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The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles: With the Names of the Adventurers, Planters, and Governours from Their First Beginning, Ano: 1584. To This Present 1624. With the Procedings of Those Severall Colonies and the Accidents That Befell Them in All Their Journyes and Discoveries. Also the Maps and Descriptions of All Those Countryes, Their Commodities, People, Government, Customes, and Religion Yet Knowne. Divided into Sixe Bookes. By Captaine Iohn Smith, Sometymes Governour in Those Countryes & Admirall of New England:
Electronic Edition.

Smith, John, 1580-1631.


Funding from the University of North Carolina Library supported the electronic publication of this title.


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University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
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(title page) The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles: With the Names of the Adventurers, Planters, and Governours from Their First Beginning, Ano: 1584. To This Present 1624. With the Procedings of Those Severall Colonies and the Accidents That Befell Them in All Their Journyes and Discoveries. Also the Maps and Descriptions of All Those Countryes, Their Commodities, People, Government, Customes, and Religion Yet Knowne. Divided into Sixe Bookes. By Captaine Iohn Smith, Sometymes Governour in Those Countryes & Admirall of New England
Captaine Iohn Smith
[i]-[xiii], 1-248 p., ill.
London
Printed by I.D. and I.H. for Michael Sparkes
1624

Call number C-3 S652GH (Special Collections Library, Duke University)



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Illustration

[Title Page Image]


THE
GENERALL HISTORIE
OF
Virginia, New-England, and the Summer
Isles: with the names of the Adventurers,
Planters, and Governours from their
first beginning Ano: 1584. to this
present 1624.
WITH THE PROCEDINGS OF THOSE SEVERALL COLONIES
and the Accidents that befell them in all their
Journyes and Discoveries.
Also the Maps and Descriptions of all those
Countryes, their Commodities, people,
Government, Customes, and Religion
yet knowne.
DIVIDED INTO SIXE BOOKES.
By Captaine IOHN SMITH sometymes Governour
in those Countryes & Admirall
of New England

LONDON
Printed by I.D. and I.H. for Michael Sparkes
1624


Page [ii]

TO
THE ILLVSTRIOVS
AND MOST NOBLE
PRINCESSE, the Lady FRANCIS,
Duchesse of RICHMOND
and LENOX.

        MAy it please your Grace,

        This History, as for the raritie and varietie of the subiect, so much more for the judicious Eyes it is like to vndergoe, and most of all for that great Name, whereof it dareth implore Protection, might and ought to haue beene clad in better robes then my rude military hand can cut out in Paper Ornaments. But because, of the most things therein, I am no Compiler by hear-say, but haue beene a reall Actor; I take my selfe to haue a propertie in them: and therefore haue beene bold to challenge them to come vnder the reach of my owne rough Pen. That, which hath beene indured and passed through with hardship and danger, is thereby sweetned to the Actor, when he becometh the Relator. I haue deeply hazarded my selfe in doing and suffering, and why should I sticke to hazard my reputation in Recording? He that acteth two parts is the more borne withall if he come short, or fayle in one of them. Where shall we looke to finde a Iulius Cæsar, whose atchieuments shine as cleare in his owne Commentaries, as they did in the field? I confesse, my hand, though able to weild a weapon among the Barbarous, yet well may tremble


Page [iii]

in handling a Pen among so many Iudicious: especially when I am so bold as to call so piercing, and so glorious an Eye, as your Grace, to view these poore ragged lines.

        Yet my comfort is, that heretofore honorable and vertuous Ladies, and comparable but amongst themselues, haue offred me rescue and protection in my greatest dangers: even in forraine parts, I haue felt reliefe from that sex. The beauteous Lady Tragabigzanda, when I was a slaue to the Turkes, did all she could to secure me. When I overcame the Bashaw of Nalbrits in Tartaria, the charitable Lady Callamata supplyed my necessities. In the vtmost of many extremities, that blessed Pokahontas, the great Kings daughter of Virginia, oft saved my life. When I escaped the crueltie of Pirats and most furious stormes, a long time alone in a small Boat at Sea, and driven ashore in France, the good Lady Madam Chanoyes, bountifully assisted me.

        And so verily these my adventures haue tasted the same influence from your Gratious hand, which hath given birth to the publication of this Narration. If therefore your Grace shall daigne to cast your eye on this poore Booke, view I pray you rather your owne Bountie (without which it had dyed in the wombe) then my imperfections, which haue no helpe but the shrine of your glorious Name to be sheltered from censorious condemnation. Vouchsafe some glimpse of your honorable aspect, to accept these my labours; to protect them vnder the shadow of your excellent Name: which will inable them to be presented to the Kings royall Maiestie, the most admired Prince Charles, and the Queene of Bohemia: your sweet Recommendations will make it the worthier of their good countenances. And as all my endevours are their due tribute: so this Page shall record to posteritie, that my service shall be to pray to God, that you may still continue the renowned of your sexe, the most honored of men, and the highly blessed of God.

Your Graces faithfull
and devoted servant,

IOHN SMITH.


Page [iv]

¶ A Preface of foure Poynts.

So I ever rest yours to command,

IOHN SMITH.


Page [v]

A Gentleman desirous to be vnknowne, yet a
great Benefactor to Virginia, his loue to the Author,
the Company, and History.


                       STay, reade, behold, skill, courage, knowledge, Arts;
                       Wonder of Nature: Mirror of our Clime.
                       Mars, Vulcan, Neptune striue to haue their parts,
                       Rare Ornaments, rich honours of our time.


                       From far fetcht Indies, and Virginia's soyle,
                       Here Smith is come to shew his Art and skill:
                       He was the Smith that hammered famins foyle,
                       And on Powhatan's Emperour had his will.


                       Though first Colũbus, Indies true Christofer;
                       Cabots, braue Florida, much admirer;
                       Meta Incognita, rare Martin Frobisher;
                       Gilberts braue Humphery, Neptunes deuourer;


                       Captaine Amadis, Raleighs discouerer;
                       Sir Richard Grenvill, Zealands braue coaster:
                       Drake, doomes, drowne, death, Spaines scorner;
                       Gosnolds Relates, Pring prime observer.


                       Though these be gone, and left behinde a name,
                       Yet Smith is here to Anvile out a peece
                       To after Ages, and eternall Fame,
                       That we may haue the golden Iasons fleece.


                       He Vulcan like did forge a true Plantation,
                       And chain'd their Kings, to his immortall glory;
                       Restoring peace and plentie to the Nation,
                       Regaining honour to this worthy Story.


                       By him the Infidels had due correction,
                       He blew the bellowes still of peace and plentie:
                       He made the Indians bow vnto subiection,
                       And Planters ne're return'd to Albion empty.


                       The Colonies pin'd, staru'd, staring, bones so feeble,
                       By his braue proiects, proued strong againe:
                       The Souldiers 'lowance he did seeke to treble,
                       And made the Salvage in vncouth place remaine.


                       He left the Countrey in prosperous happie state,
                       And plenty stood with peace at each mans doore:
                       Regarding not the Salvage loue nor hate:
                       Thẽselues grew well, the Indiās wondrous poore.


                       This there he did and now is home return'd,
                       To shew vs all that never thither goe:
                       That in his heart, he deepely oft hath mourn'd,
                       Because the Action goeth on so slow.


                       Braue, graue, Wise, Rich, prize Benefactors,
                       Replant, want, continue still good Actors.


                       Be kinde, and finde, bring eyes to blind;
                       By Gods great might, giue Indians light.


                       Spend money, Bloud, to doe that good,
                       That may giue Indians heav'nly food.


                       And God no lesse, you still shall blesse;
                       Both you and yours the Lands possesse.

S. M.


                       See here behold as in a Glasse,
                       All that is, or is and was.

T. T. 1624.


Page [vi]

Samuel Purchas of his friend Captaine
Iohn Smith, and his Virginia.


                       LOe here SMITHS Forge, where Forgery's Roague-branded,
                       True Pegasus is shoo'd, fetters are forged
                       For Silke-sotts, Milk-sops, base Sloth, farre hence landed,
                       (Soile-chang'd,*Soule-soil'd still) Englands dregs, discharged,
                       To plant (supplant!) Virginia, home-disgorged:
                       Where vertues praise frames good men Stories armour
                       'Gainst Time, Achilles-like, with best Arts charged;
                       Pallas, all-arm'd, all-learn'd, can teach Sword-Grammer,
                       Can Pens of Pikes; Armes t'Arts; to Scholar, Souldier, hammer:

        *Cœlum non animum mutant


                       Can Pilgrim make a Maker; all so well
                       Hath taught Smith scoure my rustie out-worne Muse,
                       And so coniur'd her in Virginian Cell,
                       That things vnlearned long by want of vse,
                       Shee fresh areeds me read, without abuse
                       By fabling. Arthurs great Acts little made
                       By greater lies she saith; seales Faith excuse
                       aT'Island, Groonland, Estotiland to wade
                       After lie-legends; Malgo, Brandon, are Wares braide.

        a These are said a thousad yeares agoe to haue beene in the North parts of America.


                       The Fryer of Linneb frights her with his black Art;
                       Nor Brittish Bards can tell where Madocc planted.
                       Cabots, Thorns, Elyots truth haue wonne her heart,
                       Eldest discov'rers of New Worlds Cont'nent (granted
                       So had iust Fates.) Colon and Vespuce panted;
                       This got the named, last, least of Three; the Other
                       New Worlds Isles found first: Cabot is most chanted
                       In Three-Mens-song; did more New World discover
                       Then both, then any; an hundred degrees coasted over.

        b He is said to discover the Pole 1360.

        c Madoc ap Owon Planted some remote Westernparts. 1170.

        d America named of Americus Vesputius, which discovered les then Colon or SirSebastian Cabot, and the Continent later. Colõ first found the Isles 1492. the Continent 1498. Aboue a yeare after Cabot had don it. He was set forth by Henry 7 and after by Hen. 8. Knighted, and made grand Pilot of Englãd by Ed. 6 Vnder whõ he procured the sending of Sir Hugh Willoughby, & discovery of Greenland and Russia: having by himself discovered on America frõ 67 North lat. to neere 40 South.


                       Haile Sir Sebastian, Englands Northern Pole,
                       Virginia's finder; Virgin Eliza nam'd it,
                       Gaue't Raleigh. (Rut, Prat, Hore, I not enrole)
                       Amadas rites to English right first fram'd it.
                       Lane planted, return'd, nor had English tam'd it:
                       Greenviles and Whites men all slaine; New Plantation
                       IAMES founds, Sloth confounds, feare, pride, faction sham'd it:
                       Smiths Forge mends all, makes chaines for Savage Nation,
                       Frees, feeds the rest; the rest reade in his Bookes Relation.


Page [vii]

Thomas Macarnesse to his worthy friend
and Countryman, Captaine Iohn Smith.


                       VV Ho loues to liue at home, yet looke abroad,
                       And know both passen and vnpassen road,
                       The prime Plantation of an vnknowne shore,
                       The men, the manners, fruitfulnesse, and store:
                       Read but this little Booke, and then confesse,
                       The lesse thou lik'st and lou'st, thou liu'st the lesse.


                       He writ it with great labour, for thy good,
                       Twice over, now in paper, 'fore in blood;
                       It cost him deare, both paines, without an ayme
                       Of private profit, for thy publicke gaine,
                       That thou mightst read and know and safely see,
                       What he by practice, thou by Theoree.


                       Commend him for his loyall loving heart,
                       Or else come mend him, and take thou his part.

To his friend Captaine Iohn Smith, and his Worke.


                       I Know not how Desert more great can rise,
                       Then out of Danger t'ane for good mens Good;
                       Nor who doth better winne th'Olympian prize,
                       Than he whose Countryes Honor stirres his bloud;
                       Private respects haue private expectation,
                       Publicke designes, should publish reputation.


                       This Gentleman whose Volumne heere is stoard
                       With strange discoverie of GODS strangest Creatures,
                       Giues vs full view, how he hath Sayl'd, and Oar'd,
                       And Marcht, full many myles, whose rough defeatures,
                       Hath beene as bold, as puissant, vp to binde
                       Their barbarous strength's, to follow him dog-linde.


                       But wit, nor valour, now adayes payes scores
                       For estimation; all goes now by wealth,
                       Or friends; tush! thrust the beggar out of dores
                       That is not Purse-lyn'd; those which liue by stealth
                       Shall haue their haunts; no matter what's the guest
                       In many places; monies well come best.


                       But those who well discerne, esteeme not so:
                       Nor I of thee braue Smith, that hast beat out
                       Thy Iron thus; though I but little know
                       To what t'hast seene; yet I in this am stout:
                       My thoughts, maps to my minde some accidents,
                       That makes mee see thy greater presidents.

Io: Done.


Page [viii]

To my worthy friend Captaine Iohn Smith.


                       HOw great a part of knowledge had wee lost,
                       Both of Virginia and the Summer Isles,
                       Had not thy carefull diligence and cost
                       Inform'd vs thus, with thy industrious stile!
                       Like Cæsar now thou writ'st what thou hast done,
                       These acts, this Booke will liue while ther's a Sunne.

Edw: Worseley.

To his much respected Friend Captaine Iohn Smith.


                       ENvie avant. For Smith, whose Anvill was Experience,
                       Could take his heat, knew how and when to Strike,
                       Wrought well this Peece; till After-negligence
                       Mistaking temper, Cold, or Scorch'd; or like
                       Vnskilfull workmen, that can never Fyle
                       Nor Pollish it, that takes in Forge such toyle:
                       Heere Noble Smith, thou shewest the Temper true,
                       Which other Tampring-Tempres never knew.

Ro: Norton.

To his loving friend Captaine Iohn Smith.


                       VVHere actions speake the praises of a man,
                       There, Pennes that use to flatter silent be,
                       Or if they speake, it is to scorne or scanne;
                       For such with vertue seldome doe agree.


                       When I looke backe on all thy labours past,
                       Thy travels, perils, losses oft sustaind
                       By Sea and Land; and (which is worst and last)
                       Neglect or small reward, so dearely gaind.


