sought to obliterate the more vital,
and verily denied the nobler, of these two natures. What
is the use of an abundance of everything when one is
deprived of his liberty? Nor is the crime of keeping
a man a slave minimised by talking about “the
amount of degradation resulting from any cause must
be limited by the height from whence there was room
to fall,” for surely it is a come down for any man, however
ignorant—though free—to be torn from his home
by force and fraud, and transported like a convict into
servitude for an indefinite period: a condition where
every precaution was adopted to prevent intellectual
improvement. Granted that the intellectual condition
of the slave had not fallen from a height equal to that
of the race in the home to which he was transported, was
slavery calculated to raise him above the condition of
his savage life? Mr. Spence answers: “Yes, a positive
gain”; we say: “Prove your assertion”. He answers:
“Their conversation and domestic habits are cheerful,
they are fond of singing and dancing of a very
energetic description; visitors to the Southern States
constantly express their surprise at the drollery and
gaiety they meet with”. A slave had no domestic life;
singing and dancing were the opiates with which the
poor wretches drowned their sorrows. It is a characteristic
of the Negro to be—or rather to profess to be—as
<pb id="edwards37" n="37"/>
happy as he can under the condition he is in, which
you, Mr. Spence, and too many others, mistook for
real contentment. In the happiest moment of their
life, there arose in some an irrepressible desire for freedom
which no danger or power could restrain, no hardship
deterred, and no bloodhound could alarm. This
desire haunted them night and day; they talked about
it to each other in confidence; they knew that the
system which bound them was as unjust as it was
cruel, and that they ought to strive, as a duty to themselves
and their children, to escape from it, as the slaves
in Jamaica tried to do in 1732, unknown to them, and
later as their neighbours in St. Domingo succeeded in
doing: and such was the state of mind beneath all
their singing and dancing that, had they means as they
had desire, there would have been no slave-holder to
talk about the happiness of his slaves. To enslave men
successfully and safely it was necessary to keep their
minds occupied with thoughts and aspirations short of
the liberty of which they were deprived. Thus masters
gave the slaves some holidays, which served the
purpose of keeping their minds occupied with
prospective pleasures within the limits of slavery. It
was during these holidays that the young man could
go wooing; the married man went to see his wife; the
father and mother to see their children; the industrious
and money-making could earn a few dollars: it
was then that the strong tried their strength at wrestling
or boxing; then the drinker drank plenty of
whisky, and the religious spent their time in praying,
<pb id="edwards38" n="38"/>
preaching, singing and exhorting. Before these holidays
their pleasures were in prospect, after they were
pleasures of reflection; but for these holidays, which
acted as safety-valves, the rigours of bondage would
have been carried off by the explosive elements
produced in the minds of the slaves by the injustice and
fraud of slavery. In his savage state the Negro was
at liberty to eat what he liked and could get by his
own activity, but as a slave he was forced to have
“Johnny cakes” and black treacle, with rare variation.
This cake was made out of corn-meal, salt, and water,
and baked on a piece of barrel-head. At dinner-time
old Jane Robinson would call her slaves and give each
of them a piece and a little molasses, which she would
pour into a large plate so as to make it look much more
than it really was; of course there was no blessing asked
on this meal. The necessary preliminary having been
gone through, Walter would receive his allowance with
all the humility of one who had received a knighthood
from his Queen. It is needless to say that he soon
polished off the “Johnny cake,” licked the treacle and
bowed ready for more, to which Mrs. Robinson would
gravely reply: “You young rascal, do you mean to
breed a famine? Go to your work!” Can anyone
wonder at slaves singing:— </p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“We raise the wheat,</l>
          <l>They eat the corn;</l>
          <l>We bake the bread,</l>
          <l>They give us the crust;</l>
          <l>We sift the meal,</l>
          <l>They give us the husk”?</l>
        </lg>
        <pb id="edwards39" n="39"/>
        <p>Of course, if the Negro asked for bread, the slave-holder
was bound to give him a stone. Besides baking
the corn-meal dough upon a piece of barrel-head,
the slaves were accustomed to wash their hoes, put
the dough upon it, and bake their cake before the fire;
hence the name “hoe-cake”. If the slave had not a
variety of dishes he certainly had a variety of means
of producing the same cake; thus, instead of cooking
them on hoes and barrel-heads, they would roll the
dough into a round lump and cover it with cabbage
leaves, sweep away the ashes from the hearth, lay the
dough upon the ground and cover it over with ashes
and fire. Honourable exceptions there were, but they
were few and hard to find, who did not try to get as
much work as possible, at very little cost for food and
clothing. Some masters and mistresses would send
their slaves to the market to beg food, of whom Dame
Robinson was one; and, when the slaves returned
laden with provisions, they would take the food from
them as if the provision was theirs and not the
property of the slaves: a job Walter did not like, as the
poor slaves often got more kicks than cabbages; so he
used to turn round the first corner after he left his
mistress's house and loaf about until he thought it was
time to go home again, pulling a long face because
people would not part with their sweet potatoes, etc.,
without money, which would force the old lady to go
marketing herself, when Walter would follow her as
light porter; but he seldom got any of the good things
which he brought home for his mistress. The time
<pb id="edwards40" n="40"/>
came, however, when this young slave began to
get tired of his way of spending an existence which
seemed to have no end. Something whispered to him:
“Muzzle not the ox that treadeth out the corn”; from
whence the words came he knew not. As he could not
read, he must have heard them from someone who
could. However they came, he thought himself to be
the ox, and that he was muzzled by slavery; so he
made up his mind to take off his muzzle and go in for
a good feed the first chance he got. But he
remembered that the old parson had told them not to
steal, lest they would be cast into a “lake which
burned for ever,” besides the lashing he would get.
