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(title page) Struggles for Freedom; or The Life of James Watkins, Formerly a Slave in Maryland, U. S.; in Which is Detailed a Graphic Account of His Extraordinary Escape from Slavery, Notices of the Fugitive Slave Law, the Sentiments of American Divines on the Subject of
Slavery, etc., etc.
James Watkins
NINETEENTH EDITION.
104 p.
MANCHESTER:
PRINTED FOR JAMES WATKINS.
1860.
Call number E444 W34 1860 (Smith College Library, Northampton, MA)
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NINETEENTH EDITION.
"Worse than all, and most to be deplored --COWPER.
As human nature's broadest, foulest blot,
Chains him, and tasks him, and exacts his sweat
With stripes, that Mercy with a bleeding heart
Weeps when she sees inflicted on a beast."
My Kind Readers,
Through the blessing of God, who has preserved me for so many years from the cruel and unrelenting persecutions of my oppressors, I now feel a great pleasure in presenting to the British nation the Nineteenth edition of my narrative, embodying as it does the stern realities and horrors of Slave Life in the Southern States of America. To thousands of warm-hearted Christian Friends, both in the Free States of America and in Great Britain, who have so kindly and generously assisted me since I set foot on freedom's ground, do I beg leave to tender my most warm-hearted thanks; and assure them that I will never relax my efforts in attempting to put down that accursed system of human suffering, degradation, and torture--slavery!
In revising the present edition for the press, I have taken all the pains my humble abilities will allow to make it as accurate as possible; but if any slight mistakes should still exist, I must humbly throw myself on the kind indulgence of my readers, who, I am sure, will excuse them, when they look back on my childhood and youth, and see how few have been my opportunities of acquiring education. Thanking again all those kind Christian friends who have so generously assisted and protected me,
I have the honour to subscribe myself,
Your obedient servant,
JAMES WATKINS.
"Hartford, Connecticut,
November 11th, 1850.
"The bearer of this letter, JAMES WATKINS, has been well known to me for the last five years. It gives me pleasure to state that during this period he has sustained an excellent character for sobriety, industry, and integrity. I recommend him as entirely worthy of confidence in the sphere of life in which it has pleased Providence to place him.
THOMAS CHURCH BROWNELL,
Bishop of the Diocese of Connecticut.""I am well acquainted with the individual named in the above recommendation of Bishop Brownell, and fully concur in all that he has said of his good character.
J. HAWES,
Pastor of the first Congregational Church, Hartford.""To Thomas Booth and James Henwood, Esqrs., Hull, England, and to all the
friends of freedom.
I have known the bearer, JAMES WATKINS, for some time, and take great pleasure in certifying that he has been a good citizen, and an acceptable member of the Methodist Episcopal Church in this city.
He has been compelled to flee from the United States, in consequence of a law lately passed by Congress; entitled the "Fugitive Slave Law," and take refuge in England, knowing that there, if nowhere else, he can be free. I commend him to the Christian kindness of the humane, and particularly to the confidence and sympathy of all who have adopted the name and doctrines of Wesley.
HENRY G. FOX,
Pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Hartford, Connecticut, December 3rd, 1850.
"Hartford, Connecticut, December 3rd, 1850.
The bearer of this, Mr. JAMES WATKINS, is personally known to me as a young man of good character and unblemished reputation. Feeling somewhat insecure in his present residence, in consequence of the operation of the recent "Fugitive Slave Act" of Congress, he proposes to travel to parts where he may feel more at ease, and be less liable to unpleasant interruption. It gives me great pleasure, therefore, to commend him to the confidence and sympathies of the good, wherever, in the Providence of God, he may journey.
J. N. MURDOCK,
Pastor of South Baptist Church, Hartford, Connecticut.""St. John's Parish, Hartford, Connecticut, College Green,
November 14th, 1850.
JAMES WATKINS is a respectable coloured man, who has lived for several years among us in habits of industry, and moral rectitude, and who is very generally esteemed and loved by those who have known him in Hartford. He is a pious man, of the Methodist persuasion, but sometimes attends the services of the Church, to which he might belong, if we Churchmen had not sadly neglected his people. He is now forced, by no fault of his, to seek an asylum under the flag of England; and I commend him to the charities of Christians, and to the blessing of that God, to whom 'the pious commits himself, as the helper of the friendless.'
A. CLEVELAND COX, Rector."
"Hartford, December 16th, 1850.
"To the Hon. Benjamin Rotch, Counsellor, No. 1, New Furnival's Inn, Holborn, London.
DEAR SIR,--The bearer, JAMES WATKINS, is a negro man of highly respectable character and standing as a servant, and for the last five years has been a resident of this town. He has certificates of character from Bishop Brownell, and other clergymen.
This man has been advised to go to England for a few months, and in case he should be in London, I have ventured to recommend him to call on you for advice.
Any aid you may render him will be duly appreciated; and I pray you may receive a ten-fold greater reward for your kindness.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient Servant,
JOHN A. TAINTOR."
"Hartford, December 28th, 1850.
I have known the bearer of this for several years past, and have neither seen nor heard anything against his character as a man of integrity in every form. He is generally esteemed by all who know him, and will prove himself worthy, I have no doubt, of whatever confidence may be given him, or kindness shown him.
HORACE BUSHNELL,
Congregational Pastor.""Rev. William Chalmers, Minister of the Free Church of Scotland; Rev. Dr. Cox, Hackney, London; or other friends of freedom.
I have known JAMES WATKINS for some time, and can recommend him as a worthy and industrious man, and profoundly regret that anything in the laws of this country should subject him to the necessity of finding a home in another part of the world.
ROBERT TURNBULL,
Pastor of the first Baptist Church, Hartford, Connecticut.""6, Grinfield-street, Edge Hill, Liverpool,
April 21st, 1851.
John Cropper, Esq.
DEAR SIR,--Last Friday, while passing the street, I met with JAMES WATKINS, and hastened to fulfil my promise. He is the man I have long known in Hartford, and who answers the character I have before given of him. I have seen his letters, and from the long intercourse I have had with all the gentlemen, I am satisfied of their genuineness.
Yours truly,
J. W. C. PENNINGTON, D.D.".
It is now about ten years since I set my foot on British ground, under that standard of liberty which has been long the glory of this great and happy nation.
Driven from my home, my wife, my children, and all I held dear to me upon earth, to a strange land, by that accursed law which passed the Congress of that liberty-boasting land (alas! where so little of it exists, or exists but partially), none can tell the deep feelings which stirred within my soul, and throbbed within my bosom, but those who have been in a position similar to my own.
It may be interesting to my numerous readers to know a little more of that law, called the "Fugitive Slave Law," by the operation of which I have been placed in my present circumstances; and not only I, but hundreds; for I can speak of Christian churches devastated, ministers scattered, homesteads broken up, hearts smitten with anguish, and of many who have been hidden with their sorrow in the grave; whose deep long loud wail of woe has pierced the heavens, and has entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabbaoth: whose sorrows, like Abel's blood, cry aloud for vengeance; and He who governs universal empire, He who smote the great Egyptian slaveholder of old, will ere long "avenge his elect, who cry day and night unto him mightily," for we know who hath said, "Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord."
By this law, called the Fugitive Slave Act, passed in Congress in the year 1850, all slaves who have escaped from bondage, and have taken refuge in the free states, are liable to be recaptured at any subsequent period, and dragged back again into slavery; and so cruel and relentless is it, that it makes punishable with fine and imprisonment any parties who may be convicted of giving even a cup of cold water to one of these sons of sorrow and wretchedness.
Take one or two quotations from the act itself, as given in the Eclectic Review for June, 1851.
"This act provides for the appointment by district judges of commissioners in each county of the several states, whose duty it shall be to issue process for the arrest of slaves, and of assistant commissioners, whose duty it shall be to arrest such slaves. The deputy marshall in each county is also authorised and required to serve such process; and any of the said commissioners or marshalls holding such process, may call to his aid every citizen of the county; and if such citizen shall refuse when called on, he will forfeit 500 dollars; and if the deputy marshall or commissioner shall fail to arrest such slave when he has power to do so, he shall forfeit one thousand dollars."
In the 6th section of the act are these words, "and by taking or causing such persons to be taken forthwith before such court, judge, or commissioners, whose duty it shall be to hear and determine the case in a summary manner."
This sixth section of the act, says the writer of the Review, is enough to condemn the whole act, and is a palpable violation of the 5th article of the constitution, which avows that "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of the law." It is equally a violation of the constitution of each free state, which guarantees personal liberty to all, unless deprived of it by "due course of law," and maintains that the right of trial by jury shall be inviolate. The affidavit and bare testimony of the slaveholder are received as sufficient evidence, and the alleged fugitive is not allowed to procure and produce evidence to establish his freedom. At Detroit, a negro was brought before the commissioners as a fugitive slave from Tenessee; the counsel for the negro presented an affidavit duly sworn by the latter, that he was manumitted by deeds of the present claimants for 700 dollars, which the latter had received for the same, and that the deed was then in the hands of the negro's friends in Cincinnatti; on this affidavit, the counsel for the prisoner moved that the case be adjourned until the deeds of emancipation could be procured and used as evidence. The commissioner decided that the deed would be inadmissable if produced; that he had no power to enquire into any defence the negro might have against the claim, but only to determine whether the case presented on the part of the claimants was sufficient to entitle him to a certificate for the removal of the negro. The Buffalo Express comments with reason, "If this decision is sustained, no coloured man north can be safe for a single day."
The parts of the act most revolting to the feelings of the northern men, are the clauses which require all good citizens to aid and assist in the prompt and efficient execution of this law, whenever their services may be required, under heavy penalties; and those in section 7, by which it is enacted, that any person who shall in any way, directly or indirectly, aid the fugitive in his flight, shall incur a penalty of two hundred dollars, and suffer six months' imprisonment.
Such is the Fugitive Slave Law, which, not content with recapturing the poor fugitive, compels free citizens of the commonwealth to be petty informers, and to form a constabulary of slave hunters, contrary to their most sacred convictions, and contrary to the laws of Christ.