                       I doe admire thy still vndanted spirit;
                       vnwearied yet to worke thy Countries good.
                       This be thy praise then, due vnto thy merit;
                       For it th'hast venter'd life; and lost thy blood.

        
1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.
Truth, travayle, and Neglect, pure, painefull, most vnkinde,
1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.
Doth proue, consume, dismay, the soule, the corps, the minde.

Edw: Ingham.

To my deare friend by true Vertue ennobled Captaine Iohn Smith.


                       MOre then enough I cannot thee commend:
                       Whose both abilities and Loue doe tend
                       So to advance the good of that Estate,
                       By English charge, and Planters propagate
                       Through heapes of painfull hazards; in the first
                       Of which, that Colony thy Care hath nurst.
                       And often that effected but with ten
                       That after thee, and now, three hundred men


Page [ix]


                       Haue faild in, 'mong the Salvages; who shake
                       At bruit of Thee, as Spaine at Name of Drake.
                       Which well appeares; considering the while
                       Thou governedst, nor force of theirs, ne guile
                       Lessend a man of thine; but since (I rue)
                       In Brittish blood they deeply did imbrue
                       Their Heathen hands. And (truth to say) we see,
                       Our selues wee lost, vntimely leaving Thee.
                       Nor yet perceiue I any got betweene
                       Thee and thy merit; which hath better beene
                       In prayse; or profit much; if counted iust;
                       Free from the Weales abuse, or wronged trust.
                       Some few particulars perhaps haue sped;
                       But wherein hath the Publicke prospered?
                       Or is there more of those Vast Countries knowne,
                       Then by thy Labours and Relations showne
                       First, best? And shall wee loue Thee now the lesse?
                       Farre be it! fit condignely to expresse
                       Thankes, by new Charge, or recompence; by whom,
                       Such past good hath, such future good may come.

David Wiffin.

Noble Captaine Smith, my worthy Friend


                       NOt like the Age wherein thou liu'st, to lie
                       Buried in basenesse, sloth, or Ribaldrie
                       (For most doe thus) hast thou thy selfe applide;
                       But, in faire Actions, Merits height descride:
                       Which (like foure Theaters to set thee forth)
                       The worlds foure Quarters testifie thy worth.
                       The last whereof (America) best showes
                       Thy paines, and prayse; and what to thee shee owes,
                       (Although thy Sommer shone on th'Elder Three,
                       In as great Deeds as great varietie)
                       For opening to Her Selfe Her Selfe, in Two*
                       Of Her large Members; Now Ours, to our view.
                       Thereby endearing vs to thy desart,
                       That doubly dost them to our hands impart;
                       There by thy Worke, Heere by thy Workes; By each
                       Maist thou Fames lasting Wreath (for guerdon) reach.
                       And so become, in after Times t'ensue,
                       A President for others, So to doe.

        * Virginia novv inhabited, and New-England.

William Grent.

To his worthily affected Friend, Captaine Iohn Smith.


                       AMongst so many that by learned skill,
                       Haue given iust prayse to thee, and to thy Booke,
                       Deare friend receiue this pledge of my good will,
                       Whereon, if thou with acceptation looke,
                       And thinke it worthie, ranke amongst the rest:
                       Vse thy discretion, I haue done my best.

Aνωνυμoς. [Anonymous.]


Page [x]

The Contents of the generall History, divided into six Books.

The first Booke.

        1170
        1488
        1492

        THE first voyage to the new World, by Madock Prince of Wales. The next by Hanno Prince of Carthage, and how it was offred K. Hen. 7. by Chr. Cullumbus, that vndertooke it for the Spanyards. 1492.

        1497
        1576
        1583
        1584

        How Iohn Cabot was imployed by King Hen. the 7. and found the Continent before Cullumbus. Also Sir Martin Frobisher, and Sir Humphrey Gilbert ranged towards the North. And how Captaine Amidas was sent to discover the coast of Florida by Sir Water Raleigh and his associates. And the Country Wingandacoa was called Virginia by Queene Elizabeth. Page 1-4.

        1585

        Sir Richard Greenvill sent thither with 108. he left for a plantation. The discovery of the Rivers Chawonok and Moraroc. The trechery of their King, who with eight more were slaine, and they all returned to England againe the same yeare with Sir Francis Drake. pag. 5-9.

        The Observations of Master Heriot. Of their commodities, victuall, fruits, beasts, fishes, and foules. Their Religion, and beliefe of God, of the Creation of the world, and man; the immortalitie of the soule; the subtiltie of their Priests; the peoples simplicitie, and desire of salvation; and other Accidents. pag. 9-12.

        1586

        Sir Rich: Greenvill sent to supply them. Not finding them, left fiftie. Their successe. page 13.

        1587

        Master White sent to relieue them, found they were all slaine, yet left 115. more, and departed.

        1589

         Returning the second time, he could not heare of them; his Observations and Accidents. pag. 14-16.

        1602

         A discovery by Captaine Gosnoll of Elizabeths Isles; his Observations, Relations, and returne. pag. 17. 18.

        1603

         The voyage of Captaine Pring to the same Coast.

        1605

         The discovery of Captaine Waymouth; his Observations, Relations, and returne. pag. 18-20.

        A Map of the old Virginia, with the figures of the Salvages.

The second Booke.

Of Virginia now planted, discovered by Captaine SMITH.

        1606

         THe Latitude, Temperature, and Capes; a description of Chisapeack Bay, and seaven navigable Rivers that fall into it, with their severall Inhabitants, and diversitie of Language. pag. 21-25.

        Of things growing Naturally, as woods, fruits, gummes, berries, herbs roots; also of beasts, birds, and fishes; how they divide the yeare, prepare their ground, plant their corne, and vse it, and other victuall. pag. 25-29.

        What commodities may be had by industry. The description of the people, their numbers, constitutions, dispositions, attyre, buildings, lodgings and gardens, their vsage of children, striking of fire making their Bowes and Arrowes, knives, swords, targets, and boats: how they spinne, make fish-hooks, and ginnes, and their order of hunting. Consultations and order in Warres. pag. 29-33.

        Their musicke, entertainment, trade, Physicke, Chirurgery and Charmes. Their Religion, God, burials ordinary and extraordinary, Temples, Priests, Ornaments, solemnities, Coniurations, Altars, sacrifices, black boyes, and resurrection. pag. 34-36.

        The manner of their government, their Emperor; his attendants, watch, treasury, wiues, successors & authority: tenure of their lands, and manner of punishment, with some words of their Language Englished. pag. 37-40.

        And a Mappe of the Countrey of Virginia now planted.

The third Booke.

Of the Accidents and Proceedings of the English.

        1606

         THeir orders of government, Accidents in going, first landing and government setled. pag. 41. 42.

        1607

         The Salvages assault the Fort, the ships returne, their names were left, occasion of sicknes, plenty vnexpected, the building of Iames Towne, the beginning of Trade, two proiects to abandon the Country. pag. 43-46.

        Their first attempts vpon the Salvages. Captaine Smith taken prisoner; their order


Page [xi]

of Triumph, and how he should haue beene executed, was preserved, saved Iames towne from being surprised, how they Coniured him. Powhatan entertained him, would haue slaine him; how Pocahontas his daughter saved him, and sent him to Iames Towne. The third plot to abandon the Countrey suppressed. pag. 47-49.

        Their first Supply and Accidents. The Salvages opinion of our God. Captaine Smith revisits Powhatan; Iames Towne burnt; A conceited gold mine; A needlesse charge; Captaine Newports returne for England. pag. 50-53.

        1608

         Iames Towne rebuilt, with a Church and Store-house; The Salvages plot to murther all the English; their insolencies suppressed. Different opinions among the Councell. p. 53.

        Their names landed in this Supply. p. 54 [55].

        The discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack. Their fight and conference with the Kuskarawaoks; Ambuscadoes prevented in the river Patawomek; A mine like Antimony. pag. 55-58.

        How to deale with the Salvages. Smith neare killed with a Stingray. With many other Accidents in the discovery. A needlesse misery at Iames towne redressed. pag. 58-59.

        The second Voyage to discover the Bay. Their Incounter with the Massawomekes and Tockwhoghs; the Sasquesahanoughs offer subiectiõ to the English. The exceeding loue of the Salvage Mosco. Their fight with the Rapahanocks; their fight with the Manahokes. The King of Hassaninga's brother taken prisoner; his relation of those mountainers; peace concluded with all those Nations. pag. 59-64.

        The discovery of the river Payankatank; their fight with the Nandsamunds, & Chisapeacks; their returne to Iames town. p. 65.

        The Presidency surrendred to Cap. Smith. The second Supply by Captaine Newport, many Presents sent from England to Powhatan, his scorne, Consultations; factions suppressed; Cap. Smith visiteth Powhatan; Pocahontas entertaines him with a Maske; the Coronation of Powhatan, and Conditions. pag. 68.

        The discovery of the Monacans; a punishment for swearing; the Chickahamanians forced to Contribution; the abuses of the Mariners; Master Scriveners voyage to Werowocomoco pag. 68-70.

        Captaine Smiths Relation to England of the estate of the Colony: the names of them arrived in this Supply. pag. 71. 72.

        Nandsamund forced to Contribution. The first Marriage in Virginia. Apamatuck discovered. pag. 73.

        Captaine Smiths iourney to Pamavnkee, The discovery of the Chawwonocks. Smiths discourse to Powhatan; His reply and flattery; and his discourse of Peace and Warre. Powhatans plot to murther Smith, discovered by his daughter Pocahontas. pag. 77.

        Their escape at Pamavnkee. The Dutch-men deceiue Captaine Winne, and arme the Salvages; sixteene English beset by seven hundred Salvages, Smith takes their King Opechankanough prisoner; the Salvages excuse & reconcilement. p. 77.-80.

        Master Scrivener and others drowned; Master Wiffins desperate iourney to Pamavnkee; Powhatan constraines his men again to be trecherous; he is forced to fraught their Ship; Smith poysoned; the Dutch-mens trechery. pag. 80-82.

        The Dutch-mens plot to murther Smith. He taketh the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and others; they become all subiect to the English. pag. 84.

        A Salvage smoothered, yet recovered; three or foure Salvages slaine in drying stelne powder. Great extremity occasioned by ratts; Bread made of dryed Sturgeon; the punishment for loyterers; the discovery of the Mangoags. Captaine Argals first arrivall; the inconveniences in a Plantation. p. 84-89.

        1609

         The government altered; the arrivall of the third Supply; mutinies; Nandsamund planted; breach of peace with the Salvages; Powhatans chiefe seat bought for Copper; Mutinies. pag. 90. 91.

        Captaine Smith blowne vp with Gun-powder; a bloudy intent; the causes why he left the Country and his Commission; his returne for England; the ends of the Dutch-men. Certaine Verses of seaven Gentlemen. p. 95.

The fourth Booke.

With their Proceedings after the alteration of the Government.

         HOw the mutiners proceeded; the Salvages revolt; the planting point Comfort.


Page [xii]

Them at Nandsamund, and the Fals, defeated by the Salvages. Captaine Ratliff, with thirtie slaine by Powharan. The fruits of improvidence.

        1610

         The arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates. Iames Towne abandoned. The arrivall of the Lord La Warre; their actions, and both their returnes, pag. 105-108.

        1611

        The government left to Captaine Percie; & his proceedings. The arrivall of Sir Thomas Dale, and his actions. pag. 109—110.

        1612

         The second arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates; the building Henerico, and the Bermudas; how Captaine Argall tooke Pocahontas prisoner. Dales voyage to Pamavnkee.

        1613

         The marriage of Pocahontas to Master Rolfe. Articles of Peace with the Salvages. p. 110.-114.

        1614

         The government left to Sir Thomas Dale, Captaine Argals voyage to port Royall. Master Hamers to Powhatan; and their Accidents. pag. 115. 116.

        1615

        The manner of the Lottery. A Spanish Shippe in Virginia. Dale with Pocahontas comes for England.

        1616

        Capt. Yerley left Deputy Governour; his warres and peace with the Chickahamanians, and proceedings, pag. 117-121.

        1617
        1618

        A relation to Queene Anne of the quality & conditiõ of Pocahontas; how the Queen entertained her; Capt. Argall sent governor; the death of Powhatan; ten English slaine; Argals accidents and proceedings. The Lord de la Warre sent againe governour; his death. A relation of their present estates. Haile-stones 8. inches about. pag. 121-125.

        1619

        Sir George Yerley sent governor; Waraskoyack planted. A parliament in Virginia; foure Corporations appointed; the adventures of Cap. Ward; the number of ships and men sent this yeare; gifts given; Patents granted. pag. 125-127.

        1620

         A desperate Sea fight by Captaine Chester with two Spanish men of warre; the names of the Adventures. pag. 128-138.

        1621

         Notes and observations. A relation of their estates by Master Stockham. The arrivall of Sir Francis Wyat with nine ships. Master Gockings plantation; and their accidents; the number of ships and men sent this yeare; gifts given, Patents granted p. 139-141. Master Pories tourneyes to Pawtuxunt, and other places, with his accidents pag. 141.-143.

        1622
        1623

         Capt. Each sent to build Forts and Barks. The cause and manner of the Massacre; the numbers slaine; the providence of Cap. Nuse; Cap. Chroshaw his voyage to Patowomek. pag. 143-151.

        Capt. Smiths offer to the Company to suppresse the Salvages. Their answer; the manner of the Sallery; Chroshaw stayes at Parawomek; the escape of Waters and his wife. Cap. Hamar goes to Patawomek; Chroshaws plot for all their preservations. Capt. Madison sent to Patawomek. Cap. Powell kils three Salvages. Sir George Yerleys iourney to Acomack. The misery of Captaine Nuse. The kindness of the King of Patawomek; a vile policy of a Salvage; Madisons mischiefe vnto the Patawomeks. It was not well don to make Opechankanough drinke healths. 300. surpriseth Nandsamund and Pamavnkee. The opinion of Cap. Smith how to subiect the Salvages. The arriuall of Cap. Butler in Virginia, and other Accidents. pag. 152-61.

