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The History and Present State of Virginia, In Four Parts.
I. The History of the First Settlement of Virginia, and the Government Thereof, to the Present Time.
II. The Natural Productions and Conveniencies of the Country, Suited to Trade and Improvement.
III. The Native Indians, Their Religion, Laws, and Customs, in War and Peace.
IV. The Present State of the Country, as to the Polity of the Government, and the Improvements of the Land. By a Native and Inhabitant of the Place:

Electronic Edition.

Beverley, Robert, ca. 1673-1722.


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University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
2006.

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Source Description:
(title page) The History and Present State of Virginia, in Four Parts
Beverley, Robert, ca. 1673-1722.
[xii], 104, 40, 64, 83, 16, [17-20] p., 15 leaves of plates
London:
Printed for R. Parker
MDCCV.

Call number VC970.1 B57h (North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill)



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THE
HISTORY
AND
Present STATE
OF
VIRGINIA,
In Four PARTS. I. The HISTORY of the First Settlement of Virginia, and the Government thereof, to the present Time.
II. The Natural Productions and Conveniencies of the Country, suited to Trade and Improvement.
III. The Native Indians, their Religion, Laws, and Customs, in War and Peace.
IV. The present State of the Country, as to the Polity of the Government, and the Improvements of the Land.

By

a Native and Inhabitant of the PLACE.

LONDON:
Printed for R. Parker, at the Unicorn, under the Piazza's of the Royal-Exchange.
MDCCV.


Page ii

TO THE Right HONOURABLE,
ROBERT HARLEY, Esq;
Speaker of the H. of Commons,
AND
One of Her Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State.

        I Flatter my self, that I am not without Reason, for imploring Your Protection of the following Discourse. It is an honest Account of the ancientest, as well as most profitable Colony, depending on the Crown of England; and therefore ought naturally to address it self to the Patron of the Plantations.

        No Body is better instructed in the true Interest of England, than Your Self; No Body is more convinced,


Page iii

how much the Plantations advance that Interest; and consequently, no Body knows how to set a juster Value upon them. While some People, upon very mistaken Principles of Policy, are for loading those Countries with heavy Impositions, and oppressing them with Rapacious, and Arbitrary Governours; You, Sir, who are a better Judge of their Importance, are for milder Methods, and for extending the Blessings of Justice, and Property, to all the English Dominions.

        How happy therefore ought we of the Plantations to think our selves, in the Favour of a Gentleman, whose Thoughts are directed by unbiass'd Reason, and the real Advantages of England? Those are the Measures we wish to be govern'd by; and ask no other Treatment, than what is due to a loyal People, whose Lives are devoted to the Benefit of their Mother-Country. And sure we can never despair of this Common Justice, in the


Page iv

Reign of a Gracious Queen, who wishes the Happiness of all Her Subjects. England is infinitely to be envy'd, for lying under the immediate Influences of Her Goodness: While the Plantations, which are farther remov'd from Her Royal Presence, have those kindly Beams more weakly reflected on them. Their Distance makes 'em liable to be ill used by Men, that over-act Her Sacred Authority, and under-act Her Vertues. But we please our selves with the Hopes, that these Misfortunes will be made lighter to us, by the Justice of the present Administration.

        I must not presume to celebrate Your bright Qualities, because, next to having a great deal of Merit, the hardest Thing in the World, is to give it a just Commendation. You have by Your Publick Services, taken Care to convince Mankind of Your Worth. You alone have Abilities not only to fill, but to adorn, at the same


Page v

time, Two of the most important Posts of the Nation. You, Sir, have reconcil'd the long Difference there has been betwixt the Patriot and the Publick Minister. And 'tis a plain Demonstration, that the QUEEN has no other View, than the Happiness of Her People, when Her Majesty is pleased to employ such Persons in Her Service, as have all along signaliz'd a constant Love to their Country.

I am,
SIR,
Your most Faithful Servant.

Robt. Beverley


Page vi

THE PREFACE.

        'TIS agreed, that Travellers are of all Men, the most suspected of Insincerity. This does not only hold, in their private Conversations; but likewise in the Grand Tours, and Travels, with which they pester the Publick, and break the Bookseller. There are no Books, (the Legends of Saints always excepted,) so stuff'd with Poetical Stories, as Voyages; and the more distant the Countries lie, which they pretend to describe, the greater License those priviledg'd Authors take, in imposing upon the World. The French Travels are commonly more infamous on this Account, than any other, which must be imputed to the strong Genius of that Nation to Hyperbole, and Romance. They are fond of dressing up every thing in their gay Fashion, from a happy Opinion, that their own Fopperies make any Subject more entertaining. The English, it must be granted, invent more within the Compass of Probability, and are contented to be less Ornamental, while they are more Sincere.

        I make no Question, but the following Account will come in for its Share of this Imputation. I


Page vii

shall be reputed as arrant a Traveller as the rest, and my Credit, (like that of Women,) will be condemn'd for the Sins of my Company. However, I intreat the gentle Reader to be so just, as not to convict me upon bare Suspicion; let the Evidence be plain, or at least amount to a violent Presumption, and then I don't fear being acquitted. If an honest Author might be believ'd in his own Case, I wou'd solemnly declare, that I have not knowingly asserted any untrue Thing in the whole Book. On the contrary, I fear, I shall rather be accused of saying too much Truth, than too little. If I have had the Misfortune to have err'd in any Particular this Way, which yet I have used all imaginable Care to avoid, I hope the World, with all its Uncharitableness, will vouchsafe to forgive my Understanding.

        If I might be so happy, as to settle my Credit with the Reader, the next Favour I wou'd ask of him, shou'd be, not to Criticize too unmercifully upon my Stile. I am an Indian, and don't pretend to be exact in my Language: But I hope the Plainness of my Dress, will give him the kinder Impressions of my Honesty, which is what I pretend to. Truth desires only to be understood, and never affects the Reputation of being finely equipp'd. It depends upon its own intrinsick Value, and, like Beauty, is rather conceal'd, than set off, by Ornament.


Page viii

        I wonder no Body has ever presented the World, with a tolerable Account of our Plantations. Nothing of that kind has yet appear'd, except some few General Descriptions, that have been calculated more for the Benefit of the Bookseller, than for the Information of Mankind. If I may judge of the rest, by what has been publish'd concerning Virginia, I will take the Liberty to say, that there's none of 'em either true, or so much as well invented. Such Accounts are as impertinent as ill Pictures, that resemble any Body, as much as the Persons they are drawn for. For my part, I have endeavour'd to hit the Likeness; though, perhaps, my Colouring may not have all the Life and Beauty I cou'd wish.

        The Method I have taken in this Performance, is as follows. I have divided the Whole into Four distinct Parts. The first contains, a Chronological History, of the most remarkable Things that have happen'd in Virginia, ever since it was first seated by the English. It shows all the Wars with the Indians, and their Causes, all the Massacres, and other Disasters, occasion'd by the Resentment of the Natives. It likewise gives a faithful Account, of all the successive Governours of that Country, and their Administration, together with the principal Laws, that have been enacted in the Time of Each. In the doing of which, I have been careful to mention nothing, but what I can make good by very Authentique


Page ix

Testimony. So that if I have taken the Freedom, to represent the Mismanagements of several Gentlemen, it is their Fault, that acted such Irregularities, and not mine, that report them to the World. If Men will please to be unjust, run counter to the Royal Instructions, oppress the People, and offer Violence to all the Laws of a Country, they ought to be known, and abhorr'd by Mankind.

        The Second Part treats of the Spontaneous Productions of that Country, and the Original State, wherein the English found it at their first Arrival. This is a very copious Subject, but I have handled it with more Brevity than it deserves, because I am conscious of my want of Skill in the Works of Nature. However I flatter my self, that what I have said, will be sufficient, to give a Handle to a more compleat Undertaking. The World had some Years ago an unhappy Loss, by the Death of Mr. Banister, who was making curious Collections for a Natural History of Virginia: But the sudden Death of that Gentleman, put an End to that excellent Design. He had great Talents that Way, and if he had liv'd a few Years longer, he wou'd have done Justice to so fine a Country, by describing it in all its Native Perfections.


Page x

        The Third Part gives a true Account of the Indians, together with their Religion, Customs, and Government. There I have added Fourteen Copper Plates, to illustrate the Dress, and Way of Living of the Natives, the Draughts of which were taken exactly from the Life. Herein, as well as throughout the whole Book, I have been very scrupulous, not to insert any thing, but what I can justifie, either by my own Knowledge, or by credible Information.

        In the Fourth Part, I have represented the English Form of Government in that Country, with all the Publick Officers, their Business, and Salary. There I have mention'd many of their most material Laws, and Methods of proceeding. I have likewise shown the small Improvements, that the English have made, since they have been in Possession, and pointed at several great Advantages, which they might secure to themselves, by a due Spirit of Industry, and Management. I have every-where made it my chief Business, to avoid Partiality; and therefore have fairly expos'd the Inconveniencies, as well as proclaim'd the Excellencies of my Country.


Page xi

        This is the Bill of Fare, of what the Reader may expect to meet with in the following Discourse; and I shou'd be very happy, if he wou'd have the Goodness, to think it a tolerable Entertainment.

        

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Page xii

Anno 1703. Taken from the Lists of the preceding Year.