But that which appears to me to be the most astounding is, that ministers of religion, the preachers of that glorious gospel which proclaims liberty to the captive, and breathes goodwill to man, and unites and binds mankind in one great bond of brotherhood--that the exponents of this gospel should support and advocate this vile system. When I only think what slavery is, and what I have known of it in the painful experience of twenty years, I can truly say that I am not surprised that any right minded man should deprecate it in language the most strong and vehement: and now I cannot do better than give you the opinion of the Rev. Dr. Dixon on this question. He says, speaking of slavery as a system, "as to slavery
in its own nature, nothing can be said but that it is the grossest evil under the sun; it is, in truth, every possible wrong in one. Rob a man of his clothes, his watch, his purse, his house, his lands,--is not this a moral evil, a sin? If not, what of the laws of civilized communities, jails, and gallows? But is it not a greater evil to rob a man of himself, than to strip him of his coat, to pull down his house, and to drive him from his home? The degrees of evil in each case can bear no comparison. Slavery is robbery in its highest possible enormity. But it is a lingering injury, it is inflicted for life; a life of conscious wrong; for to imagine that these wretches are not sensible of their condition, is to add calumny to injury. It is a robbery, torture, degradation, misery mental and physical, dealt out by the moment, the live long day, the whole period of existence; it is as if by some infernal contrivance existence was sustained--as with the damned, while the operations of the whip, the iron, the fangs of slavery were constantly at work upon their tortured and lacerated limbs. To say that villany like this can in any way be identified with Christianity, is to degrade our holy religion to a co-partnership or a connivance with man's greatest, most concentrated, and unmitigated crimes against his fellows.
"There is not a truth, a doctrine, a principle, a precept, of the gospel which, if fairly carried out, would not annihilate slavery. The very existence of the church is fundamentally opposed to the spirit and injustice of this evil. How can a slaveholder make his servants his property, and then meet them as brethren at the table of the Lord?"
And yet this is the system, and this is the crime which has the patronage and support of the ministers of religion in the slaveholding states. I do not say of all, for there are, thanks be to God, some memorable exceptions. Permit me to give here a few of the sayings of some of the most eminent of these American divines in support of what I have affirmed: and here again I quote from the same article in the "Eclectic Review" for June, 1851; in reviewing the Anti-Slavery Reporter from January to April of that year.
The Rev. Dr. Gardner Spring, an eminent Presbyterian clergyman of New York, lately declared from the pulpit, that "If by one prayer he could liberate every slave in the world, he would not dare to offer it."
The Rev. Dr. Parker, of Philadelphia, affirms in a recent thanksgiving sermon, "That there are no evils in slavery, but such as are inseparable from any other relation in social life."
The Rev. W. Rogers, an orthodox minister of Boston, delivered on the last thanksgiving day a sermon, in which he says, "when the slave asks me to stand between him and his master, what does he ask? he asks me to murder a nation's life; and I will not do it, because I have a conscience, and because there is a God." He proceeds to affirm that if this resistance to the carrying of the "Fugitive Slave Law" should lead the magistracy to call the citizens to arms, their duty was to obey, and "if ordered to take away human life, in the name of God to take it."
The Rev. Orville Dewey, D.D., of the Unitarian connection, declares that for his part, he "would send his own brother or child into slavery, if needed to preserve the union between the free and slaveholding States."
It must not be supposed that the ministers of America are all chargeable with these opinions; there are noble exceptions, and they are becoming daily more numerous. Large numbers of them feel deeply the dishonour done to their country and their religion by the perpetuation of this atrocious system, and are labouring with national energy to bring it to a speedy termination: may God speed the work.
While politicians void of shame,
Cry this is law and liberty,
The clergy lend the awful name
And sanction of the Deity,
Help to sustain the monstrous wrong,
And crush the weak beneath the strong.
The Heathen, Atheist, Turk, and Jew,
May well reject with loathing scorn
The doctrines taught by those who sell
Their brethren in the Saviour born;
And with the price of Christian blood
Build temples to the Christian's God.
Lord, thou hast said the tyrant's ear
Shall not be always closed to thee,
But that thou wilt in wrath appear,
And set the trembling captive free.
August, 1860.
I was born on Mr. Abraham Ensor's plantation, about six miles from Cuckerville, Baltimore Co., Maryland. I do not know the date of my birth--slaves know little of dates--but, from what I have been able to gather, I think it was about the year 1823. I remained upon the same estate till I attempted my first escape, about the year 1840. The overseer's name was Amos Salisbury; he was a clever, shrewd man. My mother's name was Milcah Berry. I was called Sam Berry, after my mother, but more commonly "Ensor Sam." When about two years of age, I was removed from my mother, and then nursed, along with eighty or ninety others, by an old female slave, called by us Aunt Comfort, who was appointed to watch over us like a sort of matron. She had four or five other old women to assist her, but they were much too old to have the power to assist much either her or us. I lived under the superintendence of this old woman about four years. During that time we were kept up like so many sheep in a fold, blacks and whites, boys and girls, all rolling in the dirt together like so many pigs, and indeed little better cared for. Our food was composed of bonny-clabba, buttermilk, and milk in mush made from Indian corn into a thick porridge; when ready it was poured into a trough, from which we all had to eat, diving in our heads and hands to assist ourselves as well as we could, and feeding ourselves like pigs; for we had no knives or forks, spoons, dishes, plates, chairs, or tables. We were not thought any better than pigs, and therefore no better, if as well, treated. Our only meat was what we called blind robins (red herrings), and these we had served out to us three times a day. At Christmas, and on the great 4th of July, we slaves, who have not sense to know anything, always expected a treat, and
we often got wheaten bread, fresh meat, apple dumplings, apple pie, apple jack, and haigh-nog, and when any of our owners died we had generally something similar.
Our masters sometimes brought ladies and gentlemen to look at us, but when we saw them coming towards us we ran to our cribs, fearing lest they should be coming to buy some of us; but we were called back, and had then to amuse them by performing various antics. We had to run on our hands and knees like dogs, and jump over each other like horses, to stand on our heads, to butt one another with our heads like sheep, and to dance and sign, some knocking old tin pans together, others jingling bones, and others beating juba, the forestep, the backstep, the middle step, the juba singing--
"I went down the sandy point,
And I bought half a yard of waste,
And I wrapped it round the lady's waist,
And I asked her how the juba taste.
And juba this, and juba that,
And juba killed the white-haired cat."
At this, our degradation and misery, the so-called ladies and gentlemen would join in a hearty laugh, and go away well satisfied with their amusement. I remained with this old woman until I was about five or six years old.
I was soon thought to be of some use to my owner, and was sent to attend the cows, and keep them off the corn, there being no hedges there. I continued at this sort of employment for some time; I afterwards was sent to the plantation, where my work was picking stones, clearing the soil, assisting in sheep-shearing, washing the wool, and making myself generally useful. I was employed in the general work of the farm, lodged with the other slaves, clothed in rags, sleeping sometimes under a tree, and sometimes in the lodging provided for us, a kind of shed, where male and female slaves were huddled together for the night, without any kind of bed but a sort of sloping platform, inclining towards the fire. Early in the morning we were called, and provided with a breakfast of corn bread, and occasionally we had some whisky with it.
Being a fine, sharp boy, I was taken from field labour, and made errand boy, or "body slave," in the house, and afterward promoted to the office of ladies maid. My duty was to wait upon them, and travel with them, to fan them, hand them in and out of their carriages, and do all such like services. During that time I was as well fed as the young ladies themselves, had good meat, and delicacies just the same, was dressed well, and very well treated. Some people will say, "Now, why did you leave such a good place as the one you then held?"--because I groaned under the oppression of slavery; I knew not what a day might bring forth, for I was liable to be sold at any moment, and I believed myself to be born as free as the persons who kept me as their slave. I therefore sighed under the oppressive yoke, and prayed for deliverance from my captivity.
The slave is trained to answer his master, to suit his purposes. A gentleman is brought by the master to see the slaves: he says "Good morning," but the poor wretches dare not hold up their heads and answer, like other men, knowing that he would break out, "You villainous rascals, how dare you hold up your black skulls in that way before a gentleman?" they, therefore, place one hand on their forehead, and, making a very low bow, reply, "Good morning, sir-r-r," like men deprived of their rights. The gentleman asks, "Would you like to be free?" "No, sir-r-r," is the answer. He asks you, "Does your master ever flog you?" "Yes, sir-r-r, when I deserve it," is the reply. But is this the truth? No. They dare not answer any other way, as they know that if they did, as soon as ever the gentleman was gone, they would be unmercifully flogged for daring to tell the truth.
To show that the slave is not totally devoid of understanding, and that, at times, he is even keener sighted than his betters, I will give an illustration, which took place whilst I was occupied as lady's maid, or body servant:--"Samuel." "Yes, mem." "Go to Mrs. I. T. H. Wetherton's, the Rev. Mr. Best's, the Rev. Mr. Gossage's, and Mrs. Merryman's; give my compliments to them, and say that I shall be happy to see them to tea next Thursday week." Samuel goes, delivers his message, comes back again, and waits at the door. "Hem, hem." "Come in, Samuel." He bows and enters. "Well, have you delivered my message?" "Yes, mem." "Are they all coming?" "Yes, mem."
Then she goes on, "Oh dear! I wish these Wethertons, Bests, Gossages, and Merrymans would stay at home, and not come troubling me with their company so much," and so forth. But the day comes, and the company also: Samuel sees some of them approaching, and runs to apprize his mistress, and she wishes again that they would stay at home, and mind their own business. The company alight, and are shown into a large room. Soon after, the lady enters the room, and there is such a greeting as if they were the most cordial friends in the world. "My dear Mrs. Wetherton, I am so delighted to see you;" then there is a kiss, and a fond embrace, and so on with all the others. When the slaves are gathered together in one corner, talking over the events of the day, they exclaim to one another, in their own language, "High golly, our masters ask these people to come, and then they don't want to see them; but when they get together how they kiss one another; how awful!" And if the slave, low and ignorant as his race is said to be, can thus perceive the inconsistency of these so called free people, what must be the impression made upon the mind of the slave at such conduct, and what must be the feeling of the great God above towards those who violate His great commandment, "Love thy neighbour as thyself"?