        1624

        The losse of Cap. Spilman and 26. men. A particular of such necessaries as are fit for private persons or families. pag. 161. 162. A briefe relation by Cap. Smith to his Maiesties Commissioners, for the reformation of Virginia. The 7 questions the right Worthie Commissioners demanded, and his answers; how the King hath pleased to take it into his consideration. pag. 163-168.

        At this present two ships are going; more a preparing; new Commissions sent.

        A Proclamation, no Tobacco be vsed in Englãd, but what shall come from Virginia, or the Somer Isles; quere the Proclamation.

The fift Booke.

        1593

         A Mappe of the Somer Isles and Fortresses. The description of the Isles, the fruits, fishes, soyle, ayre, beasts, birds, with the relation of the shipwrack of Henry May. pag. 169-173.

        1609
        1610
        1611

         The shipwrack of Sir Tho: Gates, and Sir George Somers; their accidents, deliverãce and arrivall in Virginia. Somers returne to the Isles; his death, and Epitaph, the accidents hapned; three men lived there alone two yeares. pag. 174-177.

        1612
        1613
        1614

         Master More sent to make a plantation. A peece of Amber Greece found of 80. pound


Page [xiii]

weight; much dissension; Mores industrie in fortifying and waighing Ordnance out of the wracks. Their first Supply; a strange increase of Potatoes. The attempt of 2 Spanish ships; a great mortality; a strange being of Ravens; a new Supply, with their Accidents, and Moores returne. pag. 177-180.

        1615

         The rent of the six governours; a wonderfull accident of Hilliard, not much lesse then a miracle, pag. 181. 182.

        1616
        1617
        1618

         The government of Ca. Tuckar; Assises; the strange adventure of 5 men in a boat; plants from the West Indies; the endevours of Cap. Powell; Assises. The Country neer devoured with ratts; their strange confusion. The divisions of the Isles into Tribes, and Tribes into shares, by Mr. Norwood; the names of the adventurers, and their shares. p. 182-189.

        The first Magazine; two exployts of desperate fugitiues. The returne of Cap. Tuckar. Cap Kendall left deputy-governor, & their Accidents. pag. 189-191.

        1619
        1620
        1621

         The government of Cap. Butler; A platforme burnt, and much hurt by a Hericano. The refortifying the Kings Castle. The arrivall of two Dutch Frigots. The rebuilding the Mount, and a Tombe for Sir George Somers. The reformation of their lawes and officers. Their Assises. A Parliament. Their acts; their opinion of the Magazin. The building three Bridges. The generall Assises; A strange deliverance of a Spanish wracke. A strange Sodomy; many Ordnances got from wracks. Their estates present. p. 191-199.

        1622
        1623

         Master Barnard sent to be governour; his arrivall, death, and funerall, with the proceedings of Mr. Harrison his successor, & Cap. Woodhouse their governor. pag. 200-201.

        1624

         Certaine Verses of Master Withers, and other Gentlemen.

The sixt Booke.

        1614

        A Mappe of New-England. How this Country hath bin accounted but a miserable Desert. Captain Smiths first voyage; what peace and warres he had with the Salvages, and within 6. moneths returned with 1500 l. worths of commodities; got Prince Charles to call it New-England. A Table of the old names and the new. pag. 203-205. Cap. Hobsons voyage to Capan; the Londoners apprehend it. The situation: notes for ignorant vndertakers. The description of the Country. Staple Commodities; present proofe of the healthfulnesse of the clime. Observations of the Hollanders chiefe trade. p. 209. Examples of the altitude comparatiuely; the reasons why to plant it. An example of the gaines every yeare; a description of 15. severall Countries in particular. Of their Kings, rivers, harbors, Isles, mountains, landmarks, fruits, woods, birds, fishes, beasts, & c. and how as well Gentlemen, as mecanicks, may be imployed, & get much wealth, with the reasons and causes of the defaylements. p. 206-221 [210-221].

        1615
        1616

         Cap. Smiths second voyage; his ship neere foundered in the Sea; He reimbarketh himselfe; incountreth the English Pyrats; fought with the French Pyrates; is betrayed by 4. French men of warre; how he was released; his men ran from him with ship and all; how he lived with the French men; what fights they had, what prizes they tooke; the French mens ingratitude. 13 sayle cast away: how he escaped, proceeded in France, returned for England, and punished them ran from him. pag. 222-227.

        1617
        1618
        1619

         The yearely trialls of New-England; the benefit of fishing, as Mr. Dee, and divers report, and approoved by the Hollanders Records; how it becomes so well apprehended, that more then 150. haue gone thither to fish, with an estimate of their gaines, with many observations and Accidents. pag. 228-230.

        1620
        1621
        1622

         A Plantation in New-England; their first landing; divers iourneys & accidents; the description of the harbors, bayes, lakes, and that place they inhabit, called New-Plimouth; conference with the Salvages; and kinde vsage of the King of the Massasoyts; a strange policie of Tusquantum. pag. 230-234. The Salvages make warres for their friendships; the English revenge their friends iniuries. Notes and observations. They lived two yeares without Supplyes; the death of Tusquantum; they contriue to murther the English; how the English did cure a King sicke to death; two most desperate Salvages; the courage of Cap. Standish; the Salvages sue for peace. pag. 235-239.

        1623

         A most remarkable observation of Gods loue. 40 sayle fished there this yeare; the religion of the Salvages; the government; an answer to obiections; considerations; the charge; the order of the Westernmen. p. 140-142 [240-242].

        The effects of shipping; the Popes order for the East and West Indies How to build a little navy royall; contention for New-Englãd. The necessitie of martiall power. p. 243-244.

        1624

         The charge to set forth a ship of a 100. tuns, both to make a fishing voyage, & increase the plantation. The facilitie of the fishing lately observed. Their present estate at New - Plimouth, and order of government.

        Its not his part that is the best Translator, To render word for word to every Author.


Page 1

HOW
ANCIENT AVTHORS
REPORT, THE NEVV-VVORLD,
Now called America, was discovered: and part
thereof first Planted by the ENGLISH, called
VIRGINIA, with the Accidents and
Proceedings of the same.

The first Booke.

        FOR the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand yeares agoe they were in the North of America; or the Fryer of Linn that by his blacke Art went to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in that I know them not. Let this suffice.

        1170.

        The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, sonne to Owen Quineth, Prince of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared certaine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke aduentures by Sea: leauing Ireland North he sayled west till he came to a Land vnknowne. Returning home and relating what pleasant and fruitfull Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground his brethren and kindred did murther one another, he provided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to liue in quietnesse, that arriued with him in this new Land in the yeare 1170: Left many of his people there and returned for more. But where this place was no History can show.

        1492.

        The Spanyards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: and the next Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesian, whom they sent to discover those vnknowne parts. 1492.

        1497.

        But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his seruice in the yeare 1488. to King Henry the seauenth; and by accident vndertooke it for the Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gaue a Commission to Iohn Cabot, and his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sautius. Iohn and Sebastian well provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this vnknowne world, in the yeare 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498. ere he saw the Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus came a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more then them all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the lyne, and to sixty-seauen towards the North: for which King Henry the eight Knighted him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward the sixt gaue him a Pention of 1661.13s.4d. yearely. By his directions Sir Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.

        1576.

        Mr Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most gracious Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Metaincognita: for which he was Knighted, honored, and well rewarded.

        1583.

        Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire: but with this Proviso, He should


Page 2

maintaine possession in some of those vast Countries within the tearme of sixe yeares. Yet when he was provided with a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even here at home they fell in diuisions, and so into confusion, that they gaue over the Designe ere it was begun, not with standing all this losse, his vndanted spirit began againe, but his Fleet fell with New-foundland, and he perished in his returne, as at large you may read in the third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Mr Hackluit.

        Vpon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, vndertooke to send to discover to the Southward. And though his occasions and other imployments were such he could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her Maiesties Letters Pattents, and perswaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to finde a place fit for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth.

        1584.

        The most famous, renowned, and euer worthy of all memory, for her courage, learning, iudgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new Lands & Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty got to be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Mr William Sanderson a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers other Gentlemen and Marchants, who with all speede prouided two small Barkes well furnished with all necessaries, vnder the command of Captaine Philip Amidas and Captaine Barlow. The 27. of Aprill they set sayle from the Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the tenth of Iune the West Indies: which vnneedfull Southerly course, (but then no better was knowne) occasioned them in that season much sicknesse.

        Their arrivall.
        Abundance of Grapes.

        The second of Iuly they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule water, where they felt a most dilicate sweete smell, though they saw no land, which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: an hundred and twenty myles they sayled not finding any harbor. The first that appeared, with much difficulty they entred, and anchored, and after thankes to God they went to view the next Land adioyning to take possession of it for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie: which done, they found their first landing place very sandy and low, but so full of grapes that the very surge of the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which they found such plenty in all places, both on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines as well on euery little shrub, as also climbing towardes the tops of high Cedars, that they did thinke in the world were not the like abundance.

        The Ile of Wokokon.
        In Lybanus are not many.
        Conference with a Salvage.

        We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not high: from whence we might see the Sea on both sides, and found it an Ile of twentie myles in length, and six in breadth, the vallyes replenished with goodly tall Cedars. Discharging our Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes, the most white, arose by vs, with such a cry as if an Army of men had shouted altogether. This Ile hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and Foule in incredible abundance, and vsing the Authors owne phrase, the Woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren and fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, bettering them of the Aslores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent smell and qualitie. Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to whom wee rowed, and he attended vs without any signe of feare; after he had spoke much though we vnderstood not a word, of his owne accord he came boldly aboord vs, we gaue him a shirt, a hat, wine and meate, which he liked well, and after he had well viewed the barkes and vs, he went away in his owne Boat, and within a quarter of a myle of vs in halfe an houre, had loaden his Boat with fish, with which he came againe to the poynt of land, and there devided it in two parts, poynting one part to the Ship, the other to the Pinnace, and so departed.


Page 3

        The Arriuall of the Kings brother.

        The next day came diuers Boats, and in one of them the Kings Brother, with forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behauiour very ciuill; his name was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa. Leauing his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne to the poynt: where spreading a Matte he sat downe. Though we came to him well armed, he made signes to vs to sit downe without any shew of feare, stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his loue. After he had made a long speech vnto vs, we presented him with diuers toyes, which he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none of them did sit, not speake a word, but foure, on whom we bestowed presents also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things did belong to him.

        The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortall enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet recouered: whereby he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes iourney from thence.

        Trade with the Salvages.

        A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo taking most liking to a Pewter dish, made a hole in it, hung it about his necke for a brest-plate: for which he gaue vs twenty Deere skins, worth twenty Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes. Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate and drinke with vs very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and children, they were but of meane stature, but well fauoured and very bashfull; she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece of the same, about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her husband, in her eares were bracelets of pearle, hanging downe to her middle, of the bignesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants of Copper, and the Noblemen fiue or sixe in an eare; his apparrell as his wiues, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one; they are of colour yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children that had very fayre Chesnut coloured hayre.

        Notes

        After that these women had beene here with vs, there came downe from all parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and diuers kinde of dyes, but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himselfe, and them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When euer he came, he would signifie by so many fires he came with so many boats, that we might know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt in the forme of a trough with gins and fire, till it be as they would haue it. For an armour he would haue ingaged vs a bagge of pearle, but we refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where it grew. He was very iust of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his day to keepe his word. He sent vs commonly euery day a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Pease, and diuers rootes. This Author sayth, their corne groweth three times in fiue moneths; in May they sow, in Iuly reape; in Iune they sow, in August reape; in Iuly sow, in August reape. We put some of our Pease in the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high.

        The Ile Roanoak.
        The great courtesie of a Woman.

        The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, whole some, and fruitfull of all other, there are about 14. seuerall sorts of sweete swelling tymber trees: the most parts of the vnderwood, Bayes and such like: such Okes as we, but far greater and better. After this acquaintance, my selfe with seauen more went twenty myle into the Riuer Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie Skicoack, and the euening following we came to an Ile called Roanoak, from the harbour where we entred 7. leagues; at the North end was 9. houses, builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the entrance like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, the wife of Granganameo came running out to meete vs, (her husband was absent) commanding her people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes, other she appoynted to carry vs on their backes aland, others to bring our Ores into the house for


Page 4

stealing. When we came into the other roome, (for there was fiue in the house) she caused vs to sit downe by a great fire; after tooke off our clothes and washed them, of some our stockings, and some our feete in warme water, and she her selfe tooke much paines to see all things well ordered, and to provide vs victuall.

        A banquet.
        Skicoac a great towne.

        After we had thus dryed our selues, she brought vs into an Inner roome, where she set on the bord standing a long the house somewhat like frumentie, sodden venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes and fruites of diuers kindes. There drinke is commonly water boyled with Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but whilest the Grape lasteth they drinke wine, More loue she could not expresse to entertaine vs; they care but onely to defend themselues from the short winter, and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould vs vncredible things. When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst vs with their Bowes and Arrowes, which caused vs to take our armes in hand. She perceiuing our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and they beaten out of the gate: but the euening approaching we returned to our boate, whereat she much grieuing brought our supper halfe boyled, pots and all, but when she saw vs, but put our boat a little off from the shoar and lye at Anchor, perceiuing our Ielousie, she sent diuers men & 30. women to sit al night on the shoare side against vs, and sent vs fiue Mats to couer vs from the raine, doing all she could to perswade vs to her house. Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not aduenture: for on our safety depended the voyage: but a more kinde louing people cannot be. Beyond this Ile is the maine land and the great riuer Occam, on which standeth a Towne called Pomeieck, and six dayes higher, their City Skicoak: those people neuer saw it, but say there fathers affirme it to be aboue two houres iourney about. Into this riuer falleth an other called Cipo, where is found many Mustells where in are Pearles: likewise another Riuer called Nomapona, on the one side where of standeth a great towne called Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subiect to Wingandacoa. Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in league each with other. Towards the south. 4. dayes iourney is Sequotan, the southermost part of Wingandacoa.

