I believe one reason . . . people have been satisfied with the things we
do in state government. They're very satisfied. Not completely
satisfied. I don't think there's any way to completely satisfy everybody
and have a utopia. But I think they've been pretty, generally
appreciative of the feeling that this government has had for the great
mass of our people. Working extra hard for more employment and utilize
our natural resources for good. Providing more educational opportunities
for people's children who, when I first became the governor, had no
opportunity to acquire an education because of its cost and the fact
that we didn't have the regional community college concept in
Page 5 Alabama. A technical school concept which now puts everybody
within bus distance of one of these institutions. I think they felt that
I had been, our administration was successful in that way. I think
otherwise, also, is that when you deal with people in our region you're
dealing with people who are very proud people. You can't find any people
who are any more proud of their heritage or their region or their
country than you do people here. Not that people in other regions aren't
themselves proud of their own heritage. But I think one reason it
probably is more pronounced is because we were the number one economic
problem of the nation, according to Mr. Roosevelt in 1932 in one of his
speeches. Which was probably true because of the restrictions and
regimentations that had been imposed upon the economy of our part of the
country after the war between the states. A region of the country—and
I'm not trying to bring up sectionalism because that's gone and we're
all one country and the people of Michigan want to see the people of
Alabama prosper the same as we want to see them—but the
effects of that . . . freight rate inequities in Pittsburgh Plus and
making us purely agrarian in the days after the war. Plus the
occupation. Instead of lend-lease and Marshall aid to rebuild us. And
all the schools burned and all the railroads destroyed. All of the
livestock gone. And people just trying to live. Eke out a living, just
eat from day to day. The white and the black. That in spite of those
handicaps they did come back. Which I think is one of the great epics in
American history. Is the comeback of the people of our region under so
many adverse circumstances. And in those days . . . even in the '20s and
'30s, we still were feeling the effects of lack of education in the '70s
and '80s and '90s. Because everybody was poor. And that spilt over into
the twentieth century. And so in the '30s we still had thousands and
thousands
Page 6 of our people who were proud people,
good blood. Of course people got good blood all over the country. I'm
not saying some blood's good and some's bad. Don't get me wrong. But a
way of describing strong people with great pride. I used to know people
that were illiterate in the sense that they couldn't read and write. But
they were proud people, you know. They had pride. Many of them would
never admit they were poor. Such as my own family. My father went to two
years to college. My mother was a college—she went to college
and she taught music. But my father farmed and he was just as poor as
the next person. Because farming was on the bottom and everybody's . . .
farm tenant, landlord, or whoever was just devoid of money. People ate
because we were agricultural. But my mother would never admit that . . .
she had to go to work as a stenographer after my father died in '37, at
the age of 40 after he'd been farming a part of his life that was very
short. And she would never admit to this day that we were poor people.
She was too proud to admit it. And the whole community was poor. But
there was a great pride. You know, you'd have church services . . . be
jam-packed and they'd sing that song, "Some Day We'll Understand." And
really, I think they used to sing that because they not only had a
spiritual feeling but it also told the story to them that someday things
were going to be better. I can remember . . . I was in a similar
position, but I never felt sorry for myself and I never did want to
destroy the country. I just prayed and . . . like my folks . . . things
is going to get better. And things begin to get better. But we were
looked down upon. And people that came from other regions of the country
said, "Why aren't you as progressed as other people are progressed?" And
when you would explain all of the restrictions that had been placed upon
us, then I'd say we're really further progressed. Probably no other
region could have come
Page 7 and overcome what we overcame.
You know what I'm talking about when I talk about freight rate
inequities and Pittsburgh Plus. It was designed to keep us from not
having . . . agriculture and caused an influx of our people to leave,
outmigration, in the '20s and '30s by the hundreds and hundreds of
thousands in find industrial job employment in other parts of the
country. And so in the presidential campaigns . . . the South, you know,
backwards, they said, you know. Yet it was more forward, under the
circumstances, than probably anybody. Considering all of the
circumstances. And yet we were talked about. You know, rednecks,
hillbillies, backward, ignorant, illiterate, racist. And the people
developed a complex. They knew it wasn't true, but they had a hard time
proving it, you know. And when I became the governor of the state of
Alabama we still had that viewpoint about our region. And I took
advantage since those early days and my political career to travel the
country. And I think they feel that my position as governor was used to
help restore the pride that today sees people visiting us, sees the
president come to see us. Come to see me. But they feel like they're
coming to see them. I'm only their representative. And Senator Kennedy
and Senator Humphrey. And you name them. And I feel that's one reason
we've been successful, too, in Alabama and in the region. And I also
feel that the average citizen of Michigan also feels that I have
expressed his viewpoint whereas the other politicians . . . for so long
most of them have expressed the viewpoint of the noise makers of the far
left. And I express the viewpoint of that mass citizenry that in 1968
erupted into the largest crowds that any candidate drew. But a third
party ticket was something they didn't think could win. But it sort of
got the other candidates around to begin to say what we were saying. Had
I been on a major party ticket in 1968, there would have been
Page 8 a very close race. On either ticket.