Creation and impact of the Pearsall Plan
Pearsall explains the creation of the Pearsall school desegregation plan. He maintains that the plan had to be consistent with North Carolina's moderate image. Pearsall argues that Rocky Mount whites loathed the plan and the city's newly enfranchised blacks had no real appreciation for integration efforts.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with Mack Pearsall, May 25, 1988. Interview C-0057. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
- WALTER E. CAMPBELL:
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Speaking of the Pearsall Plan, do you think that your father and the
others perceived it, originally, as a pop-off valve, or was this
something that they came to gradually, as they began to worry about the
situation? In other words, when they sat down, did they say to one
another, "Okay, we need something to hold the line here, and we
need to get through this tough period. Let's have something
that will do that." Do you think that that's the way
they originated with the Plan?
- MACK PEARSALL:
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Well, I doubt it. I think it was probably something that evolved. I think
that they recognized that North Carolina was going to be catapulted into
a very tension-filled environment—a major change in
lifestyles and folkways and mores. And that somehow or another,
responsible elements in this state had to come together and craft some
idea that would be consistent with North Carolina's image of
moderation. That you could not stand back and allow the rank
segregationist to step forward, and that the best defense is a good
offense. I think that's the basis on which they went. To say
they went in with it as a plan that was conceived to be a pop-off value,
I doubt it. I think they recognized that when you've got a
head of steam built up that unless you provide some avenue for people to
get relief that you've going to have a pop-off. And they
watched Virginia. They watched the defiance that went on in other
states, and they were very, Governor Hodges and my father, were very
concerned about the image that North Carolina portrayed nationally in
this whole process. And I think that if we hadn't portrayed
the type of image that we did, that some of the
wonderful things that have happened in this state would never have
happened because we would have been branded as a bunch of redneck
backwoodsmen. I don't know how it would have affected the
Research Triangle and all that. But here you have a governor, Luther
Hodges, who was one of the creators of that concept and at the same time
he was one of the creators of a concept or summoned in people that he
thought could help him develop and craft a way for North Carolina to
deal with that very difficult transition period.
- WALTER E. CAMPBELL:
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How did people in Rocky Mount react to what he was doing? How did his
tenant farmers react to what he was doing? Did they know about it? Did
he receive any sort of threats or anything? Was it just ignored?
- MACK PEARSALL:
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No, absolutely, lots of threat mail, threatening phone calls, called a
"nigger lover." There was an element that was opposed
to integration of any form, stretch, or imagination, they were vehement
and very outspoken about it. I don't think that the black
community, particularly in terms of the tenant community, really had an
appreciation for what was going on. I think they were brought to the
party by the federal government and at that point in time, they were new
to the political process. They had been disenfranchised and so new to
the thought of being integrated into the overall society here, that they
just didn't relate to it. And that there were certain leaders
that were out there that did and who understood it, but I think perhaps
even those, at that point in time, viewed it as a resistance type
move.