        Pomonik.
        How the Country was called Virginia.

        Adioyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomonik, belonging to the King called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok vpon the great riuer Neus. These haue mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: notwithstanding there is a mortall malice in the Secotans, because this Pieneacum invited diuers men, and 30. women to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before their Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the Deuill, they sudainly slew all the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their vse. Beyond Roanoak are many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many Townes a long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye 200. myles in length, and betweene them and the mayne, a great long sea, in some places. 20. 40. or 50. my les broad, in other more, somewhere lesse. And in this sea are 100. Iles of diuers bignesses, but to get into it, you haue but 3. passages and they very dangerous. Though this you see for most part be but the relations of Saluages, because it is the first, I thought it not a misse to remember them as they are written by them that returned & ariued in England about the middest of September the same yeare. This discouery was so welcome into England that it pleased her Maiestie to call this Country of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to vnderstand how it was planted, disolued, reuned, and enlarged,

        The Performers of this voyage were these following.

    Captaines

  • Philip Amadas.
  • Arthur Berlow.

    Of the Companie.

  • William Grenuill.
  • Iohn Wood.
  • Iames Browewich.
  • Henry Greene.
  • Beniamen Wood.
  • Simen Ferdinando.
  • Nicholas Peryman.
  • Iohn Hewes.


Page 5

Sir Richard Grenuills voyage to Virginia, for
Sir Walter Raleigh. 1585.

        Sir Richard Grenvils, voyage.
        1585.

        THe 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish Master Iohn Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent, Master Heryot and Master Iohn Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, passing by many Iles. Vpon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and were put in great danger vpon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon, where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundell went to the mayne, with Manteo a saluage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualed for 8. dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a siluer Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon. Whence we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganimeo, King Wingina's brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for Weapomeiok, & Master Iohn Arundell for England. Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he ariued at Plimouth the 18. of September. 1585.

        

These were left vnder the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the Country, but they returned within a yeare.

Philip Amidas Admirall. Master Kendall. Master Antony Russe.
Master Thomas Heryot. Master Gardiner. Master Allen.
Master Acton. Master Predeox. Master Michaell Pollison.
Master Stafford. Master Rogers. Master Thomas Bockner.
Master Thomas Luddington. Master Haruy. Master Iamesmason.
Master Maruyn. Master Snelling. Master Dauid Salter.
Cap. Vaghan.   Master Iames Skinner.

        With diuers others to the number of 108.

        Their first Plantation.

        Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding from the 17 of August 1585. till the 18. of Iune 1586. we made Roanoack our habitation. The vtmost of our discouery Southward was Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoacke. The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the maine, being without kenning of land, yet full of flats and shoulds that our Pinnasse could not passe, & we had but one boat with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their prouisions for 7. dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those discoueries till a stronger supply. To the Northward; our farthest was to a Towne of the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for pleasantnest of seate, for temporature of climate, fertility of soyle and comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is not to be, excelled by any other whatsoeuer.

        There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks, Trypaniks and opposians, which came to visit vs.

        Chawonoack.

        To the northwest our farthest was Chawonack from Roanoack, 130. myles our


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passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell Nauigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.

        Chawonock 700. men.

        The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the riuer and iurisdiction of Chawoneck, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne field, it is subiect to Chawonock, which is the greatest Prouince vpon the riuer, and the Towne it selfe can put seuen hundred men into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath more vnderstanding then all the rest.

        Menatonon his Relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a rich Mine, & the Sea by it.

        The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into the sound of Weapomesok, and where there is but a very small currant in Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this riuer, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it & is thirtie or fortie dayes Iourney to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. When I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Iourney in a Canow vp the riuer Chawonock, then landing & going foure dayes Iourney Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an Iland in a Bay inuironed with deepe water, where he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished there with. This king was at Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he reserued them; he promised me guides to him, but aduised me to goe strong, for he was vnwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolued to haue sent a small Barke to the Northward to haue found it, whilest I with small Boates and 200. men would haue gone to the head of the riuer Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe euery two dayes, where I would leaue Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this Bay.

        Very neare vnto it is the riuer of Moratoc, directly from the West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats ouer it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries and fortie persons to haue Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more victuall from the Saluages, we as narrowly escaped staruing in that Discouery as euer men did.

        Pemissapan his trechery.
        The discouery of the riuer Moratoc.
        A noble resolution.

        For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina vpon the death of his brother Granganameo, had giuen both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three thousand to assault me at Roanok, vrging me daily to goe against them, and them against vs; a great assembly I found at my comming thether, which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of them: & this confederacy against vs was procured by Pemissapan himselfe our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the Mangoaks, I came to inuade them, that they all fled vp into the high Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and prouision, I found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my iourney 160. myles from home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse winds, stormes, and the Saluages trechery, though we intended no hurt to any: I gaue my Company to vnderstand we were onely drawne forth vpon these vaine hopes by the Saluages to bring vs to confusion: a Councell we held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolued but three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would not leaue the search of that riuer; for they had two Mastiue Dogs, which boy led with Saxefras leaues (if the worst fell


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out) vpon them and the pottage they would liue two dayes, which would bring them to the sound, where they should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.

        The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan.

        Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a prouince called Chaunis Temoatan, frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a riuer that falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, couered with leather, leauing a part open to receiue the mettall, which by the change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe, and haue the Bowlefull, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and doth yeeld in fiue parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks haue such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but neuer at Chaunis Temoatan, for he sayd that was twentie dayes iourney overland from the Mangoaks.

        The great currant of the river Moratoc.

        Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guids to this mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes iourney, but seauen by water, which made me so willing to haue met them for some assay of this mettall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely we might see where had beene their fires. After our two dayes iourney, and our victuals spent, in the euening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was with me in the boat; this made vs glad, he made them a friendly answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told vs they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the boat, but did not hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the riuer, that cost vs foure dayes rowing vp, and here our dogs pottage stood vs in good stead, for we had nothing els: the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but their wires afforded vs fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God brought vs to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any. Master Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the riuer Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes iourney to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c.

The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discouery of it; and our
returne for England with Sir Francis Drake.

        The Conspiracy of Pemissapan.
        The death of a most rare Salvage.

        ENsenore a Saluage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoueries, could not prevaile any thing with the King from destroying vs, that all this time God had preferued, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly vnto vs. Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last iourney we were flaine and starued, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend vs, so that old Ensenore had no more credit for vs: for he began by all the deuises he could to inuade vs. But in the beginning of this brute, when they saw vs all returne, the report false,


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and had Manteo, and three Saluages more with vs, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings sonne prisoner with vs to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his deuises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe them more hurt being dead, then liuing, and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe seruant to the Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subiection, and would performe it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that vpon the aduise of Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made vs wires, and planted their fields they intended to abandon (we not hauing one corne till the next haruest to sustuine vs). This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise his deuises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by vs, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from vs. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seuen or eight hundred (and the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and prouision: the rest come out of the mayne vpon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that couered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Mr Heriots, and the rest: for all should haue beene fired at an instant. In the meane time they should fell vs nothing, and in the night spoyle our wires, to make nenessitie disperse vs. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not meddle with vs. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Mr Predeox with ten to Hatarask vpon the same occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to liue vpon rootes and Oysters.

        A slaughter of two Salvages.
        Pemissapan slaine and 8. others.

        Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his proiects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as well vsed by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolued the next day to goe visit him, but first to giue them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke the Alarum before I ment it. For when I sent to take the Canows, he met one going from the shore, ouerthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; wherevpon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceiued: for they kept as good watch over vs, as we of them. Vpon this they to their Bowes, and we to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to complaine Osocon would haue stole my prisoner Skito. Here vpon he did abide my comming, & being among eight of the principallest, I gaue the watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed


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for vs. Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently start vp and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.

        A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake.

        Seauen dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious seruice committed to him.) He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: and vpon good consultation and deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an hundred men, and foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like to haue driuen the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lately giuen me was one, with all my prouision and Company appoynted.

        Not with standing, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of 170. tuns, with all prouisions as before, to carry me into England the next August, or when I had performed such Discoueries as I thought fit. Yet they durst not vndertake to bring her into the harbour, but she must ride in the road, leauing the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer.

        Virginia abandoned.

        Herevpon calling my Company together, who were all as priuy of the Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to vrge him, we might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his enemies. So with prayses to God we set sayle in Iune 1586. and arriued in Portsmouth the 27. of Iuly the same yeare: Leaving this remembrance to posteritie,


                       To reason lend me thine attentiue eares, Exempt thy selfe from mind-distracting cares:
                        Least that's here thus proiected for thy good; By thee reiected be, ere vnderstood.


Written by Mr Ralph Layne, Governour.

The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.

For Marchandize and Victualls.

        Cõmodities.

        WHat before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Mr Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may be vsefull; because I haue writ it before for the most part in the Discourse of Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, Wormesilke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata, Tar, Rosen, & Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that hold Silver, Coprose and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble you with one thing twice.

Dyes.

        Dyes.

        For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called Chapacor, and the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are for divers sorts of Reds.

        A strange Salt.

        What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden, described like an Orange, growing foure foote high; the seede will make good broth, and the


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stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt they know not, and we vsed of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.

        Rootes.

        Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and bring forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far vnlike, which will climbe vp to the top of the highest tree: the vse knowne is to cut it in small peeces, then stampe & straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to eate. Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft vse for bread and broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: and their Leekes like those in England.

        Fruits thats strange.

        Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.

        Beasts extraordinary.

        Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres, that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I haue the names of 28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12. kindes we haue discouered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes kill a Lyon and eate him.

        Fish.

        There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18.20.or 24. ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wiues, Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops, Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we haue the Pictures of 12. sorts more, but their names we know not.

        Foules.

        Turkyes, Stockdoues, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots, Faulcons, Merlins. I haue the names in their language of 86. severall sorts. Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo, a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras.

Their Natures and Manners.

        Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite: which at large you may reade in the Description thereof. But the relation of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.

        Their Religion.
        How the world was made.

        Some Religion they haue, which although it be farre from the truth, yet being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeue there are many gods which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, made first other gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be vsed in the Creation and government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more principall. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible.

        How man was made.

        For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods conceiued and brought forth children; and so they had their beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne.

        How they vse their gods.

        They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: one alone is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort thinke them also gods.

        Whether they goe after death.

        They beleeue the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried vp to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happpinesse, or to Popogusse, a great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world, where the Sunne sets, and there burne continually.

        Two men risen from death.

        To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and revived


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againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the earth over him being seene to moue, was taken vp, who told them his soule was very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saued him and gaue him leaue to returne againe, to teach his friends what they should doe to avoyd such torment. The other hapned the same yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from vs, which they told me for news, that one being dead, buried, & taken vp as the first, shewed, that although his body had layne dead in the graue, yet his soule liued, and had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came to most braue and fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who gaue him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good there was to doe, to inioy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had done hee should come againe.

        The subtiltie of their Priests.

        What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that they haue great respect to their Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enjoy blisse. Yet they haue divers sorts of punishments according to the offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gaue such credit, but through conversing with vs, they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne more then we had meanes for want of vtterance in their Language to expresse.

        Their simplicitie.

        Most things they saw with vs as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea Compasses; the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspectiue Glasses, burning Glasses: Clocks to goe of themselues; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught vs how to make them, which loued vs so much better then them; & caused many of them giue credit to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any such vertue as I thought they did conceiue. Notwithstanding many would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts, and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.

        Their desire of salvation.

        The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with vs at Prayer. Twice he was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending vs and our God, sent for some of vs to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might liue with him after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange Accident (leauing others) will I mention before I end, which mooued the whole Country that either knew or heard of vs, to haue vs in wonderfull admiration.

        A wonderfull Accident.

        There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against vs (we leaving it vnpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but where they had vsed some practise to betray vs. And this disease was so strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they knowne the like time out of minde; a thing specially observed by vs, as also by themselues, in so much that some of them who were our friends, especially Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or fiue Townes, that they were perswaded it was the worke of God through our meanes: and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would, without weapons, and not come


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neare them. And therevpon, when they had any vnderstanding, that any of their enemies abused vs in our Iourneyes, they would intreat vs, we would be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with vs, might dye in like sort: although we shewed them their requests were vngodly; and that our GOD would not subiect himselfe to any such requests of men, but all things as he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew our selues his true servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect fell out so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it came to passe by our meanes, and would come giue vs thankes in their manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds we had fulfilled their desires.

        Their strange opinions.

        This marueilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of vs, that they could not tell whether to thinke vs gods or men. And the rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many yeares past, & risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places. Those that were to come after vs they imagined to be in the ayre, yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for loue of vs, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them.

        To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the disease, would make the simple people beleeue, that the strings of bloud they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our selues from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had offended vs, as we lifted, how farre distant soever. And others said it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare before our Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appeare but a few dayes before the sicknesse began: but to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit to present or alledge. These their opinions I haue set downe, that you may see there is hope to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and loue vs, by good dealing and government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselues too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, vpon causes that on our part might haue bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they iustly had deserued it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianitie.

        Palling.

        Thus you may see, How


                       Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments,
                       That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments;
                       Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race,
                       But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace;
                       That divers wayes and divers workes, the world might better grace.

Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.

How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieue them.

        1586.

        IN the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things necessary: but before


Page 13

they set sayle from England it was Easter. And arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the Collony vp in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision againe to England.

        Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men.

        About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with three ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there seated, and left by him as is said 1585 travailing vp and downe to seeke them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation abandoned, vnwilling to lose the possession of the Country, after good deliberation he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for England.

        Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him; which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.


                       Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles vntaught,
                        Himselfe shall iudged be vnwise, and good for naught.


Three Ships more sent to relieue them by Mr. White.

        Master White his Voyages.
        1587.