Hunger is a sharp thorn. If he ate anything which
was not given to him, he would have been accused of
theft. Supposing he risked the lash and the “burning
lake,” how was he to get at the old dame's store in
which the food was kept? “Surely,” thought he, “I
work for what I get”; and, after all, what was the
use of working and not getting enough food to satisfy
his hunger? “It cannot therefore be wrong to take
what I have worked for.” Walter quieted his
conscience by deciding to steal some food; so, whether it
were stealing or not, he'd chance hell, the whip, and
everything, and have a good round meal the first
chance he had. They say everything comes to those
that wait: so Walter waited for his opportunity; and
one day, when Dame Robinson and her daughter went
out, and knowing that she would leave the keys at
home, Walter set his sister to watch while he hunted
<pb id="edwards41" n="41"/>
everywhere he could think to find them; at last it
occurred to his mind to look under her pillow, and
there to his great joy he found them  —  a happy thought
for his hungry stomach. Having found them he made
for the store, where he took flour, lard, butter,
sugar, and as much of other good things as he could
find. With the flour and lard he made short cakes,
which he baked in a Dutch oven. When cooked, he
called his sister, and set himself to get “a good square
meal” for once in his life; and, having had enough, he
put away what he could not eat for another time.
Soon after they had finished, the old lady came home;
and, after having had her tea, she gave her slaves their
share; but Walter had had more than enough,
consequently he hid the biscuits which she had given him
away. But the worst was to come. Thinking that
old Jane was taking her usual nap, one day, after this
event, Walter sat down in the garden munching away
at the sugar he had stolen; but the old dame, who
was evidently aware that she had been robbed, only
professed to have been asleep, and had slyly got up
and looked out of the window only to find the young
man eating her sugar. So she stealthily walked out
and sneaked beside him, as he sat by the side of
a large gooseberry tree eating gooseberries and sugar.
She exclaimed: “You young rascal, I have caught
you at last”. You can imagine the young man's
surprise; he was like the boy who, being sent with his
father's dinner, sat down by the roadside, and was in
the act of eating it when his mother came upon him,
<pb id="edwards42" n="42"/>
exclaiming: “Richard!” to which the boy coolly
answered: “Why, I did not expect you so soon”.
But for his near-sightedness he would have seen his
mother coming. So also on account of Walter's
absent-mindedness he did not take precaution to eat
his sugar at night or when his mistress had gone out
again. But fate decreed otherwise. What could the
poor half-starved boy say? Yonder on the side of a
small hill stood some willow-trees; thither the old lady
proceeded, and reached up to break, from one of them,
a piece stout enough to wreak her old vengeance on the
thieving slave-boy. But good nature interposed, and
ere she attempted to break off the stick there came
a breeze which took her off her feet, by lifting the limb
of the willow as the branch ascended. She let it go,
and poor Jane Robinson fell and rolled down the hillside.
Poor Jane! what if she were killed? That young
Negro would have been lynched in four quarters for a
crime he had never committed. Seeing the old dame
did not make any attempt to get up, Walter looked
down to see what had become of his mistress. What
thoughts must have rushed into Walter's mind!
Suppose she say he pushed her down or was directly
the cause of her falling? he dared not deny it;
whether he did or not, she would have been believed
if only she had made a charge, as there was no court of
appeal against the <hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="lat">ipse dixit</foreign></hi> of a slave-holder. What
must he do? To run away and be recaptured would
make it appear as though he were guilty. But fear,
reason, compassion for the old dame moved the heart
<pb id="edwards43" n="43"/>
of the Negro to go to her assistance and help the fallen.
While helping her up he thought: “I am doing this,
but I know she will hire a man who whips slaves to
whip me,” feeling that she could not do it herself, as
he was bigger and stronger than he used to be. But
Jane Robinson was hurt, and the moment she got on
her feet she made for the house as quickly as possible,
to have the rest which she had disturbed to catch the
thief. Walter escaped his thrashing then only to
think it had to come, but night came and nothing was
said, and no Negro-whipper came; so the day's doings,
and the dread and horrors of the whip, were forgotten
in sleep.</p>
        <p>Morning came, and the day passed without anything
being said; finally, the culprit escaped his thrashing
altogether. Why? Eternity alone will reveal,
for Walter has never been able to solve the problem.