Early in my life my master died, and many of the slaves were driven to the market, but I was kept on the estate, being valued at 900 dollars. About this time a wager was made that I could fetch a bucket of water from a spring in a given time; it appeared they had a good opinion of my activity and ability to perform this task, but I had not sufficient time allowed me to do it in. I did all I could to accomplish it, knowing that I should be punished if my oppressor lost his wager, but I failed; he was greatly enraged, and getting a switch from the hedge, laid it on my bare back till the blood ran down to my heels, and for this slight offence almost took my life--at least I thought so. About a year after my whipping, my father, who was then, I think, about forty years of age, came into the field in harvest time, and thinking the slaves had not worked hard enough, called for a "cradle"--a thing used for cutting wheat--and took the lead; the slaves kept so well up with him that they almost got ahead of him; but he was determined not to be beaten, so he kept going on at a furious rate until he was quite exhausted. He was almost immediately taken ill, from over exertion, and died about four o'clock the next day. I believe this was in the year 1836.
I have mentioned the death of my old master, Mr. Abraham Ensor, who lived to near eighty years of age. His son, Mr. Luke Ensor, succeeded to the estate, and not only took me at a valuation, but
also my mother, with the rest of the children; a circumstance which pleased us much, as we dreaded being separated; for we poor slaves, with all our degradations, have strong natural affections. Our new master was what is called a moderate one, though at times violent in his temper, and tyrannical in his conduct, but not more so than his abominable slave-holding propensities would make him; he gave us plenty of work, and did not overfeed us, our food being Indian corn, red herrings, cabbage, and always something very cheap; you may be sure when we could catch anything better we were no way particular about taking it. I remember on one occasion we found about a dozen eggs, and were resolved to have a feast; so we took them to our quarters, and placed them in the ashes to roast. Whilst they were cooking, Mr. Ensor came to inquire about some business; being Sabbath day we were dreadfully afraid, thinking he had come to look after the eggs, and were all but scared to death lest he should discover them in our possession, when lo! as he stood at the door, a tremendous explosion took place among the ashes. Mr. Ensor had stayed so long that some of the eggs had got overdone, and exploded with a frightful noise, scattering the ashes in all directions, even to the door where Mr. Ensor stood. He immediately enquired what was the matter. We all declared we did not know, but our answer did not satisfy him, so he came forward, and with his cane began poking in the ashes, where he found some which had not broken. He demanded who brought them there, and I, along with three others, were obliged to confess. We all got a severe caning on the spot, with a promise that for the next offence we should be tied up and bled!
A circumstance, which proves the violence of Mr. Ensor's temper, occurs to me. I was sent out to harrow in a large field of corn, and had got pretty well on with my work, when my master rode up on horseback, and, unfortunately for me, in that state sometimes called "three sheets in the wind." He called me to him, and complained that my work was badly done. I durst not answer, so he followed up his complaint by laying his cane about my head and shoulders; he then took the butt end of his whip and struck me some violent blows on my forehead, which felled me to the ground, bleeding most dreadfully. I was in an unconscious state for some time; my master got alarmed, and thought he had killed me. Having dismounted from his horse, and called some slaves, he bade them remove me under the shade of a large tree; he then commanded them to rub me, in order to bring me round again. I was then carried to the kitchen at the "big house," where I was taken care of by Mrs. Ensor, who quite believed her husband had beaten the senses out of me, and scolded him severely for having done
so. I remained in this state for some time, and, though badly hurt, was not so bad as I pretended, for I wished him to think that my senses were gone, in order to get a little sympathy from him and others--an ingredient which poor slaves do not often meet with. Though still keeping up the deception, I was employed in shelling corn, Mrs. Ensor frequently blaming my master for having "driven poor Sam crazy." However, he came into the kitchen one day, evidently to try me, and called out "Sam, Sam, come here and saddle and bridle my horse." I looked up at him very stupidly, and followed him very slowly to the stable. I then took down the bridle, and moving gently to the horse's tail, began to lift up the bridle in that direction, when he cried out, "You black ghost, don't you know the horse's head from its tail?" and taking it from me, put it on himself, and rode off. I returned to the kitchen, where Mrs. Ensor continued her care of me, giving me calomel and jalap, until I was completely tired out, and resumed my occupation again. This affair had a very salutary effect on Mr. Ensor, who never ventured to beat his slaves on their heads again.
The above-named incidents serve to show the degrading character of slavery, and its pernicious effects on the moral as well as the physical condition of both victim and victimisers.
I still continued Mr. Ensor's slave, and got on for a length of time as comfortably as most do in my situation; but, from the frequent whippings and ill-treatment which I received, as well as witnessed, I began to feel a longing desire for freedom. I felt as though I had been unfortunate in being born black, and wished that I could by any means change my skin into a white one, feeling certain that I should then be free. Seeing my poor mother frequently shedding tears, I used anxiously to press her to tell me why she did so, and would often say, "Mother, why do you weep?" "Oh!" she would say, "I am sick at heart to think that I am a poor wretched slave for life, and you and your brothers and sisters are in the same condition." I, of course, sympathised very deeply with my poor mother, particularly as at this time two brothers and a sister of mine were sold by Mr. Ensor; also a cousin, a girl nearly white, and a daughter of my Aunt Comfort. This was a sore trial to my poor mother and aunt, and I thought they would never see through their grief at parting with their children, which proved to be for ever, as they never saw them again. I shall never forget going down to Baltimore to take a last farewell of my relatives. I had to intercede with Mr. Ensor for a length of time before he would consent to let me go on such an errand. At last, after ridiculing the idea of black people having any feelings, he consented,
and to Baltimore I went, along with my poor mother. We found our relatives in a large prison, in Pratt-street, together with eight or nine hundred other slaves, who belonged to two slave dealers, named Slater and Woodfork, who had bought them for the southern market; and although they do all they can to keep up the spirits of the poor wretches, by supplying them with plenty of whisky, and amusements of various kinds, yet the grief and anguish that prevailed amongst them were beyond description. My mother and I were only allowed about half an hour to take leave of those whom we were about to lose for ever. I shall never forget the parting as long as I live; I really thought it would have killed my mother, and have no doubt that her health and spirits then received a very severe shock.
These separations made me sigh for freedom with an intensity of feeling such as I had hitherto been a stranger to, and I resolved on making an attempt to escape the very first opportunity that should present itself. I set about obtaining every information in my power on the subject, and for that purpose frequently made stolen visits to some limekilns, about two or three miles from our quarters, ostensibly to give the men a hand at their work, but really to hear something about freedom, and--don't laugh--to help the poor fellows to eat their supper, my visits being always paid in the evening, where I frequently remained till three o'clock in the morning. I often met persons there who would say something sympathising to me on my cruel bondage; I well remember meeting with two Irishmen at this place, who listened to my tale of woe with manifest feelings of interest; they told me there was a country where I should be free if I could get there; but I could not conceive where this country could be, or how I was to get to it, nor, in fact, how I was to keep myself anywhere, for Mr. Ensor had always tried to make us believe that we could not take care of ourselves if we had the liberty, so that my poor mind was in such a dark state that I was far off being in a condition to seek for freedom in right good earnest.
Oh! when I heard of this sweet land,
Where Freedom bravely thrives,
And sure protection guards each class,
And treasures human lives,
Oh! then like flashing lightning, quick
Came HOPE unto my mind;
Why should not I, like others, strive
That blessed land to find?
About the year 1840 Maryland was visited by the cholera, which swept off great numbers of the slaves, not omitting white people in its ravages. I began to be much alarmed for my own safety, and (ignorant as I was) felt that if I were cut off in my sins, I should be eternally lost. I cried to the Lord earnestly for preservation, and besought pardon for my transgressions. I continued in this state of mind for some time, praying to the Lord daily and hourly, that he would sustain and strengthen me. I had chosen a large tree for my place of prayer, under whose spreading branches I often poured forth my soul in supplication. During this time there was a great Camp Meeting held by the Methodists. These Camp Meetings were of a most interesting character. At certain seasons of the year thousands of persons flock to some vicinity previously arranged, cities, towns, and villages, all sending their quota; tents are erected in a kind of circle, a sort of raised platform in the centre accommodates the preachers, who sometimes number twenty or upwards. Posts are driven into the ground, round which candles are placed, to give light when needed; and for six or eight days and nights prayer and praise re-echo through the woods and groves, forming altogether a scene of the grandest description. To return: this camp meeting was about four miles from our quarters. I longed to attend it; but although Mr. Ensor had given permission to some of the slaves to go, he would on no account consent in my case. However, I was determined to risk it, and resolved that when the master had retired for the night, I would start. About ten o'clock I set off, and on arriving at the place, found a very large company, the whites in front of the minister, and the coloured people behind them, it being well known that even at a camp meeting they were not permitted to mix together. The Rev. Mr. Collins was, at the time, preaching in a very powerful manner. Whilst listening to him, I felt as though my heart would burst. He spoke of one Jesus, who had told the blind man to go to the pool and wash, and he received his sight. Oh! I thought, could I but find this Jesus! how I long to know him! He further stated, that "if the Son had made us free, then we should be free indeed;" then I thought if I could but find out this great man I should be free from slavery as well as from sin. He also said many other things which wrought upon my
feelings very powerfully, so much so that I burst into a flood of tears, still feeling ignorant of what I should do to be saved. I left the ground, and proceeded to some considerable distance, where, kneeling down at the foot of a very large tree, I poured out my soul to the Almighty, in my weak and ignorant way, beseeching Him earnestly to pardon my sins. I remained there wrestling with God for the space of three or four hours, when, blessed for ever be His adorable Name, my prayers were answered in a very unmistakable manner. My heart was so filled with the love of God that the fear of the whip, or even of death, was entirely taken away from me. In this state I went home rejoicing. It was now near eleven o'clock in the forenoon. I could have said with the poet--
With Thee conversing, I forget
All time, and toil, and care;
Labour is rest, and pain is sweet,
If Thou, my God, art here.