        WE went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we fayled not much to haue beene cast away, vpon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to Hatorask the 22. of Iuly, and with fortie of our best men, intending at Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the houses vnhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which much perplexed vs.

        One of the Councell slaine.

        By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred the old houses at Roanock, and Master George How, one of the Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends dwelled there: of whom we thought to haue some newes of our 50 men. They at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token giuen to be knowne by, least we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet lame.

        How the fiftie men were slaine.

        The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would accept our friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Governours to Roanoak, to confirme it. We also vnderstood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, that the fiftie men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set vpon by three hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First they intruded themselues among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to hand were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both sides more were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their boat, & ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they tooke vp foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while, but after departed they


Page 14

knew not whether. So taking our leaues of the Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.

        The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeick, Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our men from Raonoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards vs as a most faithfull English man) he set forward.

        An ill misprision.
        A child borne in Virginia.

        The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to haue beene fully revenged, but we were deceiued, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they vnderstood our enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them for the birds. But they had like to haue payd too deare for it, had we not chanced vpon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest vnspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her childe, and the rest with vs to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieued Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise to come to the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August our Salvage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his faithfulnesse. And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called Virginia.

        A controversie who to send for Factor to England.

        Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the shore, that made vs doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best men were on shore. At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as Factor for them all to England; for all refused saue one, whom all men thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they would haue the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would so truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he vndertooke it, and had it vnder all their hands how vnwilling he was, but that necessity and reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England, waighing Anchor, twelue of the men in the fly boat were throwne from the Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but 15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and Coruos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the fly boats men grew so weake they were driuen to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at last arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.

The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,

        
Iohn White Governour. Christopher Couper. Dionis Haruie.
Roger Bayley. Thomas Stevens. Roger Prat.
Ananias Dare. Iohn Samson. George How.
Simon Ferdinando. Thomas Smith. Antony Cage.

        With divers others to the number of about 115.


Page 15

The fift Voyage to Virginia; vndertaken by
Mr. Iohn White. 1589.

        1589. Master White his returne to Virginia.
        Captaine Spicer and seauen others drowned.
        They finde where they had buryed their provisions.

        THe 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had done some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low sandy Iles westward of Wokokon, But by reason of ill weather it was the 11, ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a great breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the Ile. The 15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees & a terse, at 4. fadom, 3 leagues from shore: where we might perceiue a smoake at the place where I left the Colony, 1587. The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer, & their companies, with two boats left our ships, and discharged some Ordnance to giue them notice of our comming, but when we came there, we found no man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately: and so returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at Northeast, which caused so great a current and a breach vpon the barre; Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner, their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, where some let goe their hold to wade to shore, but the sea beat them downe. The boat thus tossed vp and downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were drowne; but 4. that could swim a little, kept themselues in deeper water, were saued by the meanes of Captaine Cook, that presently vpon the oversetting of their boat, shipped himselfe to saue what he could. Thus of eleuen, seuen of the chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the Planters, but by their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselues againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we heare. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went vp and downe the Ile, and at last found three faire Romane Letters carved. C.R.O. which presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find them, according to a secret note betweene them & me: which was to write the name of the place they would be in, vpon some tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene in any distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my departure they intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we found no signe of distresse; then we went to a place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found them all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carued in fayre capitall Letters CROATAN, without any signe of distresse, and many barres of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shor, and such like heauie things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We went by the shore to feeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of the Ordnance I left them. At last some of the Sailers found divers Chists had beene hidden and digged vp againe, and much of the goods spoyled, and scattered vp and downe, which when I saw, I knew three of them to be my owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled. Though it much grieued me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they were at Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to haue bin cast away by a great storme that continued all that night.


Page 16

        The end of this Plantation.

        The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the Anchor a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes where of we lost another: letting fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we sayled not much there to haue split. But God bringing vs into deeper water; considering we had but one Anchor, and our provision neare spent, were solued to goe forthwith to S. Iohns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selues and seeke for purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to secke our Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly for England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after, the wind changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles to refresh our selues, where we met with many of the Queenes ships our owne consort, and divers others, the 23. of Seeptember 1590. And thus we left seeking our Colony, that was neuer any of them found, nor seene to this day 1622. And this was the conclusion of this Plantation, after so much time, labour, and charge consumed. Whereby we see;


                       Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene,
                       That God doth offer and confer his blessings vpon men.


Written by Master Iohn White.

A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and
some others towards the North part of Virginia; and what els
they discovered in the yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew
Gosnoll, and Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert; and divers
other Gentlemen their Associates.

        1602.
        12. yeares it lay dead.

        ALL hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from 1590. till this yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32. and himselfe in a small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth vpon the 26. of March. Though the wind favoured vs not at the first, but forced vs as far Southward as the Asores, which was not much out of our way; we ran directly west from thence, whereby we made our iourney shorter then heretofore by 500. leagues: the weaknesse of our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our ignorance of the coast, caused vs carry but a low sayle, that made our passage longer then we expected.

        Their first landing.

        On fryday the 11. of May we made land, it was somewhat low, where appeared certaine hummocks or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very rockie, yet overgrowne with fayre trees. Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a Baske shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord vs. It seemed by their signes & such things as they had, some Biskiners had fished there: being about the latitude of 43. But the barbour being naught, & doubting the weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, and stood to the Southward into the Sea. The next morning we found our selues imbayed with a mightie headland: within a league of the shore we anchored, and Captaine Gosnoll, my selfe, & three others went to it in our boat, being a white sand & a bold coast. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest hils we could see, where we perceiued this headland part of the mayn, neare invironed with Ilands. As we were returning to our ship, a good proper, lusty young man came to vs, with whom we had but small conference, and so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew what to doe with, which made vs perswade our selues, there might be found a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May.


Page 17

        Martha's Vineyard.

        At length we came among these fayre Iles, some a league, 2. 3. 5. or 6, from the Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it foure myles in compasse, without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake neare a myle in circuit; the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as the bushes, were so overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce passe them. And by the blossomes we might perceiue there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises, Gousberries, and divers other fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts we saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowle; which made vs call it Martha's Vineyard.

        Elizabeths Island.

        The rest of the Isles are replenished with such like; very rocky, and much tinctured stone like Minerall. Though we met many Indians, yet we could not see their habitations: they gaue vs fish, Tobacco, and such things as they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues from the Maine, & 16, myle about, invironed so with creekes and coves, it seemed like many Isles linked together by small passages like bridges. In it is many places of plaine grasse, and such other fruits, and berries as before were mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Oates, & Pease, which in 14. dayes sprung vp 9. inches. The soyle is fat and lusty: the crust therof gray, a foot or lesle in depth. It is full of high timbred Okes, their leaues thrise so broad as ours: Cedar straight and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut, Hazell, Cherry trees like ours, but the stalke beareth the blossom or fruit thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour, whose barke in the filing is as smooth as Velvet. There is a lake of fresh water three myles in compasse, in the midst an Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with wood: here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of foules, whose young ones we tooke and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two ynches vnder ground. All sorts of shell-fish, as Schalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs, Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to cloy you with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those places, I refer you to the Authors owne writing at large. We called this Isle Elizabeths Isle, from whence we went right over to the mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end, & meadows very large and full of greene grasse, &c.

        A Copper Mine.
        Their return.

        Here we espyed 7. Salvages, at first they expressed some feare, but by our courteous vsage of them, they followed vs to the necke of Land, which we thought had beene severed from the Mayne, but we found it otherwise. Here we imagined was a river, but because the day was farre spent, we left to discover it till better leasure. But of good Harbours, there is no doubt, considering the Land is all rocky and broken lands. The next day we determined to fortifie our selues in the Isle in the lake. Three weekes we spent in building vs there a house. But the second day after our comming from the Mayne, 11. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came towards vs. Being vnwilling they should see our building, we went to, & exchanged with them Kniues, Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such trifles, for some Bevers, Lyzards, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte skinnes, and such like. We saw them haue much red Copper, whereof they make chaines, collars, and drinking cups, which they so little esteemed they would giue vs for small toyes, & signified vnto vs they had it out of the earth in the Mayne: three dayes they stayed with vs, but every night retyred two or three myle from vs: after with many signes of loue and friendship they departed, seaven of them staying behind, that did helpe vs to dig and carry Saxafras, and doe any thing they could, being of a comely proportion and the best condition of any Salvages we had yet incountred. They haue no Beards but counterfeits, as they did thinke ours also was: for which they would haue changed with some of our men that had great beards. Some of the baser for would steale; but the better sort, we found very civill and iust. We saw but three of their women, and they were but of meane stature, attyred in skins like the men,


Page 18

but fat and well favoured. The whole somenesse and temperature of this climate, doth not onely argue the people to be answerable to this Description, but also of a perfect constitution of body, actiue, strong, healthfull, and very witty, as the fundry toyes by them so cunningly wrought may well testifie. For our selues, we found our selues rather increase in health and strength then otherwise; for all our toyle, bad dyet and lodging; yet not one of vs was touched with any sicknesse. T'welue intended here a while to haue stayed, but vpon better consideration, how meanely we were provided, we left this Island (with as many true sorrowfull eyes as were before desirous to see it) the 18. of Iune, and arrived at Exmouth, the 23 of Iuly.


                       But yet mans minde doth such it selfe explay,
                       As Gods great Will doth frame it every way.
                       And, Such thoughts men haue, on earth that doe but liue,
                       As men may craue, but God doth onely giue.

Written by Iohn Brierton one of the Voyage.

A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, with two Barks from
Bristow, for the Northpart of Virginia. 1603.

        1603.

        BY the inducements and perswasions of Mr Richard Hackluite, Mr Iohn Whitson being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, & most of the Merchants of the Citie of Bristow, raised a stocke of 10001. to furnish out two Barkes, the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boyes, the other 26. tuns, with 13. men and boyes, having Martin Pring an vnderstanding Gentleman, and a sufficient Mariner for Captaine, and Robert Salterne his Assistant, who had bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before for Pilot. Though they were much crossed by contrary windes vpon the coast of England, and the death of that ever most memorable, miracle of the world, our most deare soveraigne Lady and Queene Elizabeth: yet at last they passed by the westerne Isles, and about the 7. of Iune, fell vpon the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of fortie three. Where they found plentie of most sorts of fish, and saw a high country full of great woods of sundry sorts. As they ranged the coast at a place they named Whitson Bay, they were kindly vsed by the Natiues, that came to them, in troupes, of tens, twenties, & thirties, and sometimes more. But because in this Voyage for most part they followed the course of Captaine Gosnoll, and haue made no relation but to the same effect he writ before, we will thus conclude;


                       Lay hands vnto this worke with all thy wit, But pray that God would speed and perfit it.


Robert Salterne.

A relation of a Discovery towards the Northward of Virginia, by
Captaine George Waymouth 1605. imployed thether by the
right Honorable Thomas Arundell, Baron of Warder, in
the Raigne of our most royall King IAMES.

        1605.
        Dangerous shoules.
        Cod and Whales.
        Their first landing.

        VPon tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from Ratcliffe, but by contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last of this moneth, then with 29. as good sea men, & all necessary provisiõs as could possibly be gotten, we put


Page [18a]

Illustration

OULD VIRGINIA


Page 19

to sea; and the 24 of Aprill fell with Flowres and Coruos. We intended as we were directed towards the Southward of 39. But the winds so crossed vs wee fell more Northwards about 41. and 20. minuits, we sounded at 100. fathom, & by that we had run 6 leagues we had but 5. yet saw no land; from the mayne top we descryed a whitish sandy clift, West North-west some 6. leagues from vs, but ere we had run two leagues further we found many shoules and breaches, sometimes in 4. fadom and the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed among those shoules, we were constrained to put back againe, which we did with no small danger, though both the winde and weather were as fayre as we could desire. Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before so much desired, and at the first sight reioyced, as now we all ioyfully praysed God that he had delivered vs from so eminent danger. Here we found excellent Cod, and saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daies before. Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood & water caused vs take the best advantage of the winde, to fall with the shore wheresoever: but we found our Sea cards most directly false. The 17. of May we made the Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not approach it. The next day it appeared to vs a mayne high land, but we found it an Island of 6. myles in compasse: within a league of it we came to an anchor, and went on shore for wood & water, of which we found sufficient. The water gushing forth downe the rocky clifts in many places, which are all overgrown with Firre, Birch, Beech, & Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries, wild Pease, and Rose bushes, and much foule of divers sorts that breed among the rockes: here as in all places els where we came, we found Cod enough.

        Pentecost harbour.
        The Captains diligence.

        From hence we might discerne the mayne land and very high mountaines, the next day because we rode too open to the Sea, we waighed, and came to the Isles adioyning to the mayn: among which we found an excellent rode, defended from all windes, for ships of any burthen, in 6.7.8.9. or 10. fadom vpon a clay oze. This was vpon a Whitsonday, wherefore we called it Pentecost Harbour. Here I cannot omit for foolish feare of imputation of flattery, the painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at Sea he was alwayes most carefull & vigilant, so at land he refused no paines: but his labour was ever as much or rather more then any mans; which not onely incouraged others with better content, but also effected much with great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May, where among our garden-feeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16. dayes grew vp 8. ynches, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much inferiour to the mould we after found in the mayne.

        Trade with the Salvages.

        After we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, we marched through two of these Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. myles in compasse; we found here all sorts of ordinary trees, besides, Vines, Currants, Spruce, Yew, Angelica, and divers gummes: in so much many of our company wished themselues setled here. Vpon the 30. our Captaine with 13. went to discover the mayne: we in the ship espyed 3. Canowes that came towards the ship. Which after they had well viewed, one of them came aboord with 3. men, and by our good vsage of them not long after the rest, two dayes we had their companies, in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeths Isles, therefore this may suffice for their description. In this time our Captain had discovered a fayre river, trending into the mayne 40 myles, and returned backe to bring in the ship. The Salvages also kept their words and brought vs 40. Bever, Otter, and sable skins, for the value of 5. shillings in kniues, glasses, combes, and such toyes, and thus we vsed them so kindly as we could, because we intended to inhabit in their Country, they lying aboord with vs and we ashore with them; but it was but as changing man for man as hostages, and in this manner many times we had their companies.