        
Counties Names. Acres of Land. Numb. of Souls Titheables Women & Chil. No of Militia No of l. Horse. No of Fo. & Drag. No and Names of Parishes in each County. S. supplied. V. vacant.
Henrico 148757 2413 915 1498 345 98 247 Henrico,S. Bristol, S.
Prince George 161239 4045 1406 2639 625 203 422 1 2/2 Martin Brandon, S. 
Charles-City Wianoke, S. Westover, S.
Surry 111050 2230 880 1350 350 62 288 2 Southwark, V.Lyons Creek, S.  
Isle of Wight 142796 2714 841 1873 514 140 374 2 Warwick Squeek, S.Newport, S. 
Nansamond 131172 2530 1018 1512 591 142 449 3 Upper, V. Lower Parish's. V. Chuckatock, V.  
Norfolk 112019 2279 717 1572 380 48 332 1 Elizabeth River, S.  
Princess Anne 98305 2037 686 1351 284 69 215 1 Lynhaven, V.  
James-City 108362 2990 1297 1693 401 123 278 Wallingford, V. Wilmington, S. James-City, S. Merchants-Hundred, V. Bruton, S.
York 60767 2357 1208 1149 390 68 322 Hampton, V. York, S. Newpocoson, S.
Warwick 38444 1377 482 895 201 49 152 2 Denby, V. Mulberry Island, V.  
Elizabeth-City 29000 1188 469 719 196 54 142 1 Elizabeth-City, S.  
New Kent 173104 3374 1325 2049 420 120 300 2 Blissland, S. Saint Peters, S.  
King William 84324 1834 803 1031 698 189 509 1 Saint Johns, S.  
King and Queen 131716 2842 1244 1598 2 Stratton Major, S. Saint Stephens, S.  
Glocester 142450 5834 2628 3206 594 121 473 4 Petso, S. Abbington, S. Ware, S. Kingston, S.  
Middlesex 49500 1632 776 856 199 56 143 1 Christ Church, S.  
Essex 140920 2400 1090 1310 438 139 299 1 2/2 South Farnham, S Sittenburn, V. Saint Maries, S.
Richmond . . 2622 1392 1230 504 122 382 1 2/2 North Farnham S
Stafford . . 2033 863 1170 345 84 261 2 Saint Paul, V. Overworton, S.  
Westmorland . . 2736 1131 1605 451 133 318 2 Copeley, S. Washington, S.  
Lancaster . . 2155 941 1214 271 42 229 2 Christ-Church, S. Saint Maries White Chappel, S.  
Northumberland . . 2099 1168 931 522 130 392 2 Fairfield and Bowtracy, V. Wiccocomoco, S.  
Accomack 200923 2804 1041 1763 456 101 355 1 Accomack, V.  
Northampton 99384 2081 712 1369 347 70 277 1 Hungers, V.  
25 Counties. 2164232 60606 25023 35583 9522 2363 7159 49 Of which, 34 are Supplied, and 15 Vacant.
  Beside the Nor. Neck. The French Refugees are not accounted within this List.

        

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Page 1

THE
HISTORY
AND
Present STATE
OF
VIRGINIA.

BOOK I.

CHAP. I.

        Shewing what happen'd in the first Attempts to settle Virginia, before the Discovery of Chesapeak Bay.

        §.1. THE Learned and Valiant Sir Walter Raleigh having entertain'd some deeper and more serious Considerations upon the State of the Earth, than most other Men of his Time, as may sufficiently


Page 2

appear by his incomparable Book, The History of the World: And having laid together the many Stories then in Europe concerning America; the Native Beauty, Riches, and Value of this Part of the World; and the immense Profits the Spaniards drew from a small Settlement or two thereon made; resolv'd upon an Adventure for further Discoveries.

        According to this Purpose, in the Year of our Lord, 1583, He got several Men of great Value and Estate to join with him in an Expedition of this Nature: And for their Incouragement obtain'd Letters Patents from Queen Elizabeth, bearing date the 25th of March, 1584, for turning their Discoveries to their own Advantage.

        §. 2. In April following they set out Two small Vessels under the Command of Capt. Philip Amidas, and Capt. Arthur Barlow; who, after a prosperons Voyage, anchor'd at the Inlet by Roenoke, at present under the Government of North Carolina. They made good Profit of the Indian Truck, which they bought for Things of much inferior Value, and return'd. Being over-pleased with their Profits, and finding all Things there entirely new, and surprizing; they gave a very advantageous Account of Matters; by representing the Country so delightful, and desirable; so pleasant, and plentiful; the Climate, and Air, so temperate, sweet, and wholsome; the Woods, and Soil, so charming, and fruitful; and all other Things so agreeable, that Paradice it self seem'd to be there, in its first Native Lustre.

        They gave particular Accounts of the Variety of good Fruits, and some whereof they had never seen the Like before; but above all, that there were Grapes in such abundance, as was never known in the World: Stately tall large Oaks, and other


Page 3

Timber; Red Cedar, Cypress, Pines, and other Evergreens, and Sweetwoods; for tallness and largeness exceeding all they had ever heard of: Wild Fowl, Fish, Deer, and other Game in such Plenty, and Variety; that no Epicure could desire more than this New World did seem naturally to afford.

        And, to make it yet more desirable, they reported the Native Indians (which were then the only Inhabitants) so affable, kind, and good-natur'd; so uncultivated in Learning, Trades, and Fashions; so innocent, and ignorant of all manner of Politicks, Tricks, and Cunning; and so desirous of the Company of the English: That they seem'd rather to be like soft Wax, ready to take any Impression, than any ways likely to oppose the Settling of the English near them: They represented it as a Scene laid open for the good and gracious Q. Elizabeth, to propagate the Gospel in, and extend her Dominions over: As if purposely reserv'd for her Majesty, by a peculiar Direction of Providence, that had brought all former Adventures in this Affair to nothing: And to give a further Taste of their Discovery, they took with them, in their Return for England, Two Men of the Native Indians, named Wanchese and Manteo.

        §. 3. Her Majesty accordingly took the Hint, and espoused the Project, as far as her present Engagements in War with Spain would let her; being so well pleased with the Account given, that as the greatest Mark of Honour she could do the Discovery, she call'd the Country by the Name of Virginia; as well, for that it was first discover'd in her Reign, a Virgin Queen; as that it did still seem to retain the Virgin Purity and Plenty of the first Creation, and the People their Primitive Innocence: For they seem'd not debauch'd nor corrupted with


Page 4

those Pomps and Vanities, which had depraved and inslaved the Rest of Mankind; neither were their Hands harden'd by Labour, nor their Minds corrupted by the Desire of hoarding up Treasure: They were without Boundaries to their Land; and without Property in Cattle; and seem'd to have escaped, or rather not to have been concern'd in the first Curse, Of getting their Bread by the Sweat of their Brows: For, by their Pleasure alone, they supplied all their Necessities; namely, by Fishing, Fowling and Hunting; Skins being their only Cloathing; and these too, Five Sixths of the Year thrown by: Living without Labour, and only gathering the Fruits of the Earth when ripe, or fit for use: Neither fearing present Want, nor solicitous for the Future, but daily finding sufficient afresh for their Subsistance.

        §. 4. This Report was back'd, nay much advanc'd, by the vast Riches and Treasure mention'd in several Merchants Letters from Mexico and Peru, to their Correspondents in Spain; which Letters were taken with their Ships and Treasure, by some of ours in her Majesty's Service, in Prosecution of the Spanish Wars: This was Incouragement enough for a new Adventure, and set Peoples Invention at work, till they had satisfied themselves, and made sufficient Essays for the further Discovery of the Country. Pursuant whereunto Sir Richard Greenvile, the Chief of Sir Walter Raleigh's Associates, having obtain'd Seven Sail of Ships, well laden with Provision, Arms, Ammunition, and spare Men to make a Settlement, set out in Person with them early in the Spring of the succeeding Year, to make further Discoveries, taking back the Two Indians with him; and according to his Wish, in the latter End of May, arriv'd at the same Place, where the English had been the Year before; there he made a


Page 5

Settlement, sow'd Beans and Peas, which he saw come up and grow to Admiration while he staid, which was about Two Months; and having made some little Discoveries more in the Sound to the Southward, and got some Treasure in Skins, Furs, Pearl, and other Rarities of the Country, for Things of inconsiderable Value, he return'd for England, leaving One Hundred and Eight Men upon Roenoke Island, under the Command of Mr. Ralph Lane, to keep Possession.

        §. 5. As soon as Sir Richard Greenvile was gone, they, according to Order and their own Inclination, set themselves earnestly about discovering the Country, and ranged about a little too indiscreetly up the Rivers, and into the Land backward from the Rivers, which gave the Indians a Jealousie of their Meaning: For they cut off several Straglers of them, and had laid Designs to destroy the rest, but were happily prevented. This put the English upon the Precaution of keeping more within Bounds, and not venturing themselves too defenceless Abroad, who till then had depended too much upon the Natives Simplicity and Innocence.

        After the Indians had done this Mischief, they never observ'd any real Faith towards those English: For being naturally suspicious and revengeful themselves, they never thought the English could forgive them; and so by this Jealousie, caus'd by the Cowardize of their Nature, they were continually doing Mischief.

        The English, notwithstanding all this, continued their Discoveries, but more carefully than they had done before, and kept the Indians in some Awe, by threatning them with the Return of their Companions again with a greater Supply of Men and Goods: And, before the Cold of the Winter became


Page 6

uneasie, they had extended their Discoveries near an Hundred Miles along the Sea-Coast to the Northward; but not reaching the Southern Cape of Chesapeak Bay in Virginia, they had as yet found no good Harbour.

        §. 6. In this Condition they maintain'd their Settlement all the Winter, and till August following; but were much distress'd for Want of Provisions, not'having learn'd to gather Food, as the Indians did, nor having Conveniencies like them of taking Fish and Fowl: Besides, being now fallen out with the Indians, they fear'd to expose themselves to their Contempt and Cruelty; because they had not received the Supply they talk'd of, and which had been expected in the Spring.