I met Mr. Ensor some distance from our quarters; he was on the look out for me. He accosted me with, "you infernal black ghost, where have you been?" I said I had been to the camp meeting, and told him what the Lord had done for my soul. "You infernal black ghost, you have got no soul. I'll teach you to go to the camp meeting without my leave," and he ordered me off to the whipping post. I immediately went into the barn, and falling on my knees, prayed earnestly for myself and master. While there he came in with one of his sons, and ordered me to strip. This I immediately did, then looking earnestly at him, I told him my soul was happy, and although he might punish my body, he could not harm my soul. I further reminded him that every stripe he laid on my back would be registered in heaven, and rise up against him at the day of judgment. However he fastened me up, and tying my hands to the beam over my head, left me. I had continued my pleadings with him till he trembled from head to foot like an aspen leaf. I firmly believe the Lord stood by me on this occasion and paralysed the arm of my master, for he seemed utterly unable to lift the lash or give me a single blow. After staying in the house for about half an hour, he and his son returned and released me, but on loosing the cords from my wrists, my arms fell down by my sides useless. Contrary to anything I ever saw done on such occasions, they each took one of my hands and arms, and commenced rubbing them, in order to restore circulation; they then told me to go to my work, and be more obedient for the future. How applicable are the words of scripture--"The remainder of wrath shalt thou restrain." The addresses the preachers opened up in my soul a new world, I learned
to believe in and rely faithfully on Jesus. Gradually as the truths of Christianity broke in upon my mind, I felt a new man, and I yearned for freedom with the most intense anxiety. The truths of the gospel filled my heart with excess of joy; I became conscious of the sins I had been guilty of, and in the joy which overspread my soul I became filled with the love of Jesus. Teach the slave the gospel, and you will make him free. Teach him that there is a God that loves him, that cares for him, that died for him to cleanse him from earthly sin, and all the task masters and slave owners in the Land of Stripes, or in any other part of the world, wherever it may be, cannot retain that infamous power which the present system grants them--property in man. Christianity is life, and light, and freedom, instil this into the slave, and you burst his bonds asunder for ever.
And now, behold me growing up to be a man! strong, active, energetic, but not owned by myself! the chattel of a man like myself, who dared, in the sight of High Heaven, to deprive me of my birthright--the right to act, and think, and speak--behold me! body, soul, and spirit, valued at 900 dollars, and a slave!--But to my narrative.
My master seemed to gain confidence in me, and being as he called "a fine young man," and a "valuable slave," he made me into his market-man, and frequently sent me to Baltimore market, with a wagon and two horses, laden with the produce of the plantation. The distance was about 20 or 30 miles, which took us a long day to travel. We generally arrived there in the evening, and put up at the Bull's Head, kept by Mr. George Manley. When we got there in good time, we had an hour or two to spare, previous to going to bed. This time was generally spent in visiting friends with whom we had become acquainted in the course of our business transactions. One of these friends was a free coloured woman, named Elizabeth Simmerwell, to whom I had become warmly attached, having a strong desire to make her my wife. After some time I resolved to ask Mr. Ensor's permission, which I was bound to do before I could take any further steps in this important business. My courage failed me, I was so afraid to name the matter to him; however, I took the first opportunity to consult Mrs. Ensor. The first question she asked me was, "who is this woman; is she free
or a slave?" On being told that she was free she said, "you cannot have her; master will never consent for you to marry a free woman; but I will name it to him." She then stated that there were several slave women from among whom I might choose one that suited me, such as Suke, Nancy, or Fan; these had good masters to take care of them." Mrs. Ensor seemed quite willing, and indeed anxious, that I should take one of those for my partner,--for, as slaves, we were not allowed to be married. Now Mrs. Ensor firmly believed that my so doing would have settled me for life, but such was not to be the case, as the sequel of the narrative will clearly prove.
Mr. Ensor accosted me the day following in the field, where he came rubbing his spectacles, and appeared as though he hardly knew how to make a beginning; but at last he called out, "Sam, I want you here. What was that you were saying to your mistress yesterday?" "Nothing sir," I replied. "You black rascal, do you mean to tell me lies?" "No, sir, I said nothing;" but immediately recollecting myself, I said, "Oh, yes, I told her that I wanted to get married." He then made similar inquiries to what Mrs. Ensor had made the day before; he also asked many foolish questions, such as did I really love the girl, and how I met with her, to which I gave very simple answers, such as I suppose he would laugh heartily at when he saw the mistress again; our interview closed with his saying, "Now mind, you cannot have this free woman, but you may have any slave who has got a good master to take care of her; let me hear no more about this free negro woman; if you do, I will hoist you up." Mr. Ensor had a particular objection to any of his property being connected with free persons. He knew that the offspring of a free mother could not be his chattels. I was far from being obedient to his tyrannical commands, as may naturally be supposed; and I managed to continue my visits to Potter-street from time to time, the laws of Baltimore being very inconvenient, however, as they prohibit coloured people of all grades from appearing in the streets after nine o'clock in the evening, under any pretence whatever! On the occasion of one of these stolen visits, I was accompanied by an acquaintance, also a coloured man. There being several of both sexes present, and the company agreeable, the time flew swiftly away, the poor girls meanwhile reminding us that if we staid much longer we should get into the Calaboose. We, nevertheless, staid till the clock struck eleven; for what man will not risk much for the society of a virtuous woman? Our anxiety now was to get to our quarters without being discovered; but, darting down a dark street for that purpose, we had not gone many yards before a policeman collared me, and, springing
his rattle, demanded to know whose slave I was. I hesitated for some time, but was at length compelled to say I was Mr. Ensor's, fearing I should be sold to pay expenses, which is commonly the case if the owner be not forthcoming. My companion and I were safely lodged in the Calaboose in Front-street, where we had to be on the cold ground till five o'clock in the morning, when each captive was aroused, and our names called over in rotation. Presently I heard my friend give a dreadful scream, which made the prison ring again. This alarmed me terribly, knowing that my turn came next, which was the case; for being called, I was told to strip off my clothes, and was then placed in a wooden frame, with my head down, and the other part of my body up, having no power to change my position. The gaoler, a white man, then got a long paddle that was perforated with a number of holes, about a quarter of an inch in diameter, and laid it on the fleshy part of my body with great violence, which almost deprived me of my senses. The flesh rose up into the holes of the paddle, leaving hard lumps which the next stroke burst. These blows were repeated six times, and the torture was such as I never experienced either before or since. I was then turned out into the street, with a dozen others, who had been degraded and punished in this abominable manner, for no crime but the breaking of a law which is a disgrace to humanity, and especially disgraceful to the boasted "Land of Liberty."
I now walked up to see my horses, and get the load of produce into the market, where I had to remain, in this wretched condition, till all was disposed of. I arrived home in due time, and did not intend mentioning my adventure to my master, but in this I was disappointed, for the papers had given an account of each of us, together with the expense incurred by each of our masters on our account. This enraged Mr. Ensor considerably, who said I deserved all I got, and comforting me with a slight caning, drove me off to my work.
My master was a pious man, and professor of religion, and he would call all his slaves together for exhortation, & c. When we were assembled before the hall, or, as we call it in America, the big house, under a palm tree, our master would come and place himself in his stately chair, and we slaves, four or five hundred of us, being seated on the ground, he would commence with an exhortation, thus:--"How happy you negroes ought to be that you have such a kind and benevolent master, to read the word of God to you, and to instil the principles of Christianity into you, and to teach you the right way." This short exhortation would fall from his lips as seasoned as if he were really in earnest for our spiritual well-being; but how can a man who thus holds so many of his fellows in bondage, consistently teach them the glorious
principles of Christianity? he cannot, surely. I think if John Wesley were upon this our earth in these days, he would disdain to own these men as brethren, or to acknowledge them as co-workers with him, and the society which originated in his name, would I think, be freed from these wolves in sheep's clothing,--this generation of vipers. But to return, after the exhortation, he would take the word of God, as he called it, and thus read:--"God has given you negroes black hides, knowing you are to toil in the sun for your lordly white masters; and He also has given you woolly hair, like wool on the sheeps' backs, knowing that you are not to wear any hats, and so that the sun cannot burn your brains out. He has given you big mouths, flat noses, and thick lips, knowing that you are not to use any knives or forks, but to cram your victuals into your mouths; you must not murmur, you must not grumble, or steal, or deceive your white masters, for we masters will find it out, because we can read and write, and we can read it in your countenance if you deceive us. You that know your master's will, and do not do it, the cow-hide is made for your backs."
I would call the attention of the Christian world to the fact that thousands are compelled to work by their unmerciful slaveholders on the Sabbath Day. Some of the slave owners give to their slaves patches of ground, on which to cultivate their own cotton, potatoes, rice, & c., for their own use; this they have to work at on the Sabbath Day, having seldom any other time allowed them to do so. Who is answerable for this great sin of breaking the Sabbath? Is it the poor oppressed slave, who is under the beck and nod of his task master? or is it chargeable to those who know the commandment which says, "Remember the Sabbath Day; to keep it holy: six days shalt thou labour and do all thy work: but the seventh is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God: in it thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, thy manservant, nor thy maidservant, nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy gates," & c. Many of the more moral, and so-called Christian, slaveholders, will not allow any work on their estates on that day, except domestic duties. There are five ministers of the gospel who own, in Maryland, North Carolina, and Virginia, about 3,000 slaves or upwards. Some of these are mechanics, some sempstresses, many of whom are known to work on the Sabbath Day; and these Christian ministers state in public that it would not do to give them the Bible, or to establish Sunday schools; it would unfit them for their duties, they would be impudent and above their business; the only way to keep the men, women, and children happy and obedient, is to keep them in ignorance; then they make
good slaves, and obey their masters and mistresses. The Hon. Bishop Meads, clergyman, of Virginia, Rev. Bishop Soule, Wesleyan Episcopal, Rev. Mr. Best, Presiding Elder, Rev. Mr. Rogers, Congregationalist, of North Carolina, and the Rev. Eli Scott, of the Baptist Church; these represent various denominations of Christians, and they are all slave holders. I feel proud to say that when the Wesleyan Conference was held in Liverpool recently, one of this class of men,--a slave-holding minister from the south,--sought admittance, they put the question, "was he a slaveholder?" and being informed he was, they rose up, and with the President, the Rev. F. A. West, at their head, that noble band of ministers declared they could not admit him while he held his fellow-men in bondage. This was carrying out the noble principles of the venerable Wesley, who said in his day "That slavery was the sum of all villany."
I now began to think seriously of making my escape from slavery, and told my mother of my intention, which grieved her very much. She did all she could to dissuade me from it. Poor soul! she told me that she had been a slave all her life, that all my brothers and sisters were slaves, that I had better be satisfied and remain with them; besides she would say, "You will surely be retaken." Poor woman! she could not bear the thonght of parting with me; however, I resolved to try. This conversation took place on a Friday night, I think in May, 1840.