        Their trechery.
        Fiue Salvages surprised.

        At last they desired our Captaine to goe with them to the mayne to trade with their Bashabes, which is their chiefe Lord, which we did, our boat well manned with


Page 20

14. yet would they row faster with 3. Ores in their Canowes then we with 8. but when we saw our old acquaintance, would not stay aboord vs as before for hostage, but did what they could to draw vs into a narrow cirke, we exchanged one Owen Griffin with them for a yong fellow of theirs, that he might see if he could discover any trechery, as he did, for he found there assembled 283. Salvages with bowes & arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as they pretended. These things considered, we conceited them to be but as all Salvages ever had beene, kinde till they found opportunitie to do mischiefe. Wherefore we determined to take some of them, before they should suspect we had discovered their plot, lest they should absent themselues from vs, so the first that ever after came into the ship were three which we kept, and two we tooke on shore with much adoe, with two Canowes, their bowes and arrowes.

        A description of the river.

        Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, and inlets thereabouts, and we found 4. severall waies a ship might be brought into this Bay. In the interim there came 2. Canowes more boldly aboord vs, signifying we should bring our ship to the place where he dwelt to trade. We excused our selues why we could not, but vsed them kindly, yet got them away with all the speed we could, that they should not be perceiued by them in the houle, then we went vp the river 26. myles, of which I had rather not write, then by my relation detract from it, it is in breadth a myle, neare 40. myles; and a channell of 6.7.8.9. or 10. fadom, & on both sides every halfe myle gallant Coues, to containe in many of them 100 sayle, where they may lye on Oze without Cable or Anchor, onely mored with a Hanser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make, docke, or carine ships with much facilitie: besides the land is most rich, trending all along on both sides in an equall plaine, neither rocky nor mountainous, but verged with a greene border of grasse, doth make tender to the beholder her pleasant fertilitie, it by cleansing away the woods she were converted into meadow.

        The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in the Islands, and well watered with many fresh springs. Our men that had seene Oranoque so famous in the worlds eares, Reogrande, Loyer, & Slion, report, though they be great & goodly rivers, yet are not comparable to it. Leaving our ship we went higher, till we were 7. myles higher then the salt water flowed; we marched towards the mountains we had seene, but the weather was so hot, & our labour so great, as our Captaine was contented to returne: after we had erected a crosse we left this faire land and river, in which the higher we went the better we liked it, and returned to our ship. By the way we met a Canow that much desired one of our men to go vp to their Basshabet, but we knew their intents, and so turned them off; and though we had both time and provision to haue discovered much more, and might haue found peradventure good trade, yet because our company was but small, we would not hazzard so hopefull a businesse as this was, either for our private, or particular ends, being more regardfull of a publicke good, and promulgating Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which was the intent of our adventurers so well as ours; returning by the Isles in the entry of the Sound we called them St Georges Isles, & because on sunday we set out of England, on sunday also the 16. of Iune we departed hence. When we had run 30. leagues we had 40. fadom, then 70. then 100. After 2. or 3. watches more we were in 24. fadoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we did know what to doe with, and the 18. of Iuly came to Dartmouth, and all our men as well God be thanked as when they went forth.

        Thus may you see;


                       God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one,
                       Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength of bone;
                       All rarities of minde and parts doe all concurre in none.

Written by Ignies Rosier one of the Voyage.


Page 21

The second Booke.

THE SIXT VOYAGE. 1606.

To another part of Virginia, where now are
Planted our English Colonies, Whom God increase
and preserue: Discovered and Described by Captaine
IOHN SMITH, sometimes
Governour of the Countrey.

        1606.
        The latitude.

        BY these former relations you may see what incoveniences still crossed those good intents, and how great a matter it was all this time to finde but a Harbour, although there be so many. But this Virginia is a Country in America betweene the degrees of 34. and 45. of the North latitude. The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean: on the South lyeth Florida: on the North nova Francia: as for the West thereof, the limits are vnknowne. Of all this Country we purpose not to speake, but onely of that part which was planted by the English men in the yeare of our Lord, 1606. And this is under the degrees 37.38. and 39. The temperature of this Country doth agree well with English constitutions, being once seasoned to the Country. Which appeared by this, that though by many occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very small meanes, and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not onely to haue made them sicke, but even to end their dayes, &c.

        The temperature.

        The Sommer is hot as in Spaine; the Winter cold as in France or England. The heat of sommer is in Iune, Iuly, and August, but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemency of the heat. The chiefe of winter is halfe December, Ianuary, February, and halfe March. The colde is extreame sharpe, but here the Proverbe is true, that no extreame long continueth.

        In the yeare 1607. was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe, and this frost was found as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare for 8. or 10. dayes of ill weather, other 14. dayes would be as Sommer.

        The windes.

        The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning to purifie the ayre, I haue seldome either seene or heard in Europe. From the Southwest came the greatest gusts with thunder and heat. The Northwest winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and Southeast as from the Barmudas, fogs and raines.

        Some times there are great droughts, other times much raine, yet great necessitie of neither, by reason we see not but that all the raritie of needfull fruits in Europe, may be there in great plentie, by the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there Planted.

        The entrances.
        Cape Henry.

        There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, and that is at the mouth of a very goodly Bay, 18. or 20. myles broad. The cape on the South is called Cape Henry, in honour of our most noble Prince. The land white hilly sands like vnto the Downes, and all along the shores great plentie of Pines and Firres.

        Cape Charles.
        The Country.

        The north Cape is called Cape Charles, in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke. The Isles before it, Smith's Isles, by the name of the discover. Within is a country that


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may haue the prerogatiue over the most pleasant places knowne, for large and pleasant navigable Rivers, heaven & earth never agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation; were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people. Here are mountaines, hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers, and brookes, all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay, compassed but for the mouth, with fruitfull and delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers are many Isles both great & small, some woody, some plaine, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay lyeth North and South, in which the water floweth neare 200. myles, and hath a channell for 140 myles, of depth betwixt 6 and 15 fadome, holding in breadth for the most part 10 or 14 myles. From the head of the Bay to the Northwest, the land is mountanous, and so in a manner from thence by a Southwest line; So that the more Southward, the farther off from the Bay are those mountaines. From which fall certaine brookes which after come to fiue principall navigable rivers. These run from the Northwest into the South east, and so into the West side of the Bay, where the fall of every River is within 20 or 15 myles one of another.

        The mountaines.
        The soyle.

        The mountaines are of divers natures: for at the head of the Bay the rockes are of a composition like Mill stones. Some of Marble, &c. And many peeces like Christall we found, as throwne downe by water from those mountaines. For in Winter they are covered with much snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great inundations in some narrow valleyes, which is scarce perceived being once in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures, that the ground in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks and the earth are so splendent to behold, that better iudgements then ours might haue beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities. The vesture of the earth in most places doth manifestly proue the nature of the soyle to be lusty and very rich. The colour of the earth we found in diverse places, resembleth bole Armoniac, terra sigillata, and Lemnia, Fullers earth, Marle, and divers other such appearances. But generally for the most part it is a blacke sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places a very barren gravell. But the best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of trees, or abundance of weeds, &c.

        The valleyes.
        Plaines.

        The Country is not mountanous, nor yet low, but such pleasant plaine hils, and fertile valleyes, one prettily crossing another, & watered so conveniently with fresh brookes and springs, no lesse commodious, then delightsome. By the rivers are many plaine marishes, containing some 20 some 100. some 200 Acres, some more, some lesse. Other plaines there are few, but onely where the Salvages inhabit: but all overgrowne with trees & weeds, being a plaine wildernesse as God first made it.

        The river Powhatan.
        The branches
        Iames Towne.

        On the west side of the Bay, we sayd were 5. faire and delightfull navigable rivers. The first of those, and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his course from the West Northwest. It is called Powhatan, according to the name of a principall country that lyeth vpon it. The mouth of this river is neare three myles in breadth, yet doe the shoules force the Channell so neare the land, that a Sacre will overshoot it at point blanke. It is navigable 150 myles, the shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to be expressed. It falleth from Rockes farre west in a Country inhabited by a nation they call Monacans. But where it commeth into our discovery it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are falles, rockes, shoules, &c. which makes it past navigation any higher. Thence in the running downeward, the river is enriched with many goodly brookes, which are maintained by an infinit number of small rundles and pleasant springs, that disperse themselues for best service, as do the veines of a mans body. From the South there fals into it: First, the pleasant river of Apamatuck. Next more to the East are two small rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes & creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac, then the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisapeack. From the North side is the river of Chickahamania, the backe river of Iames Towne; another by the Cedar Isle, where we liued ten weekes vpon Oysters, then a convenient harbour for Fisher boats at Kecoughtan, that so turneth it selfe into


Page 23

Bayes and Creekes, it makes that place very pleasant to inhabit; their cornefields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of these rivers are inhabited by severall nations, or rather families, of the name of the rivers They haue also over those some Governour, as their King, which they call Werowances. In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the English Planted in a place by them called Iames Towne, in honour of the Kings most excellent Maiestie.

        The severall Inhabitants.

        The first and next the rivers mouth are the Kecoughtans, who besides their women & children, haue not past 20. fighting men. The Paspaheghes (on whose land is seated Iames Towne, some 40. myles from the Bay) haue not past 40. The river called Chickahamania neare 250. The Weanocks 100. The Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side this river the Appamatucks haue sixtie fighting men. The Qutyougcohanocks 25. The Nandsamũds 200. The Chesapeacks 100. Of this last place the Bay beareth the name. In all these places is a severall commander, which they call Werowance, except the Chickahamanians, who are governed by the Priests and their Assistants, or their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes. In sommer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter more abundance of foule, especially in the time of frost. I tooke once 52 Sturgeons at a draught, at another 68. From the later end of May till the end of Iune are taken few, but yong Sturgeons of two foot, or a yard long. From thence till the midst of September, them of two or three yards long and few others. And in 4 or 5, houres with one Net were ordinarily taken 7 or 8: often more, seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there is good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes those that would take paines had sufficient.

        R. Pamavnkee.
        The inhabitants.

        Foureteene myles Northward from the river Powhatan, is the river Pamavnkee, which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, but with Catches and small Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary flowing of the salt water, it divideth it selfe into two gallant branches. On the South side inhabit the people of Youghtanund, who haue about 60 men for warres. On the North branch Mattapament, who haue 30 men. Where this river is divided the Country is called Pamavnkee, and nourisheth neare 300 able men. About 25 myles lower on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where their great King inhabited when I was delivered him prisoner; yet there are not past 40 able men. Ten or twelue myles lower, on the South side of this river, is Chiskiack, which hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also Apamatuck Irrohatock, and Powhatan, are their great Kings chiefe alliance, and inhabitants. The rest his Conquests.

        Payankatanke R.

        Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountaines, there is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth from the Inland, called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about 50 or 60 serviceable men.

        Toppahanock R.
        The inhabitants.

        The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable some 130 myles) At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoacks amongst the mountaines, but they are aboue the place we described. Vpon this river on the North side are the people Cuttatawomen, with 30 fighting men. Higher are the Moraughtacunds, with 80. Beyond them Rapahanock with 100. Far aboue is another Cuttatawomen with 20. On the South is the pleasant seat of Nantaughtacund having 150 men. This river also as the two former, is replenished with fish and foule.

        Patawomek, R.
        The inhabitants.

        The fourth river is called Patawomeke, 6 or 7 myles in breadth. It is navigable 140 myles, and fed as the rest with many sweet rivers and springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These hils many of them are planted, and yeeld no lesse plentie and varietie of fruit, then the river exceedeth with abundance of fish. It is inhabited on both sides. First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco & hath some 130 men, beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. And the Patawomekes more then 200. Here doth the river divide it selfe into 3 or 4 convenient branches. The greatest of the least is called Quiyough, trending Northwest, but the river it selfe turneth Northeast, and is still a navigable streame. On the Westerne side of this bought is Tauxenent with 40 men. On the North of this river is Secowocomoco with 40. Somewhat further Potapaco with 20. In the East part is Pamacaeack


Page 24

with 60. After Moyowance with 100. And lastly, Nacotchtanke with 80. The river aboue this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant valley overshaddowed in many places with high rocky mountaines; from whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs.

        Pawtuxunt, R.

        The fift river is called Pawtuxunt, of a lesse proportion then the rest; but the channell is 16 fadome deepe in some places. Here are infinit skuls of divers kindes of fish more then elswhere. Vpon this river dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt, and Mattapanient. Two hundred men was the greatest strength that could be there perceived. But they inhabit together, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of all other we found most civil to giue intertainement.

        Bolus, R. The head of the Bay.
        Sasquesahanock.

        Thirtie leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet navigable; for the red clay resembling bole Armoniack we called it Bolus. At the end of the Bay where it is 6 or 7 myles in breadth, it divides it selfe into 4. branches, the best commeth Northwest from among the mountaines, but though Canows may goe a dayes iourney or two vp it, we could not get two myles vp it with our boat for rockes. Vpon it is seated the Sasquesahanocks, neare it North and by West runneth a creeke a myle and a halfe: at the head whereof the Eble left vs on shore, where we found many trees cut with hatchets. The next tyde keeping the shore to seeke for some Salvages; (for within thirtie leagues sayling, we saw not any, being a barren Country,) we went vp another small river like a creeke 6 or 7 myle. From thence returning we met 7 Canowes of the Massowomeks, with whom we had conference by signes, for we vnderstood one another scarce a word: the next day we discovered the small river & people of Tockwhogh trending Eastward.

        The description of a Sasquesahanough.