        All they could do under these Distresses, and the Despair of the Recruits promised them this Year, was only to keep a good looking out to Seaward, if, perchance, they might find any Means of Escape, or Recruit. And, to their great Joy and Satisfaction, in August aforesaid, they happen'd to espy, and make themselves be seen to Sir Francis Drake's Fleet, consisting of Twenty Three Sail, who being sent by her Majesty upon the Coast of America, in Search of the Spanish Treasures, had Orders from her Majesty to take a View of this Plantation, and see what Assistance or Encouragement it wanted: Their first Petition to him was to grant them a fresh Supply of Men and Provisions, with a small Vessel, and Boats to attend them; that so if they should be put to Distress for want of Relief, they might imbark for England. This was as readily granted by Sir Francis Drake as ask'd by them; and a Ship was appointed them, which Ship they began immediately to fit up, and supply plentifully with all manner of Stores for a long Stay; but while they were a doing this, a great Storm


Page 7

arose, and drove that very Ship (with some others) from her Anchor to Sea, and so she was lost for that Occasion.

        Sir Francis would have given them another Ship, but this Accident coming on the Back of so many Hardships which they had undergone, daunted them, and put them upon imagining that Providence was averse to their Designs: And now having given over, for that Year, the Expectation of their promised Supply from England, they consulted together, and agreed to desire Sir Francis Drake to take them along with him, which he did.

        Thus their first Intention of Settlement fell, after discovering many Things of the natural Growth of the Country, useful for the Life of Man, and beneficial to Trade, they having observ'd a vast Variety of Fish, Fowl and Beasts; Fruits, Seeds, Plants, Roots, Timber-Trees, Sweet-Woods and Gums: They had likewise attain'd some little Knowledge in the Language of the Indians, their Religion, Manners, and Ways of Correspondence one with another; and been made sensible of their Cunning and Treachery towards themselves.

        §. 7. While these Things were thus acting in America, the Adventures in England were providing, tho' too tediously, to send them Recruits. And tho' it was late before they could dispatch them (for they met with several Disappointments, and had many Squabbles among themselves.) However, at last they provided Four good Ships, with all manner of Recruits suitable for the Colony, and Sir Walter Raleigh designed to go in Person with them.


Page 8

        Sir Walter got his Ship ready first, and fearing the ill Consequence of a Delay, and the Discouragement it might be to those that were left to make a Settlement, he set Sail by himself. And a Fortnight after him Sir Richard Greenvile sail'd with the Three other Ships.

        Sir Walter fell in with the Land at Cape Hattoras, a little to the Southward of the Place, where the 108 Men had been settled, and after Search not finding them, he return'd: However, Sir Richard, with his Ships, found the Place where he had left the Men, but entirely deserted, which was at first a great Disheartening to him, thinking them all destroy'd, because he knew not that Sir Francis Drake had been there, and taken them off; but he was a little better satisfied by Manteo's Report, that they were not cut off by the Indians, tho' he could give no good Account what was become of them. However, notwithstanding this seeming Discouragement, he again left Fifty Men in the same Island of Roenoke, built them Houses necessary, gave them Two Years Provision, and return'd.

        §. 8. The next Summer, being Anno 1587. Three Ships more were sent, under the Command of Mr. John White, who himself was to settle there as Governour with more Men, and some Women, carrying also plentiful Recruits of Provisions.

        In the latter End of July they arrived at Roenoke aforesaid, where they again encounter'd the uncomfortable News of the Loss of these Men also; who (as they were inform'd by Manteo) were secretly set upon by the Indians, some cut off, and the others fled, and not to be heard of, and their Place of Habitation now all grown up with Weeds. However, they repair'd the Houses on Roenoke, and sate down there again.


Page 9

        The 13th of August they christen'd Manteo, and stiled him Lord of Dassamonpeak, an Indian Nation so call'd, in Reward of the Fidelity he had shown to the English from the Beginning; who being the first Indian that was made a Christian in that Part of the World, I thought it not amiss to remember him.

        On the same Occasion also may be mention'd the first Child there born of Christian Parentage, viz. a Daughter of Mr. Ananias Dare. She was born the 18th of the same August upon Roenoke, and, after the Name of the Country, was christen'd Virginia.

        This seem'd to be a Settlement prosperously made, being carry'd on with much Zeal and Unanimity among themselves. The Form of Government consisted of a Governour and Twelve Councellors, incorporated by the Name of the Governour and Assistants of the City of Raleigh in Virginia.

        Many Nations of the Indians renew'd their Peace, and made firm Leagues with the Corporation: The chief Men of the English also were so far from being dishearten'd at the former Disappointments, that they disputed for the Liberty of remaining on the Spot; and by meer Constraint compell'd Mr. White, their Governour, to return for England, to negociate the Business of their Recruits and Supply, as a Man the most capable to manage that Affair, leaving at his Departure One Hundred and Fifteen in the Corporation.

        §. 9. It was above Two Years before Mr. White could obtain any Grant of Supplies; and then, in the latter End of the Year 1589. he set out from Plimouth with Three Ships, and sail'd round by the Western and Carribbee Islands, they having hither to not found any nearer Way: For tho' they


Page 10

were skill'd in Navigation, and understood the Use of the Globes, yet did Example so much prevail upon them, that they chose to sail a Thousand Leagues about, rather than attempt a more direct Passage.

        Towards the Middle of August, 1590. they arriv'd upon the Coast, at Cape Hattoras, and went to search upon Roenoke for the People; but found, by Letters on the Trees, that they were remov'd to Croatan, one of the Islands forming the Sound, and Southward of Roenoke about Twenty Leagues, but no Sign of Distress. Thither they design'd to sail to them in their Ships; but a Storm arising in the mean while, lay so hard upon them, that their Cables broke; they lost Three of their Anchors, were forced to Sea; and so return'd Home, without ever going near those poor People again for Sixteen Years following: And it is supposed, that the Indians seeing them forsaken by their Country, and unfurnish'd of their expected Supplies, cut them off: For to this Day they were never more heard of.

        Thus, after all this vast Expence and Trouble, and the Hazard and Loss of so many Lives, Sir Walter Raleigh, the great Projector and Furtherer of these Discoveries and Settlements, being under Trouble, all Thoughts of further prosecuting these Designs, lay dead for about Twelve Years following.

        §. 10. And then, in the Year 1602 Capt. Gosnell who had made one in the former Adventures, furnish'd out a small Bark from Dartmouth, and set Sail in her himself, with Thirty odd Men; designing a more direct Course, and not to stand so far to the Southward, nor pass by the Carribbee Islands, as all former Adventurers had done. He attain'd his Ends in that; but touch'd upon the Coast of America much to the Northward of any


Page 11

of the Places where the former Adventurers had landed: For he fell first among the Islands, forming the Northern Side of Massachusett's Bay in New-England; but not finding the Conveniencies that Harbour affords, set Sail again Southward, and, as he thought, clear of Land into the Sea; but fell upon the Byte of Cape Codd.

        Upon this Coast, and a little to the Southward, he spent some time in Trade with the Indians; and gave Names to the Islands of Martha's Vineyard, and Elizabeth's Isle, which retain the same to this Day. Upon Elizabeth's Isle he made an Experiment of English Grain, and found it spring up and grow to Admiration, as it had done at Roenoke: Here also his Men built Huts to shelter them in the Nights, and bad Weather; and made good Profit by their Indian Traffick of Furs, Skins, &c. And, as their Pleasure invited them, would visit the Main; set Receivers, and save the Gums, and Juices distilling from Sweet-Woods; and try and examine the lesser Vegetables.

        After a Month's Stay here, they return'd for England, as well pleased with the natural Beauty and Richness of the Place they had view'd, as they were with the Treasure they had gather'd in it: Neither had they a Head, nor a Finger that ach'd among them all the time.

        §. 11. The Noise of this short, and most profitable of all the former Voyages, set the Bristol Merchants to Work also; who early in the Year 1603. sent Two Vessels in Search of the same Place and Trade; which Vessels fell luckily in with the same Land. They follow'd the same Methods Capt. Gosnell had done, and having got a rich Lading, they return'd.


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        §. 12. In the Year 1605, a Voyage was made from London in a single Ship, with which they design'd to fall in with the Land about the Latitude 39°; but the Winds put her a little further Northward, and the fell upon the Eastern Parts of Long-Island (as it is now call'd, but all went then under the Name of Virginia.) Here they traffick'd with the Indians, as the others had done before them; made short Trials of the Soil by English Grain, and found the Indians, as in all other Places, very fair and courteous at first, till they got more Knowledge of the English, and perhaps thought themselves over-reach'd, because one bought better Pennyworths than another; upon which afterwards they never fail'd to take Revenge as they found their Opportunity or Advantage. So this Company also return'd with the Ship, having ranged Forty Miles up Connecticut River, and call'd the Harbour where they rid Penticost Harbour because of their Arrival there on Whitsunday.

        In all these latter Voyages, they never so much as endeavour'd to come near the Place where the first Settlement was attempted at Cape Hattoras; neither had they any Pity on those poor Hundred and Fifteen Souls settled there in 1587 of whom there had never since been any Account, no Relief sent to them, nor so much as any Enquiry made after them, whether they were dead or alive, till about Three Years after this, when Chesapeak Bay in Virginia was settled, which hither-to had never been seen by any English Man. So strong was the Desire of Riches, and so eager the Pursuit of a rich Trade, that all Concern for the Lives of their fellow Christians, Kindred, Neighbours and Country-men, weigh'd nothing in the Comparison; tho' an Enquiry might have been easily made, when they were so near them.


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CHAP. II.

         Containing an Account of the first Settlement of Chesapeak Bay, in Virginia, by the Corporation of London Adventurers, and their Proceedings during their Government by a President and Council Elective.