On the night following I made a start direct north, taking the north star for my guide, having been told that Canada lay in that direction. I travelled through woods and swamps, being afraid to take the high road, even during the night. I had made a little provision for my journey in the shape of corn bread, sufficient to last me probably for three days; fearing to take what would make too large a bundle, which would be sure to create suspicion if met by any on the road. In addition I was armed with a walking stick and an old dirk; though I felt in no humour for fighting, being alarmed at the slightest noise I heard. The first night I walked about fifteen miles, and lay up for the day on John Merryman's, Pine-hill; this was on a Sunday. In the evening I proceeded on my journey, and had, on the third, taken up my lodgings at Deer Creek, in the woods, when I was overtaken by John Nelson and Bill Foster, two negro-catchers, who resided a few miles from Mr. Ensor. These men had a number of bloodhounds with them, which soon scented me out,
I got upon my feet, and had a most desperate struggle with them, but they succeeded in tearing my clothes to rags. They endeavoured to seize me by the throat, and bit me severely on the breast, the marks of which are plainly visible to this day. The fellows now came up, and made them loose their hold, at the same time exultingly shouting, "Well, Ensor Sam, we've got you at last!" They then handcuffed me, and dragging me along some distance, mounted their horses, while I trudged along on foot, weak, wretched, and miserable, for two whole days. When we arrived at Mr. Ensor's, the whole family turned out to upbraid me for my ingratitude, reminding me of Mr. Ensor's great kindness in having paid 950 dollars for me, rather than send me to Georgia, which would have been my fate had he not purchased me with the estate; but upbraidings were not all. I must be severely punished; and Eli Stephenson, the overseer, got orders to give me a severe lashing upon my bare back, the effects of which I feel to this day. In addition to this a yoke was made for me to wear on my head. This was a band of iron, to which was affixed two upright pieces, hooked to the top, from which were suspended two bells, the whole fitting closely to my head; and this disgraceful badge I wore day and night for three months. So much again for slave-holding tyranny.
My spirits this time seemed so broken and subdued, that life appeared not worth the having. My master often tauntingly asked me how I liked the "yoke;" and, while pretending to pity me, always threatened that if I attempted to escape again, I should wear it for life. About this time two gentlemen came on a visit to Mr. Ensor, and frequently asked me if I would like to be free, and go with them to the north; but my constant answer was, "No, I would rather stop with my master, and be a slave." I durst not trust them--I had no confidence in them--slavery destroys confidence between man and man. I was conscious that I was uttering falsehoods, and doing what I ought not to do. And, let me ask my kind readers, who is the party answerable at the judgment seat of God for such wickedness; is it myself or my cruel persecutors? Oh! I could have told them of big thoughts swelling in my bosom--thoughts of Liberty, Liberty. I felt that slavery was a burden too heavy to be borne. My poor degraded fellow slaves laughed at my sorrows, and exultingly exhibited their freedom in contrast to my disgrace. The neighbouring planters forbade me to associate with their slaves, lest I should contaminate them. I was shunned and dreaded in the neighbourhood, and treated as an outcast by all around. However, time works wonders, and so it did for me. I began to feel I was again regaining the confidence of
those around. I became much attached to a number of slaves on the late Mr. Gorsuch's plantation, which joined Mr. Ensor's, and often went to their quarters in the evening, and remained with them till morning. This came to Mr. Gorsuch's ears, who watched his opportunity for forbidding it. One summer's evening I paid one of my usual visits, and as at that time of the year the slaves slept in the hayloft, over the horses, of course I did the same. We were all fast asleep, when about three o'clock in the morning we were all startled by Mr. Gorsuch's voice calling the slaves' names over; he then inquired if there were any stray niggers there. Some said "No;" while others said there was a "darkey" there,--meaning a stranger. He soon found me out, and with a thick stick laid on me most unmercifully. I jumped from the loft into the stable, he after me in quick pursuit; I then attempted to scale a boarded fence, but it was too high for me; so I pushed my head through an opening in the fencing, hoping to drag my body after, but whilst struggling there, neither able to get backward nor forward, Mr. Gorsuch came up and renewed the attack in the most savage manner. At last the boards gave way. I took to my heels; but my unmerciful punisher was not satisfied. He followed me home, related the affair to Mr. Ensor, who encouraged him to give me a second beating before his face, which he did, leaving me in such a state that after a week I had not recovered from the effects of his brutality.*
* This is the same Mr. Gorsuch who was shot in September, 1851, at Christiana, in Pennsylvania, whilst attempting to re-capture four of his own slaves. He was considered one of the best slaveholders in Maryland, and was esteemed a very pious man amongst the Methodists, being a class leader and a local preacher. This may appear strange to English professors, but it is a lamentable fact that amongst the various religious denominations in America, numbers of those who publicly profess to be the followers of the meek and lowly Jesus are traffickers in human flesh. The Society of Friends form an honorable exception to this disgrace.
Hark! the bloodhound's fearful bay,
Whilst cruel hunters thread their way;
Up! Fugitive, and bravely speed,
For dangers thicken fast indeed:
Away from scenes where grief enthrals,
For Freedom! heavenly Freedom, calls.
I was now very diligent at my occupation, and was what Mr. Ensor would call a "good slave," yet I never gave up the idea of
one day trying to obtain my freedom. The notion considerably increased with me after my conversion: nor can I think that four millions of slaves could be kept in bondage if they had the same advantage of education and religion as the white people of America have. Their cruel task-masters feel this, and "ignorance"--"ignorance" is their stronghold.
I had been planning my escape for some time, having saved a little money by making mats, brooms, and baskets, which I managed to dispose of. I had also secured to myself some provisions, and in May, 1844, resolved to make a start. I had fixed on Saturday night as the best time, and having equipped myself with a walking stick, set out for my mother's hut, which was about three miles distant. I found her up, and told her my intention: she entreated me, with tears in her eyes, to remain in slavery, as it would break her heart to part with me. I told her I could endure it no longer, and left her, but she kept following me, weeping and pleading. I at length bade her farewell, and tore myself from her, though with a bleeding heart. It was a hard trial to leave my poor mother. One instance will suffice to show why I was more determined than ever to effect my escape,--it was this:--My mother, for a petty offence, was taken and unfeelingly flogged. The work she had done did not satisfy the overseer, and when he complained, she innocently replied that she was unable then to do as much as she could have done thirty years before. For that reply he ordered her to be tied to a post and flogged; and I was an eye-witness to this scene of misery and brutality; and on many other occasions I had also to endure the sight of similar brutalities exercised upon the slaves. My feelings were aroused by this treatment. I should have been justified had I, under my then exasperated feelings, slain the brutes upon the spot; but better feelings prevailed, and I only thought more and more of trying to effect my escape. I travelled all night, and till about nine o'clock on Sunday morning, when I concealed myself in the woods for the day, and when night arrived again made considerable progress. On the third night I reached the village of Newmarket, where I met three men, who inquired where I was bound. I gave them an evasive answer, and took to my heels, and got on pretty well for the remainder of the night. On Tuesday, being the fourth day of my travels, I was concealed in the side of a mountain, when I heard the voice of bloodhounds on my track, along with the noise of a number of negro hunters. I had taken the precaution, before I took up my station for my day's rest and concealment, to make a circle by trampling the ground, and then strewed it with a good quantity of snuff and cayenne pepper. When the dogs came up,
full tilt, to this place, they began sneezing terribly, which caused them to lose scent of me entirely, although I was only about three hundred yards from them. I distinctly saw the men and dogs; all of them appeared to be at a loss, and I was very glad to see them move off in another direction. I took my repose during the remainder of the day in some degree of comfort and safety, and about eight o'clock in the evening I again started on my journey in pursuit of freedom. About midnight I was accosted by two men and a woman, who charged me with being a runaway negro; I denied the charge, for I was only walking away. They told me I was a slave belonging to Mr. Luke Ensor, and that they had seen an advertisement offering 250 dollars for my apprehension, which they were determined to obtain, by detaining me, which advertisement they, by the light from their lantern, read to me, as follows:--"My runaway negro boy, Sambo, bullet head, full eyes, big mouth, flat nose, and a cut over the eye. A reward of 250 dollars will be given to bring him back alive, and 150 dollars if brought back dead.--Luke Ensor." I then told them I was a free man, and begged they would not interrupt me. One of the men, however, took me by the collar, and we had a struggle together. I struck him a heavy blow, and he fell to the ground, when the second man engaged me, who at the same time gave me an awful blow on my head. I now determined to be free from them all, and I struck him to the ground. I was then tackled by the woman who held on by my leg. I pleaded with her as if she had been my sister to let me go, but she would not, screaming with all her might for assistance, not wishing to lose the prize of 250 dollars. I found I must make another effort, or still remain in slavery, so I served her in the same way as I had treated her companions, and off I ran with the speed of a racer, and saw no more of them. I now got on for a considerable distance without any further delay. Having again rested for the day I proceeded onwards, and soon found myself in Pennsylvania. I here began to discover fresh difficulties; for my provisions were exhausted, and how to procure more I did not know. I durst not venture into a store or shop for that purpose, although I had a little cash in my pocket, and for three days and nights I was without food of any description; a little cold water was the only beverage that I took into my stomach during that time. For seven days and nights I could not sleep at all; and oh! what were my feelings then? My imagination pictured the oppressors' steps after me, and I constantly thought that I heard the baying of the bloodhounds, the trampling of the men hunters' horses, and the horrid imprecations which were heaped on my poor devoted head. The night following I passed a village called Logansville, in which
place I approached a gentleman's residence, and found a large barrel of swill in the yard adjoining the house, for which I felt exceedingly glad, and made a most hearty meal of its contents. I also furnished my little bag with sufficient to supply me with food, such as it was, for the next day. This was a most fortunate circumstance for me, as I had begun to fear that I should perish with hunger. In the course of the following night I was again tracked by two men, who chased me up a river. In order to free myself from their pursuit I jumped in and swam across. In doing this I, of course, lost my bag and stick, and was again without food. In a comfortless and destitute condition I still journeyed on, supported by hope. After travelling about twelve nights further I reached Little York, where I was so oppressed with hunger that I resolved to make some application for food, whatever might be the consequence. I was providentially directed to a house where I happily found a number of kind and sympathising friends, who took me in and supplied my wants for three days, whilst I recruited my strength a little. The master of the house then engaged a coloured man to conduct me to a village about a dozen miles distant, which we travelled on horseback. My guide instructed me to wait until he had put his horse up, when he would see me across the Susquehana river to Columbia, which is in Lancaster county. I waited for about two hours for him, but from some cause or other he never came. I felt this to be a great disappointment, and bemoaned my sad condition, concluding that if I was again pursued by the base negro hunters (these being white men employed for the purpose), I would jump into the river rather than return to bondage. In this state of mind was I met by a white man, with a coloured one accompanying him, who appeared as though they had been fishing. They inquired where I was going, but I was afraid of them, and evaded the question, on which they left me to myself. Shortly after, the coloured man returned, and invited me to his house, but I objected to go with him for some time. His entreaties, however, were so pressing that I at length yielded--though not without fears that he might betray me. He provided me, to my great surprise, with a good breakfast, it being about three o'clock in the morning, and, contrary to all expectation, put me into a boat, and ferried me across the river to Columbia town. This was help indeed, and caused me great delight, for which I returned him many thanks. The good man had not yet done with me, for he further conducted me to the house of a good old Quaker gentleman, who took me in and made me feel quite at home. Amid the best of treatment I remained with him about three days, and then he yoked his one-horse carriage, and conveyed me fifteen or twenty miles, to the
residence of another friend, which was a little beyond Lancaster city. Here I remained all night and the following day, receiving the kindest attentions, and feeling quite safe and happy. From this "home" I was again conducted about twelve miles, to the residence of a distinguished member of the Society of Friends, one who is well known in America as ever ready to assist the poor fugitive. The present state of the law will not permit me to mention the names of those to whom I shall ever feel grateful: it would expose them to persecutions and loss were I to do so. The gentleman I have mentioned received me as though he had been my father, making many inquiries as to where I came from--my master's name--and what I was called. After I had satisfied him he suggested the propriety of an immediate change of my name, and asked me what name I should like in future. I replied JAMES WATKINS, for I had even thought of these things before I left Mr. Ensor. He advised me to adopt it at once, and never change it again. He then proposed to hire me as his servant, at ten dollars per month, with board and washing, This I gladly accepted, and began to think myself a man, out of the clutches of the accursed man-stealers; but my hopes were soon crushed, for about a fortnight after some negro hunters were seen about the neighbourhood, and my employer considered me in danger, so he paid me a month's wages, and took me to the railway station, where he got me stowed away into a covered luggage van, paying all expenses himself. He then took a seat in one of the carriages, and off we started for Philadelphia. At the end of our journey of sixty miles, we were met by several friends at the station, who escorted us to one of their houses. The kindness with which they treated me did not prevent a severe attack of illness, which the doctor said had been brought on by so much exposure to the weather, particularly during the night. I remained in this place about three weeks, when, having pretty well recovered from indisposition, I was accompanied by one of my friends direct to New York.
