Yeah. In 1958. I met a lot of people. So, I went over there and
meanwhile, my local union voted to arbitrate my case, my grievance. Six
or seven months later, we won the arbitration. Well, I wasn't making but
?85 a week for textiles and I had been working two jobs and everything
and I didn't see any future in it. I had really gone on with this
because Williamson had begun to drink real badly and he had gotten into
trouble in Durham. He had been down to this black cathouse and had
gotten rolled and instead of letting it be, he had reported it to the
police, that he had lost his wallet and watch. There was a big newspaper
spread about it. There had always been some inter-union rivalry between
Williamson and the 176 group at Ligget-Myers who were very active
politically and who were kind of he aded up by a fellow by the name of
Sam Blane, a very shrewd old man. He died here about six months ago. He
was either the first or second vice-president of the tobacco workers
international union and he had dabbled in politics in Durham there for
years and he had gotten a group of right good workers, guys like Millard
Barbee and Al Atwater, who went on the city council for a very brief
period and Sam Latta, P.R. Latta's brother. They had been in a very
bitter fight since 1948, it started before I got into it. I don't know all the details of it. It sort of centered …
Williamson was the full time editor of the weekly labor paper and we set
up this political group. So, in 1948, the labor movement supported Mayne
Albright for governor. We had at that time what was known as the United
Labor Political Committee, which was AFL and the CIO together. And at
that time, of course, the Teamsters were in the AFL, but Mayne Albright
lost out in the first primary. So, during the second primary, a man came
to the labor journal, I'm told, and had 15 one hundred dollar bills and
he wanted to know who he was supposed to pay for the labor vote in
Durham County. This man was representing Kerr Scott. When Sparky was
confronted with this, he called Henry Sawyer, who was the business agent
for the IBW local and E.M. Taylor who was known as the grandfather of
the labor movement in Durham and who was president of the plumbers union
and had built the labor temple there. They got together and told the guy
that you don't buy the labor movement's vote. "We have been talking and
probably, we are going to support Kerr Scott, but your money doesn't buy
the labor movement's vote." They say that the money was supposed to go
to Sam Blane and his organization and the guy had just gotten in the wrong place, gotten mixed up and brought it
to the people who were doing the work. So, anyway, this was the year
before I really got active so that all I know is what I heard. But after
that, there was always bad blood between those two groups. So, of
course, when Sparky got into this problem down at the cathouse and it
got into the paper, they sent it to Washington and Sparky was in
trouble. So, when I went out for textile, I went to a meeting right
after I went on the textile staff, when they had a conference, a COPE
conference in Atlanta. I knew Jim Bevins, we were good friends and he
knew how hard I had worked locally, so Jim told me, "Since you and
Sparky are good friends, I'll tell you, this trouble that Sparky has
gotten in, we've gotten a lot of complaints." I know that they sent
letter after letter up there trying to get Sparky fired. That was one
reason that I took this job with textiles, so I could … I thought that I
might have the chance to be the COPE director and so if Sparky was going
to lose it, I wasn't going to do anything to make him lose it, but I was
going to qualify myself. So, I went out. Somebody heard Sparky was about
to get fired and they called around to a couple of people saying this.
They asked them if they would support me for the job and I didn't even
know anything about it. So, Sparky got the idea
that I was after his job because one of the guys called him and told him
that he had had this call and so, Sparky straightened up and did a good
job. Meanwhile, I won my arbitration case and I had to go back to the
American Tobacco Company or give up my job. So, I decided that since
Sparky had straightened up and was going to do right, I might as well go
on back down there and … meanwhile, I had been at Duke for three years
and I figured that I should try to finish college. So, I got back down
there in the plant and Sparky lost his job and nobody said anything to
me about it for around a week and then Leo Hicks let it slip. Sparky
hadn't told me. Sparky and I were real close until the day he died. So,
he had really been misled into thinking that I was after his job before.
Some textile people had started this stuff because they knew what kind
of bad shape he was in. I didn't really know it was that bad. So, I
applied for the job and I put on a real campaign for it after I found
out that Sparky was being fired. Of course, it was hard to get it, at
that time, they had six states, it's hard to get a job in the same city.
Al Barkin was a good friend of mine, I had worked with textile, which
had been his international union, he had been pushing for me. Esther Murray, the woman's activity director, knew that
I had the best political program in the South and she was pushing for
me. Jim knew that I had been working hard for twelve years and he knew
what kind of job I had done for textile, so I mounted a campaign. I
called these business agents and asked if they would send a telegram.
They said yes, but you know that people will say that and forget it
sometimes, like I do. I said, "I will write the telegram and send it and
charge it to your phone." I had over a hundred telegrams and I had
letters going and I had worked in Florida and Georgia and …