        §. 13. THE Merchants of London, Bristol, Exeter and Plimouth, soon perceived what great Gains might be made of a Trade this Way, if it were well managed, and Colonies could be rightly settled; which was sufficiently evinced by the great Profits some Ships had made, which had not met with ill Accidents. Encouraged by this Prospect, they join'd together in a Petition to King James the First; shewing forth, That it would be too much for any single Person to attempt the Settling of Colonies, and to carry on so considerable a Trade: They therefore pray'd his Majesty to incorporate them, and enable them to raise a joint Stock for that Purpose, and to countenance their Undertaking.

        His Majesty did accordingly grant their Petition, and by Letters Patents bearing Date the 10th of April, 1606, did in one Patent incorporate them into Two distinct Companies to make Two separate Colonies, viz. "Sir Tho. Gates, Sir George Summers, Knights; Mr. Richard Hackluit, Clerk Prebend of Westminster, and Edward-Maria Wingfield, Esq; Adventurers of the City of London, and such others as should be join'd unto them of that Colony, which should be call'd, The First Colony; with Liberty to begin their first


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Plantation and Seat, at any Place upon the Coast of Virginia, where they should think fit and conveent, between the Degrees of 34 and 41 of Northern Latitude: And that they should extend their Bounds from the said first Seat of their Plantation and Habitation, Fifty English Miles along the Sea-Coast each Way; and include all the Lands within an Hundred Miles directly over-against the same Sea-Coast, and also back into the Main-Land One Hundred Miles from the Sea-Coast: And that no other should be permitted or suffer'd to plant or inhabit behind, or on the Back of them towards the Main-Land, without the express License of the Council of that Colony thereunto in Writing first had and obtain'd. And for the Second Colony, To Tho. Hanham, Rawleigh Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham, Esqs; of the Town of Plimouth, and all others who should be join'd to them of that Colony; with Liberty to begin their first Plantation and Seat at any Place upon the Coast of Virginia, where they should think sit, between the Degrees of 38 and 45 of Northern Latitude, with the like Liberties and Bounds as the First Colony: Provided they did not seat within an Hundred Miles of them.["]

        §. 14. By Virtue of this Patent, Capt. John Smith was sent by the London Company in December, 1606, on his Voyage with Three small Ships; and a Commission was given to him, and to several other Gentlemen, to establish a Colony, and to govern by a President, to be chosen Annually, and Council, who should be invested with sufficient Authorities and Powers. And now all Things seem'd to promise a Plantation in good Earnest. Providence seem'd likewise very favourable to them: For tho' they designed only for that Part of Virginia


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where the Hundred and Fifteen were left, and where there is no Security of Harbour: Yet, after a tedious Voyage of passing the old Way again, between the Carribbee Islands and the Main, he, with Two of his Vessels, luckily fell in with Virginia it self, that Part of the Continent now so call'd, anchoring in the Mouth of the Bay of Chesapeak. And the first Place they landed upon, was the Southern Cape of that Bay, which they named Cape Henry, and the Northern Cape Charles, in Honour of the King's Two eldest Sons; and the first great River they search'd, whose Indian Name was Powhatan, they call'd James River, after the King's own Name.

        §. 15. Before they would make any Settlement here, they made a full Search of James River; and then by an unanimous Consent pitched upon a Peninsula about Fifty Miles up the River; which, besides the Goodness of the Soil, was esteem'd as most fit, and capable to be made a Place both of Trade and Security, Two Thirds thereof being environ'd by the main River, which affords good. Anchorage all along; and the other Third by a small narrow River, capable of receiving many Vessels of an Hundred Tun, quite up as high as till it meets within Thirty Yards of the main River again, and where generally in Spring-Tides it overflows into the main River: By which Means the Land they chose to pitch their Town upon, has obtain'd the Name of an Island. In this back River Ships and small Vessels may ride lashed to one another, and moor'd a Shore secure from all Wind and Weather whatsoever.

        The Town, as well as the River, had the Honour to be called by King James's Name. The whole Island thus enclosed contains about Two Thousand Acres of high Land, and several Thousands


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of very good and firm Marsh, and is an extraordinary good Pasture as any in that Country.

        By Means of the narrow Passage, this Place was of great Security to them from the Indian Enemy: And if they had then known of the Biting of the Worm in the Salts, they would have valued this Place upon that Account also, as being free from that Mischief.

        §. 16. They were no sooner settled in all this Happiness and Security, but they fell into Jars and Dissentions among themselves, by a greedy Grasping at the Indian Treasures, envying and over-reaching one another in that Trade.

        After Five Weeks Stay before this Town, the Ships return'd Home again, leaving One Hundred and Eight Men settled in the Form of Government before spoken of.

        After the Ships were gone, the same sort of Feuds and Disorders happen'd continually among them, to the unspeakable Damage of the Plantation.

        The Indians were the same there as in all other Places; at first very fair and friendly, tho afterwards they gave great Proofs of their Deceitfulness. However, by the Help of the Indian Provisions, the English chiefly subsisted till the Return of the Ships the next Year; when Two Vessels were sent thither full freighted with Men and Provisions for Supply of the Plantation, one of which only arriv'd directly, and the other being beat off to the Carribbee Islands, did not arrive till the former was sail'd hence again.

        §. 17. In the Interval of these Ships returning from England, the English had a very advantageous Trade with the Indians; and might have made much greater Gains of it, and managed it both to


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the greater Satisfaction of the Indians, and the greater Ease and Security of themselves; if they had been under any Rule, or subject to any Method in Trade, and not left at Liberty to outvie or outbid one another; by which they not only cut short their own Profit, but created Jealousies and Disturbances among the Indians, by letting one have a better Bargain than another: For they being unaccustom'd to barter, such of them as had been hardest dealt by in their Commodities, thought themselves cheated and abused; and so conceiv'd a Grudge against the English in general, making it a National Quarrel: And this seems to be the original Cause of most of their subsequent Misfortunes by the Indians.

        What also gave a greater Interruption to this Trade, was an Object that drew all their Eyes and Thoughts aside, even from taking the necessary Care for their Preservation, and for the Support of their Lives; which was this; They found in a Neck of Land, on the Back of James-Town-Island, a fresh Stream of Water springing out of a small Bank, which wash'd down with it a yellow sort of Dust-Isinglass, which being cleansed by the fresh streaming of the Water, lay shining in the Bottom of that limpid Element, and stirr'd up in them an unseasonable and inordinate Desire after Riches: For they, taking all to be Gold that glister'd, run into the utmost Distraction, neglecting both the necessary Defence of their Lives from the Indians, and the Support of their Bodies by securing of Provisions; absolutely relying, like Midas, upon the Almighty Power of Gold, thinking, that where this was in plenty nothing could be wanting: But they soon grew sensible of their Error; and found that if this gilded Dirt bad been real Gold, it could have been of no Advantage to them. For, by their Negligence, they were reduced to an exceeding


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Scarcity of Provisions, and that little they had, was lost by the Burning of their Town, while all Hands were employ'd upon this imaginary Golden Treasure; so that they were forced to live for sometime upon the wild Fruits of the Earth, and upon Crabs, Muscles, and such like, not having a Day's Provision before-hand; as some of the laziest Indians, who have no Pleasure in Exercise, and won't be at the Pains to fish and hunt: And, indeed, not so well as they neither; For by this careless neglecting of their Defence against the Indians, many of 'em were destroy'd by that cruel People; and the Rest durst not venture abroad, but were forced to be content with what fell just into their Mouths.

        §. 18. In this Condition they were, when the first Ship of the Two before-mention'd came to their Assistance, but their Golden Dreams overcame all Difficultics: They spoke not, nor thought of any thing but Gold, and that was all the Lading that most of them were willing to take Care for; accordingly they put into this Ship all the yellow Dirt they had gathered, and what Skins and Furs they had trucked for; and filling her up with Cedar, sent her away.

        After she was gone, the other Ship arrived, which they stow'd likewise with this supposed Gold-Dust, designing never to be poor again; filling her up with Cedar and Clap-board.

        Those Two Ships being thus dispatched, they made several Discoveries in James River, and up Chesapeak Bay, by the Undertaking and Management of Capt. John Smith: And the Year 1608 was the first Year in which they gather'd Indian Corn of their own planting.


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        While these Discoveries were making by Capt. Smith, Matters run again into Confusion in James Town; and several uneasie People, taking Advantage of his Absence, attempted to desert the Settlement, and run away with the small Vessel that was left to attend upon it; for Capt. Smith was the only Man among them that could manage the Discoveries with Success, and he was the only Man too that could keep the Settlement in Order. Thus the English continued to give themselves as much Perplexity by their own Distraction, as the Indians did by their Watchfulness and Resentments.

        §. 19. Anno 1609, John Laydon and Anna Burrows were marry'd together, the first Christian Marriage in that Part of the World; and the Year following the Plantation was increased to near Five Hundred Men.

        This Year James-Town sent out People, and made Two other Settlements; One at Nansamond in James-River, above Thirty Miles below James-Town, and the Other at Powhatan, Six Miles below the Falls of James-River, (which last was bought of Powhatan for a certain Quantity of Copper,) each Settlement consisting of about a Hundred and Twenty Men. Some small Time after another was made at Kiquotan by the Mouth of James-River.


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CHAP. III.

        Shewing what happen'd after the Alteration of the Government from an Elective President to a Commissionated Governour, until the Dissolution of the Company.

        §. 20. IN the mean while the Treasurer, Council, and Company of Virginia Adventurers in London, not finding that Return and Profit from the Adventures they expected; and rightly judging that this Disappointment, as well as the idle Quarrels in the Colony, proceeded from a Mismanage of the Government; petition'd his Majesty, and got a new Patent with Leave to appoint a Governour.

        Upon this new Grant they sent out Nine Ships, and plentiful Supplies of Men and Provisions; and made Three Joint Commissioners or Governours in equal Power, viz. Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, and Capt. Newport. They agreed to go all together in one Ship.