I was here hospitably received by the Rev. Mr. Wright, and a number of other friends of the down-trodden and deeply injured slave. I staid but a day and a night among this delightful band of philanthropists, after which I was forwarded to Hartford city, being furnished with letters of introduction to A. F. Williams, Esq., and other gentlemen of that city.
Upon my flight from the land of Egypt and the house of bondage, and during my journey of six weeks through the dark wilderness which separated me from the land of freedom, I was followed and hunted by the civilised Americans, as they would hunt a wild beast; and if, by so doing, they could have arrested my flight, they would not have hesitated a moment in shooting me as a dog, in which humane act they would have been borne out by the laws of America. Such was the treatment I experienced at the hands of the civilised and Christianised white men; but when in my flight I fell in with an encampment of Red Indians, in Maryland and Pennsylvania, men whom the refined Americans would call savages and heathens, I was welcomed as a friend; and when I made them understand by signs (for I did not understand their language) with what haste and terror I had fled from the scenes of cruelty and torture which I could endure no longer, and that there was a price set upon my head, and that my obdurate pursuers were fast hastening after me, they showed their sympathy for me in every possible way; and though it was roughly expressed, I believe it to have been as deep and as genuine as ever animated the breasts of Christian men; they shared with me their food, they gave me a place in their wigwams; they prepared for me a bed of skins, and did their utmost to render my short stay amongst them one of ease and comfort. Besides which, they assisted me in baffling the pursuit of my oppressors, by hiding me in caves, and by ferrying me in their canoes across the brooks, & c., which I had to traverse. In spite, however, of the kindness of these savages (who were, I sincerely believe, raised up by God to assist in my deliverance from thraldom), the dangers and difficulties which encompassed my path, were so numerous and so heavy, that many a time, after having been days and nights without tasting food, in consequence of my not daring to show my face in any place where it could be obtained, I wished I had never attempted what appeared to me such a hopeless task, but had been content to die in slavery.
But when (having overcome difficulties which seemed insurmountable, and having escaped dangers which appeared inevitable) I reached that welcome place Connecticut, which was then a free state, I felt as the Israelites must have done when in such a miraculous way they had escaped from the hands of Pharoah, and I sang and shouted for
joy, thanking God with a full heart and overflowing eyes for having in his goodness wrought out for me such a wonderful deliverance.
I arrived safe at Hartford, the journey to which more than completed a thousand miles which I had travelled since I had started to seek a place where God alone would claim me as property.
I now felt myself so safe from pursuit that my original intention of hastening to Canada began to give way, and I entertained the idea of settling at Hartford. This was strengthened by my being surrounded with a great number of friends soon after my arrival.
The first day I spent there I had the great pleasure of meeting with an uncle who made his escape about fourteen years before, from the very same plantation I had bid adieu to--Mr. Ensor's. It is impossible to describe our mutual feelings under these circumstances. Of course the adventures of our several flights were gone into, and also the particular circumstances which had happened in our histories during the fourteen years, were freely talked over.
Mr. Ensor had informed us that my uncle had been re-taken and sent to Georgia to pick cotton, for running away. This is considered a great punishment, and according to the accounts which the slaveholders give their slaves, few escape being caught, and sold into the most horrible degradation the mind of man can imagine. I have no doubt my companions in trouble were duly acquainted with my capture, and the dreadful calamities which had befallen me, while I was enjoying myself in Hartford all the time! Lying and deceit are practised in every form to keep the light from breaking in.
My uncle took me with him to his own house, where I found him comfortably settled, having married. He procured me employment as butler or pantryman with Mr. Horace Williams, of East Hartford. In this situation I remained about two years. This time passed sweetly, and gave me such an experience of freedom, not from work, but from serfdom, that made me feel glad I had escaped, though at such risks. Here I found no objection to knowledge being obtained, because I was in a free state; on the contrary, a little daughter of master's took me in hand as a pupil, and heroically engaged to lead me through the alphabet. The dear child little knew what a dunce slavery had provided for her. I had often been told, as all slaves are, that I had "a head as thick as a beetle;" that is, as thick and hard as a mallet or hammer. I am afraid my little teacher sometimes thought this true, for this A B C work made me perspire at times more than any one could imagine. I conquered, and great was my delight. So little did I know the extent of the field I was entering, that this acquisition made me feel as though I was going to be one of some account in the world.
The year following I was employed by Mr. Samuel Kennedy, in whose service I experienced great kindness, and to whom I shall always entertain the liveliest gratitude, as one of my best friends. I cannot enter into the particular incidents of these periods of my life. Many, undoubtedly, there were, but generally such as are common to persons in a similar station to the one I occupied. I kept improving in a general knowledge of things belonging to civilised society, and great indeed I felt the change to the heathen life I had left.
My next situation was with Roswell Brown, Esq., in Hartford city, my stay with him being about twelve months. In the course of the passing months I had occasionally met with a young woman, to whom I became strongly attached. She was the daughter of a respectable citizen of Hartford, named Mr. Thomas Wells. He threw many obstacles in the way of my wishes, on account of my being a fugitive, his daughter being a free woman. This objection was not to be wondered at when the danger is considered of taking me "for better and for worse;" the chances of the one being quite as great as of the other. However, eventually all difficulties were overcome, and we were married in April, 1847, having previously provided a cottage for her reception. This step was one of freedom, for in slavery the marriage ceremony is but a mockery. The whole affair is as the owner determines or wishes, and the fiat "whom God hath joined together let no man put asunder" might never have been issued, so little is it regarded by the pious dispensers of the "peculiar institution." A trifle light as air will make a sale that will separate man and wife hundreds of miles, and the bleeding hearts are frequently compelled to enter into new engagements to please the tyrant whose property they may be for the time! Oh! the horrors of the system from which I have escaped! Millions of immortal beings without the enjoyments of a family hearth.
There are features in this great monstrosity that I cannot describe in language fit to be read. O that they were blotted out for ever.
In my little cottage, with my "help meet," I had all the comfort and happiness a "home" could afford. We carried on a small business, the principal part of it being the making and selling of
hominy, an article of food made from Indian corn, which was in great demand in Hartford.