All other attempts at whipping were held in reserve,
until he attended a midnight meeting and did not get
back in time to get his rest, so that he could not do
his work the next day with alacrity.</p>
        <p>Thinking he had been carousing all night, she began
to pound him with the first thing she got hold of.
Poor fellow! he could do better with sleep than with
the stick; but what has that to do with the slave-holder,
who wanted work out of her slave?</p>
        <p>The system under which he laboured forbade
consideration and gave little practical sympathy to a
weary slave, and when it was time to rest, what had
the slave to sleep upon? The sleeping apartments,
<pb id="edwards44" n="44"/>
if they could have been called such, had little regard
for decency. Old and young, male and female, married
and single, were glad to drop down like so many brute
beasts upon the common clay floor, each covered with
his or her own blanket, their only protection from cold
and exposure. How much of rest had a slave? The
night, however short, was cut off at both ends: slaves
worked late and rose early. Then part of the night
was spent in mending their scanty clothing for
decency's sake, and in cooking their food for the
morrow—in fact, they were whipped for over-sleep
more than for drunkenness, a sin which the masters
rarely reproved; while neither age nor sex found
favour for sleeping too much. If they slept too long
the overseer stood at the quarter door, armed like a
hedgehog, with stick and whip, ready to deal merciless
blows upon those who were a little behind time.
Thus, when the horn blew, there was a general rush
for the door, each trying to be first, as the last one
was sure to get a blow from the brute. He was
accounted a good master who allowed his slaves to
leave the field to eat their hoe-cake and salt pork or
herrings; those who had their meals in the field had
it thrown in a row in the corner of the fences or hedge,
so as not to lose time to and from the field.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref5" rend="sc" target="note5">*</ref>
Consequently loss of sleep was a great privation to the one
whose religious zeal had carried him to a camp meeting
at night, for which he had to pay very dearly the
<note id="note5" n="5" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref5"><p><hi rend="italics">* Life of Fred. Douglas.</hi></p></note>
<pb id="edwards45" n="45"/>
next day. Anyhow old Jane got square with Walter,
for she paid him for his past offences. But hunger
and thrashing had silently been doing their work in
his mind. They served to create and intensify his
desire to be free, which was brought to a climax one
Sunday evening when old Jane began on his poor
bones, which he could bear no longer, and he turned
upon the old lady, looking fiercely at her. Being
pressed with blows he raised his hand to strike her—  
what a damnable system that would prompt a man to
strike a woman, however strong and wicked, much
less old Jane Robinson!—but to his honour he did not
let his hand come down upon her. The fierce look
and raised hand cured her, for she never tried to whip
him again, we hope, nor any of her other slaves.</p>
        <p>It was nonsense for those who were free and lived
by slavery to talk about the comfort of the Negro as a
slave, when his monthly fare was eight pounds of
pickled pork or its equivalent in fish; the pork was
often tainted and the fish was of an inferior kind.
With his pork or fish he had given him one bushel of
Indian meal, unbolted, of which fifteen per cent. was
fitter for hogs than man; with this one pint of salt
was given. The yearly allowance of clothing was not
more ample than the supply of food. It consisted of
two tow-linen shirts, one pair of trousers of the same
coarse material for summer, and a pair of woollen
trousers and a woollen jacket for winter, with one
pair of yarn stockings of the coarsest description.
Children under ten years of age had neither stockings,
<pb id="edwards46" n="46"/>
shoes, jackets nor trousers. They had two coarse tow-linen
shirts a-year, and when these were worn out
they went naked until the next allowance day.
Without the least regard to whether they were boys
or girls, men or women, beds they had none; one
coarse blanket was given them, <hi rend="italics">i.e.,</hi> men and women;
the poor children had to huddle themselves where
they could in the corners of the huge chimneys, with
their feet in the ashes to keep them warm.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref6" n="6" rend="sc" target="note6">*</ref></p>
        <p>Besides saying that the Negro was better off than
pitmen and sailors, Mr. Spence observed: “The mind
of the Negro avoids reflection on the past, and abstains
from investigating the future”; if they did not, they
ought to have been kept as slaves “for ever and ever”.
But slave-holders lived in a fools' paradise; what brute,
living in a climate such as Maryland, would not feel
the pinch of cold and hunger with the miserable fare
they were allowed? What man would not try and
kill, steal, lie, or do anything to satisfy these cravings?
Nay, how did these poor wretches survive under
that cruel curse? Why did they not rise and
mercilessly butcher the fiends who thus maltreated
them? Did they not know that “who would be
free, themselves must strike the blow”? Alas! Alas!