        This Ship, on Board of which the Three Governours had embarqued, being separated from the Rest, was put to great Distress in a severe Storm; and after Three Days and Nights constant Baling and Pumping, was at last cast Ashore at Bermudas, and there staved, but by good Providence the Company was preserved.

        Notwithstanding this Shipwreck, and Extremity they were put to, yet could not this common Misfortune make them agree. The Best of it was, they found Plenty of Provisions in that Island, and no Indians to annoy them: But still they quarrell'd


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amongst themselves, and none more than the Two Knights; who made their Parties, built each of them a Cedar Vessel, one call'd the Patience, the other the Deliverance, and used what they gather'd of the Furniture of the old Ship for Rigging, and Fish-Oil, and Hogs-Grease mix'd with Lime and Ashes instead of Pitch and Tar: For they found great Plenty of Spanish Hogs in this Island, which are supposed to have swam ashore from some Wrecks, and there afterwards increased.

        §. 21. While these Things were acting in Bermudas, Capt. Smith being very much burnt by the accidental Firing of some Gun-Powder, as he was upon a Discovery in his Boat, was forced for his Cure sake, and the Benefit of a Surgeon, to take his Passage for England in a Ship that was then upon the Point of Sailing.

        Several of the Nine Ships that came out with the Three Governours arrived, with many of the Passengers; some of which in their Humours wou'd not submit to the Government there, pretending the New Commission destroy'd the Old one; that Governours were appointed instead of a President, and that they themselves were to be of the Council; and so wou'd assume an independent Power, inspiring the People with Disobedience; by which Means they became frequently exposed in great Parties to the Cruelty of the Indians; all sorts of Discipline was laid aside, and their necessary Defence neglected; so that the Indians taking Advantage of those Divisions, form'd a Stratagem to destroy them Root and Branch, and indeed they did cut many of 'em off, by massacring whole Companies at a time; so that all the Out-Settlements were deserted, and the People that were not destroy'd took Refuge in James-Town, except the


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small Settlement at Kiquotan, where they had built themselves a little Fort, and call'd it Algernoon Fort: And yet, for all this, they continued their Disorders, wasting their old Provisions, and neglecting to gather others; so that they who remain'd alive were all near famish'd, having brought themselves to that Pass, that they durst not stir from their own Doors to gather the Fruits of the Earth, or the Crabs and Mussels from the Water-side: Much less to hunt or catch wild Beasts, Fish or Fowl, which were found in great Abundance there. They continued in these scanty Circumstances till they were at last reduced to such Extremity, as to eat the very Hides of their Horses, and the Bodies of the Indians they had killed; and sometimes also upon a Pinch they wou'd not disdain to dig them up again to make a homely Meal of after they had been buried. And that Time is to this Day remember'd by the Name of the Starving Time.

        Thus a few Months indiscreet Management brought such an Infamy upon the Country, that to this Day it cannot be wiped away: And the Sicknesses occasion'd by this bad Diet, or rather want of Diet are unjustly remember'd to the Disadvantage of the Country, as a Fault in the Climate; which was only the Foolishness and Indiscretion of those who assumed the Power of Governing. I call it assumed because the New Commission mention'd, by which they pretended to be of the Council, was not in all this time arrived, but remain'd in Bermudas with the new Governours.

        Here I can't but admire the Care, Labour, Courage and Understanding that Capt. John Smith show'd in the Time of his Administration; who not only founded, but also preserved all these Settlements in good Order, while he was amongst them. And without him, they had certainly all been destroy'd,


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either by Famine, or the Enemy long before; tho' the Country naturally afforded Subsistance enough, even without any other Labour than that of Gathering and Preserving its Spontaneous Provisions.

        For the first Three Years that Capt. Smith was with them, they never had in that whole Time above Six Months English Provisions. But as soon as he had left 'em to themselves, all went to Ruine; for the Indians had no longer any Fear for themselves, or Friendship for the English. And Six Months after this Gentleman's Departure, the 500 Men that he left were reduced to Threescore; and they too must of Necessity have starved, if their Relief had been with-held a Week longer.

        §. 22. In the mean time, the Three Governours put to Sea from Bermudas in their Two small Vessels, with their Company, to the Number of One Hundred and Fifty, and in Fourteen Days, viz. the 25th of May, 1610. they arrived both together in Virginia; and went with their Vessels up to James-Town, where they found the small Remainder of the Five Hundred Men, in that melancholy Way I just now hinted.

        §. 23. Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, and Capt. Newport, the Governours, were very compassionate of their Condition; and call'd a Council, wherein they inform'd them, that they had but Sixteen Days Provision Aboard; and therefore desired to know their Opinion, whether they would venture to Sea under such a Scarcity: Or if they resolved to continue in the Settlement, and take their Fortunes; they would stay likewise, and share the Provisions among them; but desired that their Determination might be speedy. They soon came


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to the Couclusion of returning for England: But because their Provisions were short, they resolved to go by the Banks of Newfoundland, in Hopes of meeting with some of the Fishermen, (this being now the Season) and dividing themselves among their Ships for the greater Certainty of Provision, and for their better Accommodation.

        According to this Resolution, they all went aboard, and fell down to Hog-Island the 9th of June at Night, and the next Morning to Mulberry-Island Point, which is Eighteen Miles below James-Town, and Thirty above the Mouth of the River; and there they spied a Long-Boat, which the Lord Delawar (who was just arrived with Three Ships) had sent before him up the River sounding the Channel. His Lordship was made sole Governour, and was accompanied by several Gentlemen of Condition. He caused all the Men to return again to James-Town; resettled them with Satisfaction, and staid with them till March following; and then being very sick, he return'd for England, leaving about Two Hundred in the Colony.

        §. 24. On the 10th of May, 1611, Sir Thomas Dale being then made Governour, arriv'd with Three Ships, which brought Supplies of Men, Cattle and Hogs. He found them growing again into the like Disorders as before, taking no Care to plant Corn, and wholly relying upon their Store, which then had but Three Months Provision in it. He therefore set them to work about Corn, and tho' it was the Middle of May before they began to prepare the Ground, yet they had an indifferent good Crop.

        §. 25. In August the same Year Sir Thomas Gates arriv'd at James-Town with Six Ships more, and with a plentiful Supply of Hogs, Cattle, Fowls,


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&c. with a good Quantity of Ammunition, and all other Things necessary for a new Colony, and besides this a Reinforcement of Three Hundred and Fifty chosen Men. In the Beginning of September he settled a new Town at Arrahattuck, about Fifty Miles above James-Town, Paling in the Neck above Two Miles from the Point, from one Reach of the River to the other. Here he built Forts and Centry-Boxes, and in Honour of Henry Prince of Wales, call'd it Henrico. And also run a Palissado on the other Side of the River at Coxendale, to secure their Hogs.

        §. 26. Anno 1612, Two Ships more arriv'd with Supplies: And Capt. Argall, who commanded one of them, being sent in her to Patowmeck to buy Corn, he there met with Pocahontas, the Excellent Daughter of Powhatan; and having prevail'd with her to come Aboard to a Treat, he detain'd her Prisoner, and carried her to James-Town, designing to make Peace with her Father by her Release: But on the Contrary, that Prince resented the Affront very highly; and although he loved his Daughter with all imaginable Tenderness, yet he would not be brought to Terms by that unhandsome Treachery; till about Two Years after a Marriage being proposed between Mr. John Rolfe, an English gentleman, and this Lady; which Powhatan taking to be a sincere Token of Friendship, he vouchsafed to consent to it, and to conclude a Peace.

        Intermarriage had been indeed the Method proposed very often by the Indians in the Beginning, urging it frequently as a certain Rule, that the English were not their Friends, if they refused it. And I can't but think it wou'd have been happy for that Country, had they embraced this Proposal: For, the Jealousie of the Indians, which I take to be the


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Cause of most of the Rapines and Murders they committed, wou'd by this Means have been altogether prevented, and consequently the Abundance of Blood that was shed on both sides wou'd have been saved; the great Extremities they were so often reduced to, by which so many died, wou'd not have happen'd; the Colony, instead of all these Losses of Men on both Sides, wou'd have been encreasing in Children to its Advantage; the Country wou'd have escaped the Odium which undeservedly fell upon it, by the Errors and Convulsions in the first Management; and, in all Likelihood, many, if not most, of the Indians would have been converted to Christianity by this kind Method; the Country would have been full of People, by the Preservation of the many Christians and Indians that fell in the Wars between them. Besides, there would have been a Continuance of all those Nations of Indians that are now dwindled away to nothing by their frequent Removals, or are fled to other Parts; not to mention the Invitation that so much Success and Prosperity would have been for others to have gone over and settled there, instead of the Frights and Terrors that were produced by all those Misfortunes that happen'd.

        §. 27. Pocahontas being thus married in the Year 1613, a firm Peace was concluded with her Father, tho' he would not trust himself at her Wedding. Both the English and Indians thought themselves intirely secure and quiet. This brought in the Chickahomony Indians also, tho' not out of any Kindness or Respect to the English, but out of Fear of being, by their Assistance, brought under Powhatan's absolute Subjection, who used now and then to threaten and tyrannize over them.


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        §. 28. Sir Thomas Dale returning for England Anno 1616. took with him Mr. Rolf and his Wife Pocahontas, who upon the Marriage, was Christen'd, and call'd Rebecka. He left Capt. George Yardly Deputy-Governour during his Absence, the Country being then intirely at Peace; and arriv'd at Plimouth the 12th of June.