        Having lost our Grapnell among the rocks of Sasquesahanocks, we were then neare 200 myles from home, and our Barge about two tuns, and had in it but 12 men to performe this Discovery, wherein we lay aboue 12 weekes vpon those great waters in those vnknowne Countries, having nothing but a little meale, oatemeale and water to feed vs, and searce halfe sufficient of that for halfe that time, but what provision we got among the Salvages, and such rootes and fish as we caught by accident, and Gods direction; nor had we a Mariner nor any had skill to trim the sayles but two saylers and my selfe, the rest being Gentlemen, or them were as ignorant in such toyle and labour. Yet necessitie in a short time by good words and examples made them doe that that caused them ever after to feare no colours. What I did with this small meanes I leaue to the Reader to iudge, and the Mappe I made of the Country, which is but a small matter in regard of the magnitude thereof. But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks came to vs with skins, Bowes, Arrows, Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. Such great and well proportioned men are seldome seene, for they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours, yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from adoring vs as Gods. Those are the strangest people of all those Countries, both in language & attire; for their language it may well beseeme their proportions, sounding from them, as a voyce in a vault. Their attire is the skinnes of Beares, and Woolues, some haue Cassacks made of Beares heads & skinnes, that a mans head goes through the skinnes neck, and the eares of the Beare fastned to his shoulders, the nose and teeth hanging downe his breast, another Beares face split behind him, and at the end of the nose hung a Pawe, the halfe sleeues comming to the elbowes were the neckes of Beares, and the armes through the mouth with pawes hanging at their noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine for a Iewell, his Tobacco pipe three quarters of a yard long, prettily carued with a Bird, a Deere, or some such devise at the great end sufficient to beat out ones braines: with Bowes, Arrowes, and clubs, sutable to their greatnesse. These are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can make neare 600 able men, and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from the Massawomekes their mortall enemies. Fiue of their chiefe Werowances came aboord vs, and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was three quarters of a yard about,


Page [24a]

Illustration

VIRGINIA


Page 25

and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion, that he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld. His hayre, the one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crowne like a cocks combe. His arrowes were fiue quarters long, headed with the splinters of a white christall-like stone, in forme of a heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These he wore in a Woolues skinne at his backe for his Quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in the other, as is described.

        Tockwhogh, R.
        Rapahanock, R. Kuskarawaock R. Wighcocomoco, R. Accomack, R.

        On the East side the Bay, is the river Tockwhogh, and vpon it a people that can make 100 men, seated some seaven myles within the river: where they haue a Fort very well pallisadoed and mantelled with barkes of trees. Next them is Ozinies with sixty men. More to the South of that East side of the Bay, the river Rapahanock, neere vnto which is the river Kuskarawaock, Vpon which is seated a people with 200 men. After that, is the river Tants Wighcocomoco, & on it a people with 100 men. The people of those rivers are of little stature, of another language from the rest, & very rude, But they on the river Acohanock with 40 men, & they of Accomack 80 men doth equalize any of the Territories of Powhatan, and speake his language, who over all those doth rule as King.

        Chawoneck.
        The severall languages.

        Southward we went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search for them left by Mr White. Amongst those people are thus many severall Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans Territories. The Chawonockes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesahanocks, the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. All those not any one vnderstandeth another but by Interpreters. Their severall habitations are more plainly described by this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eye, the way of the mountaines, and current of the rivers, with their severall turnings, bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters, the distances of places, and such like. In which Mappe obserue this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other places haue beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set downe according to their instructions.


                       Thus haue I walkt a wayless way, with vncouth pace,
                       Which yet no Christian man did ever trace:
                       But yet I know this not affects the minde,
                       Which eares doth heare, as that which eyes doe finde.

Of such things which are naturally in Virginia, and how they vse them.

        Why there is little grasse.
        Woods with their fruits.
        Elme.
        Walnuts. Supposed Cypres.
        Mulberries.

        VIRGINIA doth afford many excellent vegetables, and liuing Creatures, yet grasse there is little or none, but what groweth in low Marishes: for all the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose droppings continually turneth their grasse to weeds, by reason of the rancknes of the ground, which would soone be amended by good husbandry. The wood that is most common is Oke and Walnut, many of their Okes are so tall & straight, that they will beare two foote and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards long; Of this wood there is two or three severall kinds. The Acornes of one kinde, whose barke is more white then the other, & somewhat sweetish, which being boyled, at last affords a sweet oyle, that they keepe in gourds to annoint their heads and ioynts. The fruit they eate made in bread or otherwise. There is also some Elme, some blacke Walnut tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If the trees be very great, the Ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes; there is a kinde of wood we called Cypres, because both the wood, the fruit, and leafe did most resemble it, and of those trees there are some neare three fadome about at the foot, very


Page 26

straight, and 50, 60, or 80 foot without a branch. By the dwelling of the Salvages are some great Mulbery trees, and in some parts of the Countrey, they are found growing naturally in prettie groues. There was an assay made to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered excellent well, till the master workeman fell sicke. During which time they were eaten with Rats.

        Chesnuts.

        In some parts were found some Chesnuts, whose wild fruit equalize the best in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy. Plums there are of three sorts. The red and white are like our hedge plums, but the other which they call Putchamins, grow as high as a Palmeta: the fruit is like a Medler; it is first greene, then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe, it will draw a mans mouth awry, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricot.

        Cherries.
        Vines.
        Chechinquamins.
        Rawcomens.
        How they vse their fruits.
        Walnut milke.
        Gummes.
        Cedars.
        Saxafras trees.

        They haue Cherries, and those are much like a Damson, but for their tastes and colour we called them Cherries. We saw some few Crabs, but very small and bitter. Of vines great abundance in many parts that climbe the toppes of the highest trees in some places, but these beare but few grapes. Except by the rivers & savage habitations, where they are not overshadowed from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though never pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes we made neere twentie gallons of wine, which was like our French Brittish wine, but certainely they would proue good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape neere as great as a Cherry, this they call Messamins, they be fatte, and the iuyce thicke. Neither doth the taste so well please when they are made in wine. They haue a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small Acorne. This they call Chechinquamins, which they esteeme a great daintie. They haue a berry much like our Gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast; those they call Rawcomens, and doe eat them raw or boyled. Of these naturall fruits they liue a great part of the yeare, which they vse in this manner; The Walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechinquamins are dryed to keepe. When they need walnuts they breake them betweene two stones, yet some part of the shels will cleaue to the fruit. Then doe they dry them againe vpon a Mat over a hurdle. After they put it into a morter of wood, and beat it very small: that done they mix it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be coloured as milke, which they call Pawcohiccora, and keepe it for their vse. The fruit like Medlers they call Putchamins, they cast vpon hurdles on a Mat, and preserue them as Pruines. Of their Chesnuts and Chechinquamins boyled, they make both broath and bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest feasts. Besides those fruit trees, there is a white Popular, and another tree like vnto it, that yeeldeth a very cleare and an odoriferous Gumme like Turpentine, which some called Balsom. There are also Cedars and Saxafras trees. They also yeeld gummes in a small proportion of themselues. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the wood, but nature afforded more then our arts.

        Berries.
        Matoum.

        In the watry valleyes groweth a Berry which they call Ocoughtanamnis very much like vnto Capers. These they dry in sommer. When they eat them they boile them neare halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not much from poyson. Mattoum groweth as our Bents. The seed is not much vnlike to Rie, though much smaller. This they vse for a daintie bread buttered with deare suet.

        Strawberries.
        Hearbes.

        During Sommer there are either Strawberries, which ripen in Aprill, or Mulberries which ripen in May and Iune. Raspises, hurts; or a fruit that the inhabitants call Maracocks, which is a pleasant wholsome fruit much like a Lemond. Many herbes in the spring are comonly dispersed throughout the woods, good for brothes and sallets, as Violets, Purslain, Sorrell, &c. Besides many we vsed whose names we know not.

        Rootes.

        The chiefe root they haue for food is called Tockawhoughe. It groweth like a flagge in Marishes. In one day a Salvage will gather sufficient for a weeke. These roots are much of the greatnesse and taste of Potatoes. They vse to cover a great many of them with Oke leaues and Ferne, and then cover all with earth in the manner of a Colepit; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire 24 houres before they dare eat it.


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Raw it is no better then poyson, and being rosted, except it be tender and the heat abated, or sheed and dryed in the Sunne, mixed with sorrell and meale or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extreamely, and yet in sommer they vse this ordinarily for bread.

        Wighsacan a roote.
        Pocones a small roote.
        Musquaspen a roote.

        They haue another roote which they call Wighsacan: as th'other feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts and diseases. It is a small root which they bruise and apply to the wound. Pocones is a finall root that groweth in the mountaines, which being dryed and beate in powder turneth red. And this they vse for swellings, aches, annointing their ioynts, painting their heads and garments. They account it very precious, and of much worth. Musquaspen is a roote of the bignesse of a finger, and as red as bloud. In drying, it will wither almost to nothing. This they vse to paint their Mattes, Targets, and such like.

        Pellitory.
        Sasafrage.

        There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage, and divers other simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be good, and medicinable.

        Onyons.

        In the low Marishes grow plots of Onyons, containing an Acre of ground or more in many places; but they are small, not past the bignesse of the toppe of ones Thumbe.

        Their chiefe beasts are Deere.
        Aroughcun.
        Squirrels.

        Of beasts the chiefe are Deere, nothing differing from ours. In the deserts towards the heads of the rivers, there are many, but amongst the rivers few. There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a badger, but vseth to liue on trees as Squirrels doe. Their Squirrels some are neare as great as our smallest sort of wilde Rabbets, some blackish or blacke and white, but the most are gray.

        Assapanick, a
        Squirrel flying.
        Opassom.
        Mussascus.

        A small beast they haue they call Assapanick, but we call them flying Squirrels, because spreading their legs, and so stretching the largenesse of their skins, that they haue beene seene to fly 30 or 40 yards. An Opassom hath a head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of the bignesse of a Cat. Vnder her belly shee hath a bagge, wherein she lodgeth, carrieth, and suckleth her young. A Mussascus is a beast of the forme and nature of our water Rats, but many of them smell exceeding strongly of Muske. Their Hares no bigger then our Conics, and few of them to be found.

        Beares.
        The Beaver.
        Otters.
        Vtchũquoyes.
        Foxes.
        Dogges.
        Martins.
        Polcats.
        Weesels, and Minkes.

        Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of Muscovia and Tartaria. The Beaver is as big as an ordinary water dog, but his legs exceeding short. His forefeete like a dogs, his hinder feet like a Swans. His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket, bare without haire, which to eat the Salvages esteeme a great delicate. They haue many Otters, which as the Beavers they take with snares, and esteeme the skins great ornaments, and of all those beasts they vse to feed when they catch them. An Vtchunquoyes is like a wilde Cat. Their Foxes are like our silver haired Conies, of a small proportion, and not smelling like those in England. Their Dogges of that Country are like their Woolues, and cannot barke but howle, and the Woolues not much bigger then our English Foxes. Martins, Powlecats, Weesels, and Minkes we know they haue, because we haue seene many of their skinnes, though very seldome any of them aliue. But one thing is strange, that we could never perceive their Vermine destroy our Hennes, Egges, nor Chickens, nor doe any hurt nor their flyes nor serpents any way pernicious, where in the South parts of America they are alwayes dangerous, and often deadly.

        Birds.

        Of Birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes there be of divers sorts, as our Falconers called them: Sparrow-hawkes, Lanarets, Goshawkes, Falcons and Osperayes, but they all prey most vpon fish. Their Partridges are little bigger then our Quailes. Wilde Turkies are as bigge as our tame. There are Woosels or Blackbirds with red shoulders, Thrushes and divers sorts of small Birds, some red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a Wrenne, but few in Sommer. In Winter there are great plentie of Swans, Cranes, gray and white with blacke wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Ducke, Wigeon, Dotterell Oxeies, Parrats, and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and some other strange kinds, to vs vnknowne by name. But in Sommer not any, or a very few to be seene.

        Fish.

        Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus, Seales, Stingraies,


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whose tailes are very dangerous. Bretts, Mullets, white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish, Rockfish, Eeles, Lampreys. Catfish, Shades Pearch of three sorts, Crabs, Shrimps, Crevises, Oysters, Cocles, and Muscles. But the most strange fish is a small one, so like the picture of St George his Dragon, as possible can be, except his legs and wings, and the Toadefish, which will swell till it be like to burst, when it commeth into the ayre.

        The rockes.

        Concerning the entrailes of the earth, little can be said for certaintie. There wanted good Refiners; for those that tooke vpon them to haue skill this way, tooke vp the washings from the mountaines, and some moskered shining stones and spangles which the waters brought downe, flattering themselues in their owne vaine conceits to haue beene supposed what they were not, by the meanes of that ore, if it proued as their arts and iudgements expected. Onely this is certaine, that many regions lying in the same latitude, afford Mines very rich of divers natures. The crust also of these rockes would easily perswade a man to beleeue there are other Mines then yron and steele, if there were but meanes and men of experience that knew the Mine from Spar.

Of their Planted fruits in Virginia, and how they vse them.

        How they divide the yeare.

        THey divide the yeare into fiue seasons. Their winter some call Popanow, the spring Cattapeuk, the sommer Cohattayough, the earing of their Corne Nepinough, the harvest and fall of leafe Taquitock. From September vntill the midst of November are the chiefe feasts & sacrifice. Then haue they plentie of fruits as well planted as naturall, as corne, greene and ripe, fish, fowle, and wilde beasts exceeding fat.

        How they prepare the ground.

        The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne, for the Country naturally is overgrowne with wood. To prepare the ground they bruise the barke of the trees neare the root, then doe they scortch the roots with fire that they grow no more. The next yeare with a crooked peece of wood they beat vp the weeds by the rootes, and in that mould they plant their Corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a sticke, and into it they put foure graines of wheate and two of beanes These holes they make foure foote one from another; Their women and children do continually keepe it with weeding, and when it is growne middle high, they hill it about like a hop-yard.

        How they plant.