Up to this time I never had any opportunity of hearing from my relatives whom I left in the "house of bondage;" my desires to know something about them were nevertheless very strong at times. These desires had increased to such an extent while my own comfort was becoming greater, that in May, 1849, I made a resolution to go and try to see my poor mother. Of course I was much opposed by all my friends in this "wild scheme," as they called it. I was told it was like going into the tiger's den, for certainly I should never return if I did such a foolish thing. My poor wife was sadly distressed at the possibility of my being captured and again taken into slavery. Somehow or other these things did not overcome my intense desire after the welfare of those I loved, and who had cared for me. The more my circumstances became different from what they had been, the more I remembered others still "in Egypt." I at last determined to yield to my desires, and made preparations for a journey to the south, to ascertain how they fared, and with the hope of one way or other freeing my mother and the rest of the family from degradation. I left Hartford on Wednesday evening, travelling by railway to New York. From thence I proceeded to Philadelphia, where I met with several friends, who tried to dissuade me from going any further. I could not plant within them my feelings, and though I was thought headstrong, I proceeded onwards by railway to Columbia, and from thence to a small town called Strasburg, not far from the junction of Pennsylvania and Maryland, where I remained for a short time, and was again advised not to proceed further. Though this advice I did not follow, I took the precaution to travel by night only, and on foot, through the swamps, as when I escaped. Three nights' travelling brought me within ten miles of my mother's hut, where I stopped to get lodgings with an old acquaintance. My anxiety to see my only parent became intense as I got near to her residence, and I sent a conveyance over to fetch her to me, but she could hardly be induced to come, for she could not believe I was in Maryland again. She had, as I expected, been told by Mr. Ensor that I had been retaken, and sold to the rice swamps in Georgia, and, consequently, she had no idea of seeing me any more in the flesh. However she was prevailed upon at length to come, but she did not know me at first, I was so altered. We had nevertheless a joyful meeting, and the night glided swiftly away whilst we related to each other what we had passed through the years we had been separated. One circumstance my poor mother mentioned shows another trait of the system, which I may
mention. A number of slaves had escaped from neighbouring plantations, and in searching for them the owners called at my mother's hut, and insisted that she knew something about them: not having seen the fugitives, she of course denied the charge; but as the masters give so much cause for deceit, they placed no reliance upon her statements, and they resolved to punish her to make her tell where they were. They carried out their threats by stripping her, and then tied her up and cut her with the whip upon her back until she stood in her blood, leaving her all but dead. When Mr. Ensor was informed of the circumstance, he said he could do nothing in the matter, as no white man was present when the act was perpetrated, the evidence of coloured people being of no value according to the laws of the country which declares "all men equal," a white man's testimony, whatever his character, being more than that of any slave. Her owner was, however, far from being pleased with the treatment his property had thus received; this circumstance, along with the fact that she was getting into years, and not of much market value, induced Mr. Ensor about this time to turn her loose. Old as she was it gave her no small pleasure to be able to call her body and soul her own, and most certainly I was exceedingly glad to have this piece of news communicated to me during this interview, that she was no longer a chattel but a free woman.
I will not give more particulars of what passed on that, to me, short night, but simply say that when the time approached when I must leave, or be in danger of immediate capture, the parting was painful in the extreme. I had no thought of ever seeing her again in this world, and I bid her a long farewell with streaming eyes, and then hastened off to the bushes, and she returned to her hut. We have feelings, slaves though we have been; these we have not been deprived of, notwithstanding all the pains that have been taken to accomplish that object. They are implanted by our great Creator, and lie too deep to be erased by the ruthless hands that use the whip. I ought to add that my mother was nominally liberated when seventy years of age, and helpless and infirm, and had to maintain herself with an allowance only of a peck of corn a week.
I reached Strasburg in safety, where I took the railway train again direct to Philadelphia, where I stayed a day among the friends who were interested in my adventure, and then hastened on by the same means to my own "castle" at Hartford. I need scarcely say that my reception was marked by every demonstration of joy and pleasure, not only in my family, but by a great number of friends and acquaintances, who had given me up for lost. My poor wife had been all but frantic
during my absence, with fear that I had again been taken into bondage. I had been a fortnight from home, which was longer than we first expected. After this extraordinary trip I pursued my business with increased vigour. I needed to be very industrious, since by this time I had two children, a boy and a girl, whom I valued at something more than "two guineas a pound," which is a price slave-traders sometimes mention. Indeed, I was very proud of them, and wished to do for them whatever my industry and exertions could afford.
I must not omit to mention that through the generosity and kindness of American and English friends, I was instrumental in releasing from the cruel bonds of slavery my two sisters and one brother. I brought three other slaves,--two males and one female,--to the Free States. The girl was a white slave, the daughter of John T. H. Wethington, Esq., member of Congress, by a slave mother. One of the male slaves afterwards lived as servant with Edward Westhead, Esq., Manchester. I thought no self-denial or toil too great, in carrying out these designs, but was very happy in having it in my power to render them any help whatever, more especially as I had the pleasure of afterwards having them near me, and of enjoying their society. This happiness was increased by my seeing the pleasure I had been the means of imparting to others. I felt that I indeed "got good by doing good."
Another cloud hangs o'er my head,
And dangers thickly press,
But still I trust in God alone
For succour and success.
With confidence, and faith, and hope,
Misfortunes do I stand,
Until, with pleasure and with joy,
I tread on Freedom's land.
In 1850, I was in the enjoyment of comfort and prosperity, and surrounded by a large circle of friends, both civil and religious; I was certainly enjoying the communion of saints in the church to which I belonged, and I had few things to wish for in this world, excepting that all those who were in thraldom might be speedily set free, and become as comfortable as I was. In these circumstances, and with these feelings I was living, when, with hundreds--nay, thousands--of
others whose skins were not white, I was thrown into the greatest disquietude and peril by the enactment of the "American Fugitive Slave Law."
This atrocious and abominable law makes it a great crime, punishable with heavy fines and imprisonment, to be either directly or indirectly a party to the escape of a slave. It also appoints Commissioners and Assistant Commissioners throughout the so-called Free States, to see after catching the fugitives, and returning them to their owners. These officers are, in addition, empowered to call in the aid of free citizens in carrying out the provisions of this "sop" to the slave states. Any one who refuses to assist in catching his fellow-man, and depriving him of liberty, is also exposed to a heavy penalty. Under these circumstances I was not only uncomfortable myself, but all who knew my history were somewhat in jeopardy, as being "accessory after the fact." All my dreams of prosperity and happiness in store for me were upset; I was quite unfit for business of any sort; and I could not help wondering at times that Providence permitted the legislature to pass such a law, when their duty seemed to be to abolish all those acts that were already on the statute books which licensed slavery, in a nation which had for a fundamental principle, that "all men are equal." It appears likely however, that what is thoroughly bad and disgusting to many who have hitherto been indifferent, will yet turn out for the advancement of emancipation; and it may be said, with Cowper,--
"His purposes will ripen fast,
Unfolding every hour;
The bud may have a bitter taste,
But sweet will be the flower."
I was in a state of great perplexity for about four months after the passing of the bill; some of my friends advising one thing and some another; but all agreed I would have to leave Hartford, or they would be compelled to assist in chaining me and sending me back to bondage. Anything of this kind they detested, and therefore wished on their own account, as well as mine, that I was safe. For to crown all, Mr. Chamberlain, one of the city constables, sent for me, and told me that Mr. Ensor had offered one thousand dollars for my apprehension; also, that if I did not leave the city, he was afraid he would be necessitated to arrest me, which he did not like the thoughts of, much less did he wish to do the deed.
My poor wife was in sad distress; and said she would rather hear of me being "buried in the blue seas," than see me again taken into slavery. With the most conflicting feelings, as may well be imagined, she joined in the advice to leave the country, at least for a time.
This was afflictive work for my mind; a terrible conflict going on within continually, made me that I scarcely knew what I was doing. At intervals my feelings completely overpowered me, and it was some time before I could get my courage up to the point of preparing for my departure. My friends were not backward in assisting me to the extent of their power, in various ways, including numerous letters of introduction to philanthropists in the "Old World."
On the 20th of January, 1851, I was ready to start from Hartford. Now came the struggle. The difference between the conflict of feelings at this time and those I had when I left Maryland was great. It is true I had my mother and brethren there, whom I was now leaving behind, but I had not a "home." Oh! that sweet word, to which slaves are strangers! I had not then what makes a home comfortable--a partner of my joys and sorrows; I had not the responsibilities of a parent. These new relationships and circumstances, added to my increased knowledge and capability to feel deprivations, all combined to make this into an hour of trial to me, even though I was in good hopes that our separation would be but for a season, and that it would all "work together for good."
On the day I have mentioned, I took my farewell of my poor wife and children, now three in number, in confidence that they were in good hands, and with an understanding that she would try to make up to the little ones for my absence. I prayed that the Lord would be with her and protect her, and that, if we should not meet again on this side Jordan, we might in heaven, where slavery and sorrow can never come.
Having made all the necessary preparations for my voyage across the ocean to this land of liberty, I started by the railway cars for New York, with my heart quite full, and ready to burst at the thoughts of my having such a choice--to leave those I loved, with a possibility of not seeing them again, or return into hopeless, helpless bondage. The latter I could not now endure the thoughts of, not because of the labour a slave has to perform--being healthy and strong, I was never afraid of that, for I could always accomplish it without much difficulty. It was the tyranny regularly practised--the many cruel whippings, and various other indignities to which they were subjected--the thousand immoralities that flow through the system--and in short, the fact that, in body and soul, a slave is made to feel that he is the property of a fallen human being, instead of the free agent that the Creator has designed him to be, free to serve him where and how his conscience, regulated by the divine will, dictates. This is the essence of the agony, to my mind--that whatever might be the duty that I felt I had
to do in the world, it depended upon the will of another whether I had the opportunity. In fact, I hate the whole thing with a perfect hatred, and no consideration shall induce me again to become a slave.
Since I have been in England, I have often been surprised to hear working men declare that they, too, know what slavery is. They argue that they are compelled to work very hard and long for little pay, and this they call "slavery," forgetting that they can, at any time, give a fortnight or a month's notice to their employers that they are going to leave, and then they are at liberty to improve their circumstances if they can. All this is very different to being placed on the auction block, and knocked off to the highest bidder, with the same ease and as little consideration as a piece of old furniture is done in any English market-place. Before a slave can get a "fresh shop," however skilful he may be, he must go through the same process that a horse does that changes masters. When I hear people talk thus, I think they don't comprehend the subject. I can truly say, that were Luke Ensor to make me an offer to clothe me in the best broad cloth, place a gold chain and watch about my neck, give me a horse to ride upon, and feed me on the best his plantation could produce, on the condition that I would return to him a slave, that is, his property, I would spurn the offer with indignation, and be horror-stricken at the idea of the proposition; I should fly from him as from the face of Satan, for I prize my freedom above every earthly blessing.
With thoughts akin to these my mind was occupied as I travelled from Hartford to New York, where I arrived about four o'clock in the morning. I took my lodgings at one of the hotels, where I remained four days, until the ship was ready to sail in which I had arranged to cross the Atlantic. I was obliged to keep as much as possible within doors, for fear of meeting the man-hunters or their emissaries. When the day of sailing arrived, I was conveyed in a close carriage to the dock, and put on board, where I was again concealed till we got out to sea. I very reluctantly withhold the names of the captain and vessel. Such was the goodwill and kindness manifested, that I shall ever feel grateful to this gentleman, and I only regret the existence of laws which prevent one from giving "honour to whom honour is due." It is possible that no notice would be taken of so insignificant a fact as the escape of one "nigger," as we are called, but, nevertheless, there is a liability to punishment, and a heavy penalty hanging over the heads of those who directly or indirectly assist coloured men to obtain freedom. I had substantial proofs of the views and feelings of this generous-hearted captain before I left his care.