        Capt. John Smith was at that Time in England, and hearing of the Arrival of Pocahontas at Portsmouth, used all the Means he could to express his Gratitude to her, as having formerly preserv'd his Life by the Hazard of her own: For, when by the Command of her Father, Capt. Smith's Head was upon the Block to have his Brains knock'd out, she saved his Head by laying her's close upon it. He was at that Time suddenly to imbark for New-England, and fearing he should sail before she got to London, he made an humble Petition to the Queen in her Behalf, which I here choose to give you in his own Words, because it will save me the Story at large.

        §. 29. Capt. Smith's PETITION to Her Majesty, in Behalf of Pocahontas, Daughter to the Indian Emperor Powhatan.

To the most High and Vertuous Princess, Queen ANNE, of Great Britain.

Most Admir'd Madam,

        THE Love I bear my God, my King and Country, hath so often embolden'd me in the worst of extream Dangers, that now Honesty doth constrain


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me to presume thus far beyond my self, to present your Majesty this short Discourse. If Ingratitude be a deadly Poison to all honest Vertues, I must be guilty of that Crime, if I should omit any Means to be thankful.

        So it was,

        That about Ten Years ago, being in Virginia, and taken Prisoner by the Power of Powhatan, their chief King, I receiv'd from this great Savage exceeding great Courtesie, especially from his Son Nantaquaus; the manliest, comliest, boldest Spirit I ever saw in a Savage; and his Sister Pocahontas, the King's most dear and well beloved Daughter, being but a Child of Twelve or Thirteen Years of Age, whose compassionate pitiful Heart of my desperate Estate gave me much Cause to respect her. I being the first Christian this proud King and his grim Attendants ever saw, and thus inthrall'd in their barbarous Power; I cannot say I felt the least Occasion of Want, that was in the Power of those my mortal Foes to prevent, notwithstanding all their Threats. After some Six Weeks Fatting amongst those Savage Courtiers, at the Minute of my Execution she hazarded the Beating out of her own Brains to save mine, and not only that, but so prevail'd with her Father, that I was safely conducted to James-Town, where I found about Eight and Thirty miserable, poor and sick Creatures to keep Possession for all those large Territories of Virginia. Such was the Weakness of this poor Commonwealth, as had not the Savages fed us, we directly had starv'd.


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        And this Relief, most Gracious Queen, was commonly brought us by this Lady Pocahontas, notwithstanding all these Passages, when unconstant Fortune turn'd our Peace to War, this tender Virgin would still not spare to dare to visit us; and by her our Jars have been oft appeased, and our Wants still supplied. Were it the Policy of her Father thus to employ her, or the Ordinance of God thus to make her His Instrument, or her extraordinary Affection to our Nation, I know not: But of this I am sure, when her Father, with the utmost of his Policy and Power, sought to surprize me, having but Eighteen with me, the dark Night could not affright her from coming through the irksome Woods, and, with water'd Eyes, give me Intelligence, with her best Advice to escape his Fury; which had he known, he had surely slain her.

        James-Town, with her wild Train, she as freely frequented as her Father's Habitation; and during the time of Two or Three Years, she, next under God, was still the Instrument to preserve this Colony from Death, Famine, and utter Confusion, which if, in those Times, had once been dissolv'd, Virginia might have lain, as it was at our first Arrival, till this Day. Since then, this Business having been turn'd and varied by many Accidents from what I left it, it is most certain, after a long and troublesome War, since my Departure, betwixt her Father and our Colony, all which Time she was not heard of, about Two Years after she herself was taken Prisoner, being so detain'd near Two Years longer, the Colony by that


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Means was reliev'd, Peace concluded, and at last, rejecting her barbarous Condition, she was married to an English Gentleman, with whom at this Present she is in England. The first Christian ever of that Nation: The first Virginian ever spake English, or had a Child in Marriage by an English Man. A Matter surely, if my Meaning be truly consider'd and well understood, worthy a Prince's Information.

        Thus, most Gracious Lady, I have related to your Majesty what at your best Leisure our approv'd Histories will recount to you at large, as done in the Time of your Majesty's Life: And, however this might be presented you from a more worthy Pen, it cannot from a more honest Heart.

        As yet I never begg'd any thing of the State, or any; and it is my want of Ability, and her exceeding Desert; your Birth, Means and Authority; her Birth, Vertue, Want and Simplicity, doth make me thus bold, humbly to beseech your Majesty to take this Knowledge of her, tho' it be from one so unworthy to be the Reporter as my self: Her Husband's Estate not being able to make her sit to attend your Majesty.

        The most and least I can do, is to tell you this, and the rather because of her being of so great a Spirit, however her Stature. If she should not be well receiv'd, seeing this Kingdom may rightly have a Kingdom by her Means; her present Love to us, and Christianity, might turn to such Scorn and Fury, as to divert all this Good to the worst of Evil: Where finding that so Great a Queen should do her more Honour than she can imagine,


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for having been kind to her Subjects and Servants, 'twou'd so ravish her with Content, as to endear her dearest Blood to effect that your Majesty and all the King's honest Subjects most earnestly desire. And so I humbly kiss your gracious Hands, &c.

(Sign'd) John Smith.

Dated June, 1616.

        §. 30. This Account was presented to her Majesty, and graciously received: But before Captain Smith sail'd for New-England, the Indian Princess arrived at London, and her Husband took Lodgings for her at Branford, to be a little out of the Smoak of the City, whither Capt. Smith, with some of her Friends, went to see her, and congratulate her Arrival, letting her know the Address he had made to the Queen in her Favour.

        Till this Lady arrived in England, she had all along been inform'd that Capt. Smith was dead, because he had been diverted from that Colony by making Settlements in the Second Plantation, now call'd New-England: For which Reason, when she see him, she seem'd to think herself much affronted, for that they had dared to impose so gross an Untruth upon her, and at first Sight of him turn'd away. It cost him a great deal of Intreaty, and some Hours Attendance, before she would do him the Honour to speak to him: But at last she was reconcil'd, and talk'd freely to him. She put him in mind of her former Kindnesses, and then upbraided him for his Forgetfulness of her, shewing by her Reproaches, that even a State of Nature teaches to abhor Ingratitude.


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        She had in her Retinue a Great Man of her own Nation, whose Name was Uttamaccomack: This Man had Orders from Powhatan, to count the People in England, and give him an Account of their Number. Now the Indians having no Letters among them, he at his going ashore provided a Stick, in which he was to make a Notch for every Man he see; but this Accomptant soon grew weary of that tedious Exercise, and threw his Stick away: And at his return, being asked by his King, How many People there were; He desired him to count the Stars in the Sky, the Leaves upon the Trees, and the Sand on the Sea-shore, for so many People (he said) were in England.

        §. 31. Pocahontas had many Honours done her by the Queen upon Account of Capt. Smith's Story; and being introduced by the Lady Delawarr, she was frequently admitted to wait on her Majesty, and was publickly treated as a Prince's Daughter; she was carried to many Plays, Balls, and other publick Entertainments, and very respectfully receiv'd by all the Ladies about the Court. Upon all which Occasions she behaved her self with so much Decency, and show'd so much Grandure in her Deportment, that she made good the brightest Part of the Character Capt. Smith had given of her. In the mean while she gain'd the good Opinion of every Body, so much that the poor Gentleman her Husband had like to have been call'd to an Account for presuming to marry a Princess Royal without the King's Consent; because it had been suggested that he had taken Advantage of her being a Prisoner, and forc'd her to marry him. But upon a more perfect Representation of the Matter, his Majesty was pleased at last to declare himself satisfied.


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        Every Body paid this young Lady all imaginable Respect; and it is supposed, she wou'd have sufficiently acknowledged those Favours, had she lived to return to her own Country, by bringing the Indians to have a kinder Disposition towards the English. But upon her Return she was unfortunately taken ill at Gravesend, and died in a few Days after, giving great Testimony all the Time she lay sick, of her being a very good Christian. She left Issue one Son, nam'd Thomas Rolfe, whose Posterity is at this Day in good Repute in Virginia.

        §. 32. Captain Yardly made but a very ill Governour, he let the Buildings and Forts go to Ruine; not regarding the Security of the People against the Indians, neglecting the Corn, and applying all Hands to plant Tobacco, which promised the most immediate Gain. In this Condition they were when Capt. Samuel Argall was sent thither Governour, Anno 1617. who found the Number of People reduc'd to something more than Four Hundred, of which not above Half were fit for Labour. In the mean while the Indians mixing among 'em, got Experience daily in Fire-Arms, and some of 'em were instructed therein by the English themselves, and employ'd to hunt and kill wild Fowl for them. So great was their Security upon this Marriage: But Governour Argall not liking those Methods, regulated them on his Arrival, and Capt. Yardly return'd to England.

        §. 33. Governour Argall made the Colony flourish and increase wonderfully, and kept them in great Plenty and Quiet. The next Year, viz. Anno 1618, the Lord Delawarr was sent over again with Two Hundred Men more for the Settlement, with other Necessaries suitable: But Sailing by the


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Western Islands, they met with contrary Winds, and great Sickness; so that about Thirty of them died, among which the Lord Delawarr was one. By which Means the Government there still continued in the Hands of Capt. Argall.

        §. 34. Powhatan died in April the same Year, leaving his Second Brother Itopatin in Possession of his Empire, a Prince far short of the Parts of Oppechancanough, who by some was said to be his Elder Brother, and then King of Chickahomony; but he having debauch'd them from the Allegiance of Powhatan, was disinherited by him. This Oppechancanough was a cunning and a brave Prince, who soon grasp'd all the Empire to himself: But at first they jointly renew'd the Peace with the English, upon the Accession of Itopatin to the Crown.