Starvation, cold and hunger conspired, and verily
took away what courage was left in them, when
they left the shore of their native land. Yet not all,
for there were slaves whose spirit no lash could ever
<note id="note6" n="6" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref6"><p><hi rend="italics">*Vide Life and Time of Fred. Douglas,</hi> p. 29.</p></note>
<pb id="edwards47" n="47"/>
conquer, whom labour, cold, hunger, and starvation
could not make docile; these stole, escaped, killed
bloodhounds, fought their overseers, and even died
rather than be conquered—died martyrs for the
liberty from which either they or their ancestors were
stolen. Walter Hawkins shared this love of freedom
and spirit of resistance to injustice. The close fist
which only partly fed him on hoe-cakes and black
treacle, the scanty clothing through which the fierce,
cutting north-wester pierced and chilled his blood, the
hard earth on which he slept, and the deprivation of
calling himself his own, were the forces which made him
reflect and haunted him like a nightmare, and made
him think and lay his plans to be his own master.</p>
        <p>What did the slave-holder know of the inmost
workings of the mind of the Negro? Aboriginal
barbarity and slavery were the only circumstances
under which they had an opportunity of contemplating
him. What use did they make of these opportunities
to study them? None; and to this day the same
ignorance influences the strong prejudices which
abound in the United States against the Negro. He
has characteristics of his own, as his white brethren
have. There lies in him a simple-mindedness which
is mistaken for a love of personal slavery. Indeed, he
has little in his intellect that is separable from his
warm affection; while men have deduced the absurd
notion that the Negro is fit for nothing but subservience
to the superior race, they forget that it took
their race thousands of years to evolve a Darwin
<pb id="edwards48" n="48"/>
from the ape condition. Cicero thought that a Briton
was unfit to serve the accomplished Atticus.</p>
        <p>While smarting under this sense of the injustice of the
institution of slavery, the son of Mr. Robinson, who had
followed his father's footsteps in drinking and gambling,
came home one day hard up for cash, and, not knowing
any better way to raise money to satisfy his passions,
resolved on selling Walter, whom he called, saying:
“Do you want a master?” Of course, he had no
other choice but to answer: “Yes, sir”. So he took
the young man to a slave-dealer who bought and sold
slaves to owners in the South. The dealer and
southern plantations brought to his mind all the
terrible things he had heard about those parts, and
well he might, for the law by which slaves were
governed in the Carolinas was a provincial law as old
as 1740, but was made perpetual in 1783. By this
law every Negro was presumed a slave unless the
contrary appeared. In the ninth clause, two justices
of the peace and three freeholders had power to put
slaves to any manner of death. The evidence against
them might have been without oath. No slave was
to traffic on his own account. Any person who
murdered a slave was to pay £100, or £14 if he cut
out the tongue of a slave. Any white man meeting
seven slaves together on a high road could give them
twenty lashes each, and no man could teach a slave
to write under a penalty of £100 currency. The
terrors of the South had nothing to do with young
Robinson, who wanted money, which he valued much
<pb id="edwards49" n="49"/>
more than a Negro. Walter stood by while the bargain
was being made, and heard the dealer offer nine
hundred dollars for his body. Speaking to Walter, he
said: “Can you plough and grub? Can you do general
work on the farm?” The poor fellow could do no more
than please his master by answering “yes” to all his
questions, which pleased both the dealer and young
Robinson, for whose benefit all the lies were told.
The bargain being struck, an arrangement was made
for Walter to re-appear the next morning at seven
o'clock; at the same time, he was to bid good-bye to his
friends; but be sure, said he, that you are on the spot at
seven. Knowing that he did not mean to go, though
his master had had the price of his body in his pocket,
the young man, who might have been weeping, put
his thumbs under what ought to have been a vest,
whistling “Hail, Columba”. Being tired of whistling,
he began to think:“ You will never see me again, old
man; what a fool you were to part with your money
before you got your goods”. But Walter had not yet
realised the difficulty of the situation. So complete
were the ramifications of the slave system that a slave
could not get away as easily as he imagined. Still
resolved to flee, he went straight to his old father and
told him that he was sold. “Sold!” exclaimed the
old man; “to whom?” “Why, to old Cidley, the
Negro-dealer.” After a pause the old man said: “They
will sell my last child,” and burst into tears, weeping
like a child. He talked and wept with his son until
he bathed the floor at his feet. At last he said: “Boy,
<pb id="edwards50" n="50"/>
run away”. “I will,” responded Walter. But now
his troubles began, for he did not know, and the old
man could not tell him, where to go any distance
beyond ten miles in either direction from where they
stood, as it was a part of the policy of slavery to keep
them in ignorance as to distance. But if resolution
could not break rocks, it could climb mountains. As
night came on, the old man lay down to find consolation
in sleep. Then it was that Walter crept out of
the house into the open field, looking up to the stars,
begging them to befriend a poor Negro in his endeavour
to make good his escape from slavery. But, alas!
there was no answer. Suddenly a thought struck
him to go and see a young man whom he had met at
a midnight meeting, and who was a Christian. He ran
and walked until he arrived at the boarding-house in
which he was employed as a waiter. He rapped at
the door, and, as fate would have it, there was no one
in but himself. Looking out of the window, he called
out : “Who is there?” “It is I, Robert!” The
young man opened the door and told Walter to come
in. Then Walter told him all his troubles and his
resolve. “Stop here,” replied the sympathising fellow.