There were many incidents of an interesting character in connection
with the voyage, but they were such as usually happen to most people more or less, during a three weeks' sail, and therefore I will not mention them here. I was every day struck with the admirable management of everything that was manifested by the persons in authority. We came in sight of Cape Clear, in Ireland, sooner than we expected. The prospect of free soil, even though a long way off at this time, made me feel delighted, and when we entered the Mersey and came into the docks at Liverpool, I could not help leaping and shouting for joy, and I sung a song of liberty. Some of the bystanders and waiters declared that a "mad black man" had just landed from an American ship. They little knew the emotions I was then the subject of. I cannot make them understand by any description; persons must be in similar circumstances to know what they are. To say that I was greatly excited, is like saying nothing. My joy was unbounded, and I was able to fully adopt and appreciate the assertion of Cowper, that--
Slaves cannot breathe in England. If their lungs
Receive our air, that moment they are free;
They touch our country, and their shackles fall.
I could also add with perfect confidence--
"NOW I AM FREE!"
At length I reached England, upon my arrival at the happy shores of which I felt that I was in reality FREE; and that no "fugitive slave law," nor any other iniquitous statute which American legislators might pass, could possibly touch me any more: and, in my ignorance of English manners and customs, I shouted in the exultation and joy of my heart, "God bless Mrs. Queen Victoria and Mr. Prince Albert," the titles of English monarchs and American presidents being mingled together in my mind.
The kind sympathy everywhere shown to me, and the hearty reception I received from some of the best men in Liverpool, made me feel very happy. The testimonials I had with me greatly assisted me, and many friends on this side of the Atlantic being personally acquainted with some of my friends in America, made the matter still more easy. I had obtained the following lines from the parties connected with the ship I had come over in, which removed any doubts in Liverpool:--
"JAMES WATKINS, fugitive slave, made his escape from Maryland to Hartford, and thence came over in the ship Arctic, from New York, with me, as passenger to Liverpool, and had his fare paid by some of his friends to Liverpool.
J---- A----,
Captain of the Arctic.
"We certify the above to be correct, and that Mr. JAMES WATKINS has satisfied us by his testimonials that he is a deserving and respectable man.
TAPSCOTT, SMITH, & Co."
After a residence of three years in England, during which time, though I enjoyed the sweets of freedom, my mind was often embittered by the absence of my dear wife and children, I was enabled to send for them. They purposed, in the first place, coming by one of the Cunard line of steamers. They, however, after receiving 125 dollars, refused to bring them across, on account of their colour. Under these circumstances I applied to Henry Van Wart, Esq., a merchant and a magistrate of Birmingham, who, at my request, wrote a letter to Messrs. Geo. Wright and Co., Liverpool (copy of which is below), desiring them to make arrangements for my wife coming over.
Birmingham, February 8th, 1854.
Messrs. George Wright and Co., Liverpool.
Dear Sir,--This note will be delivered to you by James Watkins, a respectable coloured man, who wishes to make an arrangement to get his wife out from America. She is, we understand, a free woman, and never has been a slave. This person has sent a considerable sum of money through us to his relatives in the U. S.
If you can assist him in securing a comfortable passage for his wife, we shall be much obliged.
We remain, dear Sir,
Yours truly,
VAN WART, SON, & Co.
In compliance with this letter arrangements were made for her coming over in the "City of Glasgow" steamer, which unfortunate vessel, however, it will be in the recollection of my readers, is supposed to have sunk on its way from Liverpool to Philadelphia, with 480 passengers on board.
My wife therefore came over in the "City of Manchester" steamer, and arrived safely in Liverpool, having been treated during her voyage with much kindness by the captain of the vessel.
We then became comfortably settled in Birmingham, in which town I was recognised as a citizen, and paid rates during a residence of six years, during which time my children received their education in the Grammar School; and I met with very many kind friends, who manifested the most sincere interest in myself and family.
Unfortunately, however, the climate of England proved too cold for my wife's constitution, and in consequence she was attacked with paralysis, and entirely lost the use of her limbs. I consulted Dr. Warden, and other eminent physicians, who declared that there was no hope of her recovery unless she went back to her native country, and they signed a certificate to that effect. I shall never forget the unswerving affection which, during my wife's affliction, was manifested by my noble band of friends and sympathisers, amongst whom I am proud to be able to name Joseph Sturge, Esq., R. F. Sturges, Esq., Mr. Charles Sturges, Wm. Middlemore, Esq., Mr. Griffiths, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Walton, and their families. The kindness of these friends I can never forget; but particularly, and above all, would I express my gratitude to Mrs. Edmonds and her dear family. This noble lady sat by my wife, and nursed her day after day and night after night, as though she had been her own sister, and showed the greatest affection for her until her departure from this country. I pray that heaven may reward her for her kindness to myself and my family, for I feel that I never can do so adequately.
My wife's affliction and consequent removal from England necessitated the breaking up of my little establishment at Birmingham; and though this was a matter of considerable regret to me, it was inevitable, and therefore I had to submit to it; but I am happy to say my wife arrived safely back again in her fatherland, where she has regained some small portion of her health, though she is still very unwell.
I brought with me to Liverpool letters of introduction from numerous gentlemen who had known me at Hartford (their names my readers will see at the commencement of this book) addressed to Mr. Radley, the Adelphi Hotel, Liverpool, Messrs. Bradley and Brothers, Dr. Raffles, Wm. Tapscott, Esq., and many others. I immediately proceeded to deliver these letters to the respective gentlemen, who kindly exerted themselves to obtain for me a situation of some kind or other, as I was wishful to meet with employment in Liverpool for a few months, believing, along with great numbers of the American people, that this odious "Fugitive Slave Law," which had caused my flight from my native land, would be repealed in less than twelve months. I regret, however, for the honour of Englishmen, that the exertions of my friends in my behalf proved unavailing. I could not obtain employment, and not only was I refused work, but was treated by some people from whom I asked it, with contumely and contempt.
I applied to some large Liverpool merchants who, after asking me a great many questions, declared that they could not think of employing a "nigger who would steal." Upon my expressing my entire
innocence of ever having acted dishonestly towards my master, I was informed that my having escaped from slavery was looked upon as a heinous offence by these gentlemen, who considered that by obtaining my freedom I had robbed my master of the amount at which I was valued in the slave market.
Though I was disappointed in not being able to get a permanent situation in Liverpool, I stayed there altogether about twelve months, obtaining now and then a month or two's work in an hotel, & c. I found, however, that the people with whom I came in contact in Liverpool had imbibed so much of American feeling in relation to men of my colour, that there was not much prospect of my getting on very well in that town, and I was therefore recommended by my friends to come to Manchester, and was furnished with introductory letters and testimonials to the Rev. Francis Tucker, the Rev. George Osborn, R. F. Chappell, Esq., J. Sidebottom, Esq., the Rev. Dr. Mc. Kerrow, Dr. Halley, and Dr. Beard, John Hewitt, Esq., Mr. Alderman Heywood, Mr. Mayo, and many other gentlemen.
I waited upon these gentlemen, who expressed most sincere interest in my welfare, and suggested that a subscription should be opened on behalf of myself and family (which they promised to head very handsomely), and that I should go through Manchester and neighbouring towns soliciting contributions I, however, whilst thanking my friends for their kindness, objected to this, stating that I had never begged in my life, and while I could work had no wish to begin, but that I was anxious to obtain a situation. These gentlemen, however, thought it would not be very easy to get such a one as would suit me, and the Rev. F. Tucker at last remarked, that having been myself a slave, and consequently being able to speak practically upon the evils of the system, I ought to go all over Great Britain to tell the people the horrors of that most hateful of all human institutions--Slavery, and to arouse the warm sympathies of the British people on behalf of my down trodden and oppressed countrymen.
When this kind suggestion was made, I, never having spoken in public in my life, mistrusted my own ability to act upon it, but being encouraged by Mr. Tucker and my other friends, at last made a first attempt in Mr. Tucker's schoolroom, which he kindly lent me for the purpose. I was so successful, that Mr. Tucker gave me a testimonial (which I insert along with that from Mr. Osborn), and I began to travel as a lecturer on slavery.
"I have much pleasure in stating that JAMES WATKINS gave a very interesting and affecting address on the "Operation of the Fugitive Slave Law, as illustrated by his own case," in my school room, last evening. It
is only justice to him to add that the tone and spirit of his address was admirable.
"Manchester, June 6th, 1851.
FRANCIS TUCKER."
"I have carefully examined Mr. WATKINS' case, and from my knowledge of the parties who have signed his testimonials in America, and elsewhere, am prepared to recommend it as one which deserves the support of the friends of humanity and freedom.
Manchester, June 7th, 1851."
GEORGE OSBORN.
By my exertions, the kind assistance of my friends, and the blessing of God, I made considerable progress, and was enabled to redeem from bondage my brother and two sisters; their purchase was negociated by a warm-hearted and old-tried friend, A. F. Williams, Esq., Merchant, of New York, who had magnanimously interested himself on my behalf during my absence from America.
I resided in Birmingham for nearly two years before the arrival of my wife, and during that time addressed numerous very largely attended meetings both in that town and in many of the adjoining counties, as Warwickshire, Derbyshire, Lancashire, and Yorkshire, and then made arrangements for permanently settling in Birmingham when my wife came. I entered into a small way of business, by which I made a comfortable living, besides which I was frequently invited out into different parts of the country, to give lectures on slavery, and to assist various denominations of Christians, by delivering exhortations at their Sunday school and anniversary services, & c.
To accomplish what I have done, I have had many difficulties to overcome, and have experienced many dark hours of sorrow and disappointment, and many a time have found it necessary to make one meal a day do, but in all my afflictions, and strugglings, and disappointments, I have always had one solace and one comfort which nothing could overcome or take away, that I was a free man, in a Christian land, and that God was my helper and my sure defence.
Through the ignorance and the prejudice of a certain portion of this community, we coloured people have been calumniated, and ideas have been disseminated in relation to us, which have no foundation in fact, but have only originated in the malice of people who have made it their business to misrepresent us; thus, for instance, we often hear English mothe