        §. 35. Governour Argall flourishing thus under the Blessings of Peace and Plenty, and having no Occasion of Fear or Disturbance from the Indians, sought new Occasions of incouraging the Plantation. To that End he intended a Coasting Voyage to the Northward, to view the Places where the English Ships had so often laded; and if he miss'd them, to reach the Fisheries on the Banks of Newfoundland, and so settle a Trade and Correspondence either with the One or the Other. In Accomplishing whereof, as he touch'd at Cape Codd, he was inform'd by the Indians, That some White People like him were come to inhabit to the Northward of them, upon the Coast of their Neighbouring Nations. Capt. Argall not having heard of any English Plantation that Way, was jealous that it might be (as it proved) the People of some other Nation. And being very zealous for the Honour and Benefit of England, he resolved to make Search according to the Information he had


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receiv'd, and see who they were. Accordingly he found the Settlemenr, and a Ship riding before it. This belong'd to some French Men, who had fortified themselves upon a small Mount on the North of New-England.

        §. 36. His unexpected Arrival so confounded the French, that they cou'd make no Preparation for Resistance on Board their Ship; which Captain Argall drew so close to, that with his small Arms he beat all the Men from the Deck, so that they cou'd not use their Guns, their Ship having only a single Deck. Among others, there were Two Jesuits on Board, one of which being more bold than wise, with all that Disadvantage, endeavour'd to fire one of their Cannon, and was shot dead for his Pains.

        Capt. Argall having taken the Ship, landed and went before the Fort, summoning it to surrender. The Garrison ask'd Time to advise: But that being denied them, they stole privately away, and fled into the Woods. Upon this Capt. Argall enter'd the Fort, and lodged there that Night; and the next Day the French came to him, and surrender'd themselves. It seems the King of France had granted them a Patent for this Settlement, but they gave it up to Capt. Argall to be cancell'd. He used them very well, and suffer'd such as had a Mind to return to France, to seek their Passage among the Ships of the Fishery: But obliged them to desert this Settlement. And those that were willing to go to Virginia, he took with him.

        §. 37. These People were under the Conduct of Two Jesuits, who upon taking a Pique against their Governour in Acadia, named Biencourt, had lately separated from a French Settlement at Port-Royal,


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lying in the Bay, upon the South-West Part of Acadia.

        §. 38. As Governour Argall was about to return to Virginia, Father Biard, the surviving Jesuit (out of Malice to Biencourt) told him of this French Settlement at Port-Royal, and offer'd to Pilot him to it; which Governour Argall readily accepted of. With the same Ease he took that Settlement also; where the French had sow'd and reap'd, built Barns, Mills, and other Conveniencies, which Capt. Argall did no Damage to: But unsettled them, and obliged them to make a Desertion from thence. He gave these the same Leave he had done the Others to dispose of themselves; some whereof return'd to France, and others went to settle upthe River of Canada. After this Governour Argall return'd satisfied with the Provision and Plunder he had got in those Two Settlements.

        §. 39. The Report of these Exploits soon reach'd England; and whether they were approved or no, being acted without particular Direction, I have not Iearn'd: But certain it is, that in April following there arrived a small Vessel, which did not stay for any Thing, but took on Board Governour Argall, and return'd for England. He left Captain Nathaniel Powell Deputy: And soon after Captain Yardly being Knighted, was sent Governour thither again.

        §. 40. Very great Supplies of Cattle and other Provisions were sent there that Year, and likewise 1000 or 1200 Men. They resettled all their old Plantations that had been deserted, made Additions to the Number of the Council, and call'd an Assembly of Burgesses from all Parts of the Country,


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which were to be elected by the People in their several Plantations.

        These Burgesses met the Governour and Council at James-Town in May, 1620, and sate in Consultation in the same House with them, as the Method of the Scots Parliament is, debating Matters for the Improvement and good Government of the Country

        This was the First General Assembly that ever was held there. I heartily wish, tho' they did not unite their Houses again, they wou'd however unite their Endeavours and Affections for the Good of the Country.

        §. 41. In August following a Dutch Man of War landed Twenty Negroes for Sale; which were the First of that kind that were carried into the Country.

        §. 42. This Year they bounded the Corporations, (as they call'd them:) But there does not remain among the Records any one Grant of these Corrations. There is enter'd a Testimony of Governour Argall, concerning the Bounds of the Corporation of James City, declaring his Knowledge thereof; and this is in one of the New transcribed Books of Records: But there is not to be found one Word of the Charter or Patent it self of this Corporation.

        Then also they apportion'd and laid out Lands in several Allotments, viz. to the Company in several Places, to the Governour, to a College, to Glebes, and to several particular Persons; many new Settlements were made in James and York Rivers. The People now knew their own Property, and having the Encouragement of Working for their own Advantage, many became very industrious, and began to vie one with another, in Planting, Building, and other Improvements. Two


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Gentlemen went over as Deputies to the Company, for the Management of their Lands, and those of the College. All Thoughts of Danger from the Indians were laid aside. Several great Gifts were made to the Church and College, and for the Bringing up Young Indians at School. Forms were made, and Rules appointed for granting Patents for Land, upon the Condition of importing Goods and Persons to supply and increase the Colony. And all there then began to think themselves the happiest People in the World.

        §. 43. Thus Virginia continued to flourish and increase, great Supplies continually arriving, and new Settlements being made all over the Country. A Salt-Work was set up at Cape Charles, on the Eastern Shore; and an Iron-Work at Falling-Creek, in James River, where they made Proof of good Iron Oar, and brought the whole Work so near Perfection, that they writ Word to the Company in London, that they did not doubt but to finish the Work, and have plentiful Provision of Iron for them by the next Easter. At that time the Fame of the Plenty and Riches in which the English lived there, was very great: And Sir George Yardly now had all the Appearance of making Amends for the Errors of his former Government. Nevertheless he let them run into the same Sleepyness and Security as before, neglecting all Thoughts of a necessary Defence, which laid the Foundation of the following Calamities.

        §. 44. But the Time of his Government being near expired, Sir Francis Wyat, then a young Man, had a Commission to succeed him. The People began to grow numerous, Thirteen Hundred settling there that Year; which was the Occasion of making so much Tobacco, as to overstock the Market,


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Wherefore his Majesty, out of Pity to the Country, sent his Commands, That they should not suffer their Planters to make above One Hundred Pounds of Tobacco per Man; for the Market was so low, that he cou'd not afford to give 'em above Three Shillings the Pound for it. He advised them rather to turn their spare Time towards providing Corn and Stock, and towards the Making of Potash, or other Manufactures.

        It was, October, 1621, that Sir Francis Wyat arrived Governour, and in November Capt. Newport arrived with Fifty Men imported at his own Charge, besides Passengers; and made a Plantation on Newport's News, naming it after himself. The Governour made a Review of all the Settlements, and suffer'd new Ones to be made even as far Patowmeck River. This ought to be observed of the Eastern Shore Indians, that they never gave the English any Trouble, but courted and befriended them from first to last. Perhaps the English, by the Time they came to settle those Parts, had consider'd how to rectifie their former Mismanagement, and learn'd better Methods of regulating their Trade with the Indians, and of treating them more kindly than at first.

        §. 45. Anno, 1622, Inferior Courts were first appointed by the General Assembly, under the Name of County Courts, for Tryal of Minute Causes; the Governour and Council still remaining Judges of the Supream Court of the Colony. In the mean time, by the great Increase of People, and the long Quiet they had enjoy'd among the Indians, since the Marriage of Pocahontas, and the Accession of Oppechancanough to the Imperial Crown; all Men were lull'd into a fatal Security, and became every where familiar with the Indians, Eating, Drinking and Sleeping amongst them; by which Means they


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became perfectly acquainted with all our English Strength, and the Use of our Arms: Knowing at all Times, when and where to find our People; whether at Home, or in the Woods; in Bodies, or disperst; in Condition of Defence, or indefencible. This Exposing of their Weekness gave them Occasion to think more contemptibly of them, than otherwise, perhaps, they would have done; for which Reason they became more peevish, and more hardy to attempt any thing against them.

        §. 46. Thus upon the Loss of one of their leading Men, (a War Captain, as they call him,) who was likewise supposed to be justly kill'd, Oppechaucanough took Affront, and in Revenge laid the Plot of a general Massacre of the English, to be executed on the 22d of March, 1622, a little before Noon, at a Time when our Men were all at Work abroad in their Plantations, disperst and unarm'd. This Hellish Contrivance was to take Effect upon all the several Settlements at one and the same Instant, except on the Eastern Shore, whither this Plot did not reach. The Indians had been made so familiar with the English, as to borrow their Boats and Canoes to cross the Rivers in, when they went to consult with their Neighbouring Indians upon this execrable Conspiracy. And, to colour their Design the better, they brought Presents of Deer, Turkies, Fish and Fruits to the English the Evening before. The very Morning of the Massacre, they came freely and unarm'd among them, eating with them, and behaving themselves with the same Freedom and Friendship as formerly, till the very Minute they were to put their Plot in Execution. Then they fell to Work all at once every where, knocking the English unawares on the Head, some with their Hatchets, which they call Tommahauks, others with the Hows and Axes of


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the English themselves, shooting at those who escap'd the Reach of their Hands; sparing neither Age nor Sex, but destroying Man, Woman and Child, according to their cruel Way of leaving none behind to bear Resentment. But whatever was not done by Surprize that Day, was left undone, and many that made early Resistance escaped.

        By the Account taken of the Christians murder'd that Morning, they were found to be Three Hundred Forty Seven, most of them falling by their own Instruments, and Working-Tools.