But woe to Robert if they had caught him in his
room! There Walter remained undisturbed for nearly
four weeks.</p>
        <p>Certainly when the next morning came there was no
Walter to be found, and we can well imagine the kind
of advertisements, placards, and bloodhounds that
would be set on his track, besides the pressure that
<pb id="edwards51" n="51"/>
would be brought to bear on the old man, his father,
to tell where his son was. Of course he could not tell,
as he did not see him go away. And what were the
thoughts of the runaway? Uppermost in his mind
would be the fact that his father and sister would be
wondering whether he was recaptured, famishing in
the woods, dead, or being driven in a slave-gang, such
as they had seen with dread passing through the town.
We will give here an account of one of these gangs as
witnessed in Virginia by an Englishman about seventy-five
years ago. “I took the boat this morning and
crossed the ferry over to Portsmouth, the small town
which I told you is opposite to this place. It was a
court day, and a large crowd of people were gathered
about the door of the court-house. I had hardly got
upon the steps to look in when my ears were assailed
by the voice of singing, and, turning round to discover
from what direction it came, I saw a group of about
thirty Negroes of different sizes and ages following a
rough-looking white man who sat carelessly lolling in
his sulky. They had just turned round the corner, and
were coming up the main street to pass by the spot
where I stood, on their way out of town. As they
came nearer, I saw some of them loaded with chains
to prevent their escape, while others had hold of each
other's hands, strongly grasped, as if to support themselves
in their affliction. I particularly noticed a poor
mother with an infant sucking at her breast as she
walked along, while two small children had hold of
her apron on either side, almost running to keep up
<pb id="edwards52" n="52"/>
with the rest. They came along singing a little wild
hymn of sweet and mournful melody, flying, by a
divine instinct of the heart, to the consolation of religion—  
the last refuge of the unhappy—to support them
in their distress. The sulky now stopped before a
tavern, a little distance from the court-house, and the
driver got out. . . then he, having supplied himself with
brandy, and his horse with water (the poor Negroes, of
course, wanted nothing), stepped into his chair again,
cracked his whip, and drove on, while the miserable
exiles followed in funeral procession behind him.”</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>Over the spirits there came</l>
          <l>A feeling of wonder and sadness—</l>
          <l>Strange forebodings of ill,</l>
          <l>Unseen, and that cannot be compassed.</l>
          <l>As at the tramps of a horse's</l>
          <l>Hoof on the turf of the prairies,</l>
          <l>Far in advance are closed</l>
          <l>The leaves of the shrinking mimosa;</l>
          <l>So at the hoof-beats of fate,</l>
          <l>With sad forebodings of evil,</l>
          <l>Shrinks and closes the heart,</l>
          <l>Ere the stroke of doom has attained it.</l>
        </lg>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="Chapter">
        <pb id="edwards53" n="53"/>
        <head>CHAPTER IV.</head>
        <head>ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY.</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q direct="unspecified">
            <p>The desires of a people are seldom prejudicial to liberty, because
they commonly spring from actual oppression or an apprehension of it.
<bibl>—MACHIAVELLI.</bibl></p>
          </q>
        </epigraph>
        <epigraph>
          <q direct="unspecified">
            <p>Pursuing these ideas, I sat down close by my table, and, leaning
my head upon my hand, I began to figure to myself the
miseries of confinement. I was in a right frame for it,
and so I gave full scope to my imagination.
<bibl>—STERNE.</bibl></p>
          </q>
        </epigraph>
        <p>No wonder that Sydney Smith said: “No virtuous
man ought to trust his character, or the character of
his children, to the demoralising effects produced by
commanding slaves. Justice, gentleness, pity and
humanity soon give way before them; conscience
suspends its functions. The love of command, the
maintenance of restraints, get the better of every other feeling,
and cruelty has no other limit than fear.” Think
what the feelings of this young Negro must have
been in his hiding-place, as all the horrors of a
slave-gang stared him in the face. Trembling, but
never dreading his danger, he crept out one night,
and hastened to tell his poor father and sister that
he was still on the best side of the chain-gang.
The moment he opened the door, his step-mother
<pb id="edwards54" n="54"/>
told him to go out, for the hunters had been
there several times a-day with the bloodhounds to
hunt him down. The poor fellow begged to see his
father, but the woman, knowing and fearing the
penalty of his being seen there, insisted on his leaving
the house, and that right away; so he obeyed and
stepped out of the door. Just as he did so, one of the
two-legged bloodhounds who were looking for him
entered the gate. While he hesitated to see whether
Walter was his prize, the lad bolted like a shot out of
a cannon. Kind fate had interposed, for the constable
had not his dogs with him that time, or he would have
captured his man. It was little use the fellow giving
chase to a young man running for his life and liberty,
for Walter soon left him out of sight and sound, and
back he went to his hiding-place at his friend Robert's,
where he arrived with the perspiration dripping from
his face, while his whole body was trembling with fear.