        §. 47. The Massacre had been much more general, had not this Plot been providentially discover'd to the English some Hours before the Execution. It happen'd thus:

        Two Indians that used to be employ'd by the English to hunt for them, happen'd to lie together, the Night before the Massacre, in an English Man's House, where one of them was employ'd. The Indian that was the Guest fell to perswading the other to rise and kill his Master, telling him, that he would do the same by his own the next Day. Whereupon he discover'd the whole Plot that was design'd to be executed on the Morrow. But the other, instead of entering into the Plot, and murdering his Master, got up (under Pretence of going to execute his Comrade's Advice) went into his Master's Chamber, and reveal'd to him the whole Story that he had been told. The Master hereupon arose, secur'd his own House, and before Day got to James-Town, which, together with such Plantations as cou'd receive Notice time enough, was saved by this Means; the rest, as they happen'd to be watchful in their Defence, also escaped: But such as were surpriz'd, were massacred. Captain Croshaw in his Vessel at Patowmeck, had Notice also given


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him by a young Indian, by which means he came off untouch'd.

        §. 48. The Occasion upon which Oppechancanough took Affront was this. The War Captain mention'd before to have been kill'd, was called Nemattanow. He was an active Indian, a great Warriour, and in much Esteem among them; so much, that they believed him to be invulnerable, and immortal, because he had been in very many Conflicts, and escaped untouch'd from them all. He was also a very cunning Fellow, and took great Pride in preserving and increasing this their Superstition concerning him, affecting every thing that was odd and prodigious to work upon their Admiration. For which Purpose he wou'd often dress himself up with Feathers after a fantastick Manner, and by much Use of that Ornament, obtain'd among the English the Nickname of Jack of the Feather.

        This Nemattanow coming to a private Settlement of one Morgan, who had several Toys which he had a mind to, perswaded him to go to Pamunky to dispose of them. He gave him Hopes what mighty Bargains he might meet with there, and kindly offer'd him his Assistance. At last Morgan yielded to his Perswasion: But was no more heard of; and it is believ'd, that Nemattanow kill'd him by the Way, and took away his Treasure. For within a few Days, this Nemattanow return'd to the same House with Morgan's Cap upon his Head; where he found Two sturdy Boys, who ask'd for their Master. He very frankly told them, he was dead. But they, knowing the Cap again, suspected the Villain had kill'd their Master, and wou'd have had him before a Justice of Peace: But he refused to go, and very insolently abused them. Whereupon they shot him


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down, and as they were carrying him to the Governour, he died.

        As he was dying, he earnestly press'd the Boys to promise him Two Things; First, That they wou'd not tell how he was kill'd; and, Secondly, That they wou'd bury him among the English. So great was the Pride of this vain Heathen, that he had no other Thoughts at his Death, but the Ambition of being esteem'd after he was dead, as he had endeavour'd to make them believe of him while he was alive, viz. That he was Invulnerable and Immortal; tho' his increasing Faintness convinc'd himself of the Falsity of both. He imagined that being buried among the English, perhaps, might conceal his Death from his own Nation, who might think him translated to some happier Country. Thus he pleased himself to the last Gasp with the Boys Promises to carry on the Delusion. This was reckon'd all the Provocation given to that haughty and revengeful Man Oppechancanough, to act this bloody Tragedy, and to take indefatigable Pains to engage in so horrid Villany all the Kings and Nations bordering upon the English Settlements, on the Western Shore of Chesepeak.

        §. 49. This gave the English a fair Pretence of endeavouring the total Extirpation of the Indians, but more-especially of Oppechancanough, and his Nation. Accordingly they set themselves about it, making use of the Roman Maxim, (Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks) to obtain their Ends. For, after some Months fruitless Pursuit of them, who cou'd too dexterously hide themselves in the Woods, the English pretended Articles of Peace, giving them all manner of fair Words and Promises of Oblivion. They design'd thereby (as their own Letters now on Record, and their own Actions thereupon,


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prove) to draw the Indians back, and intice them to plant their Corn on their Habitations nearest adjoining to the English; and then to cut it up when the Summer should be too far spent to leave them Hopes of another Crop that Year; by which Means they proposed to bring them to want Necessaries, and starve. And the English did so far accomplish their Ends, as to bring the Indians to plant their Corn at their usual Habitations, whereby they gain'd an Opportunity of repaying them some part of, the Debt in their own Coin; for they fell suddenly upon them, cut to Pieces such of them as could not make their Escape, and afterwards totally destroy'd their Corn.

        §. 50. Another Effect of the Massacre of the English, was the Reducing all their Settlements again to Six or Seven in Number, for their better Defence. Besides, it was such a Disheartening to some good Projects, then just advancing, that to this Day they have never been put in Execution, namely, the Glass-Houses in James-Town, and the Iron-Work at Falling-Creek, which has been already mention'd. The Massacre fell so hard upon this last Place, that no Soul was saved, but a Boy and a Girl, who, with great Difficulty, hid themselves.

        The Superintendant of this Iron-Work had also discover'd a Vein of Lead Oar, which he kept private, and made use of it to furnish all the Neighbours with Bullets and Shot. But he being cut off with the rest, and the Secret not having been communicated, this Lead Mine could never after be found; till Colonel Byrd, some few Years ago, prevail'd with an Indian, under Pretence of Hunting, to give him a Sign, by dropping his Tomahawk at the Place, (he not daring publickly to


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discover it, for fear of being murder'd.) The Sign was accordingly given, and the Company at that Time found several Pieces of good Lead Oar upon the Surface of the Ground, and mark'd the Trees thereabouts: Not withstanding which, I know not by what Witchcraft it happens, but no Mortal to this Day could ever find that Place again, tho' it be upon part of the Colonel's own Possessions. And so it rests, till Time and thicker Settlements discover it.

        §. 51. Thus the Company of Adventurers having, by those frequent Acts of Mismanagement, met with vast Losses and Misfortunes; Many grew sick of it, and parted with their Shares; and others came into their Places, and promoted the sending in fresh Recruits of Men and Goods. But the chief Design of all Parties concern'd was to fetch away the Treasure from thence, aiming more at sudden Gain, than to form any regular Colony, or establish a Settlement in such a Manner, as to make it a lasting Happiness to the Country.

        Several Gentlemen went over upon their particular Stocks, separate from that of the Company, with their own Servants and Goods, each designing to obtain Land from the Government, as Capt. Newport had done; or, at least, to obtain Patents according to the Regulation for granting Lands to Adventurers. Others sought their Grants of the Company in London, and obtain'd Authorities and Jurisdictions, as well as Land, distinct from the Authority of the Government, which was the Foundation of great Disorder, and the Occasion of their following Misfortunes. Among others, one Capt. Martin, having made very considerable Preparations towards a Settlement,


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obtain'd a suitable Grant of Land, and was made of the Council there. But he graspiug still at more, hanker'd after Dominion, as well as Possession, and caused so many Differences, that at last he put all Things into Distraction; insomuch, that the Indians, still seeking Revenge, took Advantage of these Dissentions, and fell foul again of the English, gratifying their Vengence with new Bloodshed.

        §. 52. The fatal Consequences of the Company's Male-Administration cried so loud, that King Charles the First, coming to the Crown of England, had a tender Concern for the poor People that had been betray'd thither, and lost. Upon which Consideration he dissolv'd the Company in the Year 1626, reducing the Country and Government into his own immediate Direction, appointing the Governour and Council himself, and ordering all Patents and Process to issue in his own Name; reserving only to himself an easie Quit-Rent of Two Shillings for every Hundred Acres of Land, and so pro rato.


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CHAP. IV.

        Containing the History of the Government from the Dissolution of the Company, to the Year 1704.

        §. 53. THE Country being thus taken into the King's Hands, his Majesty was pleased to establish the Constitution to be by a Governour, Council and Assembly, and to confirm the former Methods and Jurisdictions of the several Courts, as they had been appointed in the Year 1620, and placed the last Resort in the Assembly. He likewise confirm'd the Rules and Orders made by the first Assembly for apportioning the Land, and granting Patents to particular Adventurers.

        §. 54. This was a Constitution according to their Hearts Desire, and Things seem'd now to go on in a happy Course for Encouragement of the Colony. People flock'd over thither apace; every one took up Land by Patent to his Liking; and, not minding any thing but to be Masters of great Tracts of Land, they planted themselves separately on their several Plantations. Nor did they fear the Indians, but kept them at a greater Distance than formerly: And they for their Parts, seeing the English so sensibly increase in Number, were glad to keep their Distance, and be peaceable.

        This Liberty of taking up Land, and the Ambition each Man had of being Lord of a vast, tho' unimprov'd Territory, together with the Advantage of the many Rivers, which afford a commodious


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Road for Shipping at every Man's Door, has made the Country fall into such an unhappy Settlement and Course of Trade; that to this Day they have not any one Place of Cohabitation among them, that may reasonably bear the Name of a Town.

        §. 55. The Constitution being thus firmly established, and continuing its Course regularly for some time, People began to lay aside all Fears of any future Misfortune. Several Gentlemen of Condition went over with their whole Families; some for bettering their Estates; others for Religion, and other Reasons best known to themselves. Among those, the Noble Cæcilius Calvert, Lord Baltemore, a Roman Catholick, thought for the more quiet Exercise of his Religion to retire, with his Family, into that new World. For this Purpose he went to Virginia, to try how he liked the Place: But the People there look'd upon him with an evil Eye, on Account of his Religion, for which alone he sought this Retreat; and by their ill Treatment discouraged him from settling in that Country.

        §. 56. Upon that Provocation, his Lordship resolv'd upon a further Adventure. And finding Land enough up the Bay of Chesapeak, which was likewise bless'd with many brave Rivers, and as yet altogether uninhabited by the English; he began to think of making a new Plantation of his own. And for his more certain Direction in obtaining a Grant of it, he undertook a Journey Northward, to discover the Land up the Bay, and observe what might most conveniently square with his Intent.

        His Lordship finding all Things in this Discovery according to his Wish, return'd to England. And because the Virginia Settlements at that Time reached no further than the South Side of