Robert not being in on his arrival, Walter sat down to
recover himself, and he no sooner gathered himself
together than Robert walked in, and wanted to
know what was the matter. “Why,” said Walter,
“I had a narrow escape of being caught by the constable.”
“Then,” replied Robert, “you must go from
here now; you can't stay any longer”; for he knew
that if the two-legged bloodhound had kept up the
chase he would be sure to make enquiry there, and, if
found, he would be severely punished for harbouring a
runaway. “I can't,” said Walter, “as I don't know
where to go, and I have no money to get food with.”
<pb id="edwards55" n="55"/>
The good friend put his hand in his pocket and took out
a five-dollar note, saying: “This will take you to a free
country”. Then arose another difficulty, viz., the
passport, in the shape of free papers, that he might
show when he went for his railway ticket. So Walter
said: “I have no free papers, and I don't know any
way to get them. I have not even any white to be
my friend to say I am free.” To be sure, no white
man in that part of the country would tell a lie or
disgrace himself by helping a Negro to make good his
escape. So why dream about it? “Now is your chance
to make the best of a bad job,” said Robert. While
they were thus discussing, another freed man came in,
not knowing that Walter had taken refuge there: so
that Walter had to tell him his troubles, and how he
had escaped the constable. “Why,” said the fellow,
“the hounds have just gone by; 'tis a wonder they did
not stop here and ask or search for you. Here is five
dollars; it will take you where you want to go.” Yet
neither he nor Robert could tell the runaway the exact
route he was to take. “Anyhow,” said they, “go, and
we will pray for you if you will pray for yourself.”
Blessed encouragement! Well might Tennyson make
Edith say:— </p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“God help me! I know nothing—can but pray,</l>
          <l>For Harold pray—pray, pray, no help but prayer,</l>
          <l>A breath that fleets beyond this iron world</l>
          <l>And touches Him that made it.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>Why should not these two Negroes pray for their
Friend who was suffocating in bondage, and now seeks
<pb id="edwards56" n="56"/>
to breathe fresh air? “What an asylum hath the
troubled soul in prayer.” In the awful solitude of
night, in the yearnings of the soul for freedom from
physical or moral bondage, and in the thrill of sacred
emotions which stirs our inmost soul, there is consolation
in prayer. Now, if the slave-holder prays to God,
why should not the slave pray? Surely if the Deity
loves justice and abounds in compassion He might help
the poor Negro.</p>
        <p>Robert discussed the route to the free country with
both his friends, and gave Walter what hints he could,
and bade the runaway “Godspeed”.</p>
        <p>Having taken leave of Robert, Walter and his other
freed friend started and arrived at the house of the
latter in perfect safety. Here he stayed from Friday
night until Monday morning. When the day dawned,
and ere the monarch of the day began to scale the
horizon, Walter was up and made for the depôt
(railway-station), where he found crowds of people, both
white and black, taking their tickets for Baltimore—  
the whites were being served first. Our runaway stood
aside until everyone had been served, and then he
stepped boldly to the wicket door to get his, when he
was saluted by the ticket-seller with “Good-morning,”
quite a coincidence, as blacks were always expected to
salute first. Having returned the compliment, he
asked for a ticket. “Where are you going?” was the
next query, asked in a short, sharp tone (as if to throw
him off his guard), although very good-naturedly.
“Baltimore,” was the ready reply, with the complimentary,
<pb id="edwards57" n="57"/>
“sir”. According to custom he ought to have
asked Hawkins for his papers, but the quick reply,
spoken in a confidential tone, brought the ticket, and
Walter handed him the money. The booking-clerk
went on writing, and the other made his way to the
railway carriage, took his seat in a dirty one, in which
only Negroes were made to travel. Not many minutes
after the train started off, having in the same compartment
a few Negroes, but fearing lest they should speak
to him, and therefore the more readily recognise that
he was a runaway, or cross-question him in a manner
that might lead him to betray himself, Hawkins played
the fool by whittling some pieces of wood which he had
picked up about the station, and, taking some strings out
of his pockets, and a piece of paper, made and unmade a
parcel until he arrived at Baltimore. Here he got out.</p>
        <p>Being hungry, he asked a boy to show him a place
where he could get some food, who directed him
to a basement which was used as an eating-house.
While going down the steps a fine-looking man met
him face to face. “Good-morning,” said he to Walter,
with a knowing sort of look, which aroused the suspicion
of the runaway. Keeping his wits about him,
he continued down and asked the price of a meal,
when he was told it would be twenty-five cents. In
this place he happened to see his own likeness on a bill
which he thought contained a reward for his capture.
At once he thought that the man who had spoken to
him was not his friend, but one who was looking out
for runaways. So he put on a bold front, gave the man
<pb id="edwards58" n="58"/>
twenty-five cents, and asked him to keep the food
warm for him. If the man is still keeping that eating-house,
he may be keeping the food warm yet, for, instead
of returning, he took to his heels, leaving both
the food and the man behind him. When he got out
of sight he asked another boy—he was afraid to
address an adult—to tell him the name of the nearest
free State, and where he could get a car that could
take him there. “Look!” said the little fellow,
“there they are, and they will be going soon!” We
ought to tell the reader that Baltimore was one of the
centres of the anti-slavery movement, and it was in
that city that Benjamin Lundy, the John the Baptist
of the new era, established an anti-slavery journal,
<hi rend="italics">The Genius of Universal Emancipation,</hi>in 1821, and laboured until 1831, at which time he wrote:
“I have, within the period above-named (ten years),
sacrificed thousands of dollars of my own earnings. I have
travelled upwards of five thousand miles on foot, and
more than twenty thousand miles in other ways; have
visited nineteen States of this union, and held more
than two hundred public meetings; have performed
two voyages to the West Indies, by which means
the emancipation of a considerable number of slaves
has been effected, and the way paved for the
enfranchisement of many more.” It was in this same city
that Dr. Buchanan delivered an oration in 1731 upon
the “Moral and Political Evil of Slavery”. What
would Walter Hawkins have given if he had only
known that there were such men at Baltimore as
<pb id="edwards59" n="59"/>
Quaker Lundy? It was not to be, so he made his way
to the depôt; when he got there he found a crowd
similar to what he met at the first railway station.
Instead of waiting, as he had done before, he pressed
forward, only to be cursed and sworn at by the booking-clerk,
to stand by while the white people got served;
but there was danger in that, as he might have been
seen by the man, who would certainly not lose sight
of him again. So with all the cheek imaginable he
pushed his way within the barrier. When the fellow
demanded to see his free papers, without any hesitation
he pulled out the bundles which he had made of
whittled wood, etc., in the train on his way from
Haverdegrass to Baltimore. But by another happy
coincidence for him the ticket-seller did not ask him
to open it, but simply gave him a ticket. Without
further ceremony he made his way to the proverbial
black people's car, and soon the train steamed out.
No sooner had he made himself comfortable than they
crossed a river which made him think that he was
being taken back to Washington, but it was a false
alarm, because he was only crossing into the State of
Delaware, famous for being one of the first States
where the Quakers began to emancipate their slaves,
and about this time Delaware had only about three
thousand slaves. There they stopped, but Walter did
not get out, and happily no one came to look for him
while the train was in the station. Off she started
again, but it was a long time before the train stopped
again; whatever station this was he did not know nor
<pb id="edwards60" n="60"/>
did he ask, for he was as much afraid to trust a Negro
as a white man, nor would he get out to procure some
food, as he had had enough experience at Baltimore,
the shock of which he had not yet quite recovered
from; indeed, quietude and hunger were preferred to a
full stomach and slavery, therefore he kept his seat,
and made himself as happy as possible under the
circumstances. At last the train ran into Wilmington:
he did not offer to move for the next three-quarters
of an hour, a terrible long time for him (minutes were as
long as days to him): it was as though someone was
waiting to lay hold of him. “Oh, what must I
do? Shall I enquire of someone when the train
is going to start and where she is going?” Neither
the grandeur of the city nor the beautiful scenery
around had any charm for the runaway; everyone
who passed the railway carriage appeared to him
like a ghost. While he was thus agitated a man
entered the carriage in which he sat and began making
signs and all sorts of unintelligible sounds, but neither
the one nor the other could draw the badger. “You
may shout, old fellow,” thought he, “but you will have
to talk before I get out of this car”; but the poor man
was deaf and dumb, and what he wanted Walter does
not know until this day. In the meantime the engine
came up and hitched on to the carriage, but, just
before starting, two Negresses stepped into the compartment
in which he was sitting, for although they were
well-dressed and nearly white they had to take their
seat in the same filthy carriage in which the other
<pb id="edwards61" n="61"/>
black people travelled, whether slaves or freed men.
The whistle blew and the train started; it was no
sooner out of the station than they sat one on either
side of Walter, the runaway, and addressed him with
a “good-afternoon,” to which he replied:
“Good-afternoon, ladies, are you travelling any distance?”
“Yes,” was the reply. My word, what a change had
come over him! How soon he broke the seal from his
lips! What a contrast between these and the other
people who had bidden him the time of day! “Are
you running away?” was the next poser they put to
him. “I have sold myself at last,” thought he. If he
had kept up his reticence all might have been well, but
an answer was expected. “What shall I say? Shall
I tell a lie? Can I play the same trick as I played
upon the two booking-clerks I left behind me?”
These were the thoughts which rushed uppermost in
his mind. “If I tell a lie and escape, it will be better
than to tell the truth and be recaptured.” So he
answered: “No, I am not”. Of course, hesitation to
answer made the damsels ask more questions. “Have
you ever travelled any before?” which produced
further embarrassment. As he might as well be hung
for a sheep as a lamb, he answered: “Yes”. Still
these ladies were not satisfied, so they had to further
cross-examine him. “Were are you going?” Having
overcome his difficulty, as he thought, he most readily
replied: “To Philadelphia”. Still they pressed him
with another query: “Have you ever been there?”
Although he had not, he found no difficulty in saying
<pb id="edwards62" n="62"/>
“Yes”. But the ladies, who professed they were
seeking for information, demanded of him to tell them
what sort of a place the city of William Penn was.
To which our friend confidentially replied: “Well,
ladies, it is a fine place, filled with great big brick
houses,” at which they laughed heartily, for they
belonged to the place. Knowing he was the man for
whom they were looking, they replied: “We live in
Philadelphia, and have seen the bills advertising for
you, and we are sent by friends to find you before
they take you back to the South. Are you hungry?”
Hunger was not the name to express his condition, for
he could have eaten a donkey and given chase to the
rider. The news sounded too good to be true; nevertheless
he answered: “Yes”. Then they opened one
of their baskets which contained all sorts of dainties,
and told him to help himself, which he most assuredly
did, for he ate and ate until he felt uncomfortable
about the buttons. After a chat poor Walter Hawkins
fell asleep, a thing he would not have done if he had had
no confidence in the integrity of the ladies. He slept
the rest of the journey, and never woke until one
of them said: “We are in Philadelphia”. The poor
fellow awoke to find that he had been resting his weary
head upon the lap of one of these angels of peace. On
opening his eyes he caught sight of the lovely black
eyes of the damsel looking at him with so much
sweetness and compassion that, to use his own words:
“I did not want to get up”; moreover, it was the most
comfortable pillow he ever had in his life. When he
<pb id="edwards63" n="63"/>
got up she said: “You are free now”—a statement
which he could not believe though he had undergone
so much trouble to obtain it, but his friends reassured
him that he was really free; and, having given him
some instructions about his movements in the city,
they got out of the carriage while he stood overwhelmed
with astonishment. At last the ladies bade him farewell.</p>
        <p>Philadelphia has the honour of being the city in
which the convention to frame the Federal Constitution
met on the 25th of May, 1787, when the illustrious
George Washington was chosen president, and it was
there, on the 8th of August of the same year, that
Governor Morris of Pennsylvania made his famous
speech, which ran as follows: “I never would concur
in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious
institution. It was the curse of heaven on the States
where it prevailed. Compare the free regions of the
middle States, where a rich and noble cultivation marks
the prosperity and happiness of the people, with the
misery and poverty which overspreads the barren
wastes of Virginia, Maryland, and the other slave
States. Travel through the whole continent and you
will see the prospect continually varying with the
appearance and disappearance of slavery. The moment
you leave the Eastern States and enter New York the
effects of the institution become visible. Passing to
the Jerseys and entering Pennsylvania every criterion
of superior improvement witnesses the change.
Proceed southwardly, and every step you take through
<pb id="edwards64" n="64"/>
the great regions of slavery present a desert, increasing
with the increasing proportion of this wretchedness.
Upon what principle is it that the slaves shall
be computed in the representation? Are they men?
Then make them citizens and let them vote. Are
they property? Why, there is no other property
included! It comes to this, that the inhabitants of
Georgia and South Carolina who go to the coast of
Africa, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity,
tear away their fellow creatures from their
dearest connections and damn them to the most
cruel bondage.” This powerful speech was followed
by others, but we have not room to quote them. In
1794 we find that an anti-slavery convention was held
in Philadelphia, in which nearly all the Abolition
Societies of the States were represented, and at which
a memorial was drawn up and addressed to Congress,
praying it to do what it could to suppress the slave
traffic. In 1795 another meeting was held in the city,
when the Act of Congress was read: “An act to
prohibit the carrying out of the slave trade from the
United States to any foreign place or country”. And,
finally, it was in the city of Philadelphia that certain
Negro citizens met in 1800 and drew up and presented
a memorial to Congress calling attention to the slave
trade between the United States and the coast of
Guinea.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="Chapter">
        <pb id="edwards65" n="65"/>
        <head>CHAPTER V.</head>
        <head>“FOUND AT LAST.”</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q direct="unspecified">
            <p>Disguise thyself as thou wilt, slavery! Still thou art a bitter
draught; and though thousands, in all ages, have been
made to drink of thee, thou art no less bitter on that
account. Is it thou, liberty? Thrice sweet and gracious
goddess! whom all, in public or in private, worship; whose
taste is grateful, and ever will be so, till nature herself
can change.
<bibl>—STERNE.</bibl></p>
          </q>
        </epigraph>
        <p>AT the time when Walter Hawkins arrived in Philadelphia
it was called a free city and county; yet the young
ladies, who gave him the information that he was free,
dared not be seen with him after they had left the train,
so that he had to do the best he could. He was told that
there were always kidnappers hanging about on the
look-out for runaway slaves, through whom he might
be taken back to the dark South. While groping
about the city, he met a lad whom he thought he
could trust, and asked him if he knew the whereabouts
of one Walter Proctor. “Yes!” said the lad.
“Show me where he lives,” said the runaway, “and
I'll pay you”—not that he had more money than wit.
With that offer the little fellow willingly led him
quite a distance from where he was standing 