        In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation is in May, and so they continue till the midst of Iune. What they plant in Aprill they reape in August, for May in September, for Iune in October; Every stalke of their corne commonly beareth two eares, some three, seldome any foure, many but one, and some none. Every eare ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and 500 graines. The stalke being greene hath a sweet iuice in it, somewhat like a sugar Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their corne greene, they sucke the stalkes: for as we gather greene pease, so doe they their corne being greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease they call Assentamens, which are the same they call in Italy, Fagioli. Their Beanes are the same the Turkes call Garnanses, but these they much esteeme for dainties.

        How they vse their Corne.
        How they vse their fish and flesh.

        Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruising it in a morter of wood with a Polt, lap it in rowles in the leaues of their corne, and so boyle it for a daintie. They also reserue that corne late planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In winter they esteeme it being boyled with beanes for a rare dish, they call Pansarowmena. Their old wheat they first steepe a night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a morter. They vse a small basket for their Temmes, then pound againe the great, and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receiue the flower in a platter made of wood, scraped to that forme with burning


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and shels. Tempering this flower with water, they make it either in cakes, covering them with ashes till they be baked, and then washing them in faire water, they drie presently with their owne heat: or else boyle them in water, eating the broth with the bread which they call Ponap. The groutes and peeces of the cornes remaining, by fanning in a Platter or in the wind, away, the branne they boyle 3 or 4 houres with water, which is an ordinary food they call Vstatahamen. But some more thriftie then cleanly, doe burne the core of the eare to powder, which they call Pungnough, mingling that in their meale, but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. Their fish & flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or boyle it so long on hurdles over the fire, or else after the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turne first the one side, then the other, till it be as drie as their ierkin Beefe in the west Indies, that they may keepe it a moneth or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eat as commonly as the meat.

        Planted fruits

        In May also amongst their corne they plant Pumpeons, and a fruit like vnto a muske mellon, but lesse and worse, which they call Macocks. These increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of Iuly, and continue vntill September. They plant also Maracocks a wild fruit like a Lemmon, which also increase infinitely. They begin to ripe in September, and continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered, little els they plant, and this is done by their women and children; neither doth this long suffice them, for neare three parts of the yeare, they onely obserue times and seasons, and liue of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, &c.

The Commodities in Virginia, or that may be had by Industrie.

        A proofe cattell will liue well.

        THe mildnesse of the ayre, the fertilitie of the soyle, and situation of the rivers are so propitious to the nature and vse of man, as no place is more convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans sustenance, vnder that latitude or climat. Here will liue any beast, as horses, goats, sheepe, asses, hens, &c. as appeared by them that were carried thether. The waters, Isles, and shoales, are full of safe harbours for ships of warre or marchandize, for boats of all forts, for transportation or fishing, &c. The Bay and rivers haue much marchantable fish, and places fit for Salt coats, building of ships, making of Iron, &c.

        The Commodities.

        Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receiue many thousands, for pitch, tarre, sopeashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts, Yards, Wainscot, Firres, Glasse, and such like; also Swethland for Iron and Copper. France in like manner, for Wine, Canvas, and Salt. Spaine as much for Iron, Steele, Figges, Reasons and Sackes. Italy with Silkes and Velvets consumes our chiefe Commodities, Holland maintaines it selfe by fishing and trading at our owne doores. All these temporize with other for necessities, but all as vncertaine as peace or warres. Besides the charge, travell, and danger in transporting them, by seas, lands, stormes, and Pyrats. Then how much hath Virginia the prerogatiue of all those flourishing Kingdomes, for the benefit of our Land, when as within one hundred myles all those are to be had, either ready provided by nature, or else to be prepared, were there but industrious men to labour. Onely of Copper we may doubt is wanting, but there is good probabilitie that both Copper and better Minerals are there to be had for their labour. Other Countries haue it. So then here is a place, a nurse for souldiers, a practise for mariners, a trade for marchants, a reward for the good, and that which is most of all, a businesse (most acceptable to God) to bring such poore Infidels to the knowledge of God and his holy Gospell.

Of the naturall Inhabitants of VIRGINIA.

        The numbers
        Seaven hundred men were the most were seene together when they thought to haue surprised Captaine Smith. A description of the people. The Barbers.
        The constitution.
        The disposition.
        The possessions.
        Their attire.
        Their ornaments.

        THe land is not populous, for the men be few; their far greater number is of women and children. Within 60 myles of Iames Towne, there are about some 5000 people, but of able men fit for their warres scarce 1500. To nourish so many


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together they haue yet no meanes, because they make so small a benefit of their land, be it never so fertile. Six or seauen hundred haue beene the most hath beene seene together, when they gathered themselues to haue surprised mee at Pamavnkee, having but fifteene to withstand the worst of their fury. As small as the proportion of ground that hath yet beene discovered is in comparison of that yet vnknowne: the people differ very much in stature, especially in language, as before is expressed. Some being very great as the Sasquesahanicks; others very little, as the Wighcocomocaes: but generally tall and straight, of a comely proportion, and of a colour browne when they are of any age, but they are borne white. Their hayre is generally blacke, but few haue any beards. The men weare halfe their beards shaven, the other halfe long; for Barbers they vse their women, who with two shels will grate away the hayre, of any fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions, agreeable to their yeares, but ever some part remaineth long. They are very strong, of an able body and full of agilitie, able to endure to lie in the woods vnder a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in the weedes and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. They are inconstant in every thing, but what feare constraineth them to keepe. Craftie, timerous, quicke of apprehension, and very ingenuous. Some are of disposition fearefull, some bold, most cautelous, all Savage. Generally covetous of Copper, Beads, and such like trash. They are soone moued to anger, and so malicious, that they seldome forget an iniury: they seldome steale one from another, least their coniurers should reveale it, and so they be pursued and punished. That they are thus feared is certaine, but that any can reueale their offences by coniuration I am doubtfull. Their women are carefull not to be suspected of dishonestie without the leaue of their husoands. Each houshold knoweth their owne lands, and gardens, and most liue of their owne labours. For their apparell, they are sometime covered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in Winter are dressed with the hayre, but in Sommer without. The better sort vse large mantels of Deare skins, not much differing in fashion from the Irish mantels. Some imbrodered with white beads, some with Copper, other painted after their manner. But the common sort haue scarce to cover their nakednesse, but with grasse, the leaues of trees, or such like. We haue seene some vse mantels made of Turky feathers, so prettily wrought & woven with threads that nothing could be discerned but the feathers. That was exceeding warme and very handsome. But the women are alwayes covered about their middles with a skin, and very shamefast to be seene bare. They adorne themselues most with copper beads and paintings. Their women, some haue their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly imbrodered with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they haue 3 great holes, where at they hang chaines, bracelets, or copper. Some of their men weare in those holes, a small greene and yellow coloured snake, neare halfe a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe about his necke oftentimes familiarly would kisse his lips. Others weare a dead Rat tyed by the taile. Some on their heads weare the wing of a bird, or some large feather with a Rattell. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of a Rapier, but lesse, which they take from the taile of a snake. Many haue the whole skinne of a Hawke or some strange foule, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad peece of Copper, and some the hand of their enemy dryed. Their heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone brayed to powder, mixed with oyle, this they hold in sommer to preserue them from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of paintings they vse, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to behold.

        Their buildings.

        Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by the rivers, or not farre distant from some fresh spring. Their houses are built like our Arbors, of small young springs bowed and tyed, and so close covered with Mats, or the barkes of trees very handsomely, that notwithstanding either winde, raine, or weather, they are as warme as stooues, but very smoaky, yet at the toppe of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe into right over the fire.


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        Their lodgings.
        Their gardens

        Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reeds covered with a Mat, borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood. On these round about the house they lie heads and points one by th'other against the fire, some covered with Mats, some with skins, and some starke naked lie on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house. Their houses are in the midst of their fields or gardens, which are small plots of ground. Some 20 acres, some 40. some 100. some 200. some more, some lesse. In some places from 2 to 50 of those houses together, or but a little separated by groues of trees. Neare their habitations is little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any way, but where the creekes or Rivers shall hinder.

        How they vse their children.

        Men, women, and children haue their severall names according to the severall humor of their Parents. Their women (they say) are easily delivered of childe, yet doe they loue children very dearely. To make them hardie, in the coldest mornings they them wash in the rivers, and by painting and oyntments so tanne their skinnes, that after a yeare or two, no weather will hurt them.

        The industrie of their women.

        The men bestow their times in fishing, hunting, warres, and such man-like exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman-like exercise, which is the cause that the women be very painefull, and the men often idle. The women and children doe the rest of the worke. They make mats, baskets, pots, morters, pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corne, gather their corne, beare all kind of burdens, and such like.

        How they strike fire.
        The order of dyet.

        Their fire they kindle presently by chafing a dry pointed sticke in a hole of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so fire mosse, leaues, or any such like dry thing, that will quickly burne. In March and Aprill they liue much vpon their fishing wires; and feed on fish, Turkies, and Squirrels. In May and Iune they plant their fields, and liue most of Acornes, Walnuts, and fish. But to amend their dyet, some disperse themselues in small companies, and liue vpon fish, beasts, crabs, oysters, land Tortoises, strawberries, mulberries, and such like. In Iune, Iuly, and August, they feed vpon the rootes of Tocknough berries, fish, and greene wheat. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their dyet, even as the deere & wilde beasts they seeme fat and leane, strong and weake. Powhatan their great King, and some others that are provident, rost their fish and flesh vpon hurdles as before is expressed, and keepe it till scarce times.

        How they make their bowes and arrowes.
        Their kniues.

        For fishing, hunting, and warres they vse much their bow and arrowes. They bring their bowes to the forme of ours by the scraping of a shell. Their arrowes are made some of straight young sprigs, which they head with bone, some 2 or 3 ynches long. These they vse to shoot at Squirrels on trees Another sort of arrowes they vse made of Reeds. These are peeced with wood, headed with splinters of christall, or some sharpe stone, the spurres of a Turkey, or the bill of some bird. For his knife he hath the splinter of a Reed to cut his feathers in forme. With this knife also, he will ioynt a Deere, or any beast, shape his shooes, buskins, mantels, &c. To make the noch of his arrow he hath the tooth of a Beaver, set in a sticke, wherewith he grateth it by degrees. His arrow head he quickly maketh with a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracert, of any splint of a stone, or glasse in the forme of a heart, and these they glew to the end of their arrowes. With the sinewes of Deere, and the tops of Deeres hornes boyled to a ielly, they make a glew that will not dissolue in cold water.

        Their Targets and Swords.

        For their warres also they vse Targets that are round and made of the barkes of trees, and a sword of wood at their backes, but oftentimes they vse for swords the horne of a Deere put through a peece of wood in forme of a Pickaxe. Some a long stone sharpned at both ends, vsed in the same manner. This they were wont to vse also for hatchets, but now by trucking they haue plentie of the same forme of yron. And those are their chiefe instruments and armes.

        Their Boats.
        How they spin.
        Their fish-hookes.

        Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of one tree by burning and scratching away the coales with stones and shels, till they haue made it in forme of a


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Trough. Some of them are an elne deepe, and fortie or fiftie foote in length, and some will beare 40 men, but the most ordinary are smaller, and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their bignesse. In stead of Oares, they vse Paddles and stickes, with which they will row faster then our Barges. Betwixt their hands and thighes, their women vse to spin, the barkes of trees, Deere sinewes, or a kind of grasse they call Pemmenaw, of these they make a thread very even and readily. This thread serveth for many vses. As about their housing, apparell, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantitie as formally braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. Their hookes are either a bone grated as they noch their arrowes in the forme of a crooked pinne or fish-hooke, or of the splinter of a bone tyed to the clift of a little sticke, and with the end of the line, they tie on the bait. They vse also long arrowes tyed in a line, where with they shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accewmack vse staues like vnto Iauelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming in the water. They haue also many artificiall wires, in which they get abundance of fish.

        How they hunt.

        In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; yet it being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteeme it a pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. And by their continuall ranging, and travell, they know all the advantages and places most frequented with Deere, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Roots, and Berries. At their huntings they leaue their habitations, and reduce themselues into companies, as the Tartars doe, and goe to the most desert places with their families, where they spend their time in hunting and fowling vp towards the mountaines, by the heads of their rivers, where there is plentie of game. For betwixt the rivers the grounds are so narrowe, that little commeth here which they devoure not. It is a marvell they can so directly passe these deserts, some 3 or 4 dayes iourney without habitation. Their hunting houses are like vnto Arbours covered with Mats. These their women beare after them, with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they vse. When they come to the place of exercise, every man doth his best to shew his dexteritie, for by their excelling in those qualities, they get their wiues. Fortie yards will they shoot levell, or very neare the marke, and 120 is their best at Random. At their huntings in the deserts they are commonly two or three hundred together. Having found the Deere, they environ them with many fires, & betwixt the fires they place themselues. And some take their stands in the midsts. The Deere being thus feared by the fires, and their voyces, they chase them so long within that circle, that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting. They vse also to driue them into some narrow poynt of land, when they find that advantage; and so force them into the river, where with their boats they haue Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they haue shot a Deere by land, they follow him like bloud-hounds by the bloud, and straine, and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Partridges, Turkies, or Egges, fat or leane, young or old, they devoure all they can catch in their power. In one of these huntings they found me in the discovery of the head of the river of Chickahamania, where they slew my men, and tooke me prisoner in a Bogmire, where I saw those exercises, and gathered these Observations.

        One Salvage hunting alone.

        One Salvage hunting alone, vseth the skinne of a Deere slit on the one side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the hornes, head, eyes, eares, and every part as artificially counterfeited as they can devise. Thus shrowding his body in the skinne by stalking, he approacheth the Deere, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. If the Deere chance to find fault, or stand at gaze, he turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to seeme like a Deere, also gazing and licking himselfe. So watching his best advantage to approach, having shot him, he chaseth him by his bloud and straine till he get him.

        Their Consultations.
        Their enemies.
        Massawomekes.
        Their offer of subiection.

        When they intend any warres, the Werowances vsually haue the advice of their their Priests and Coniurers, and their allies, and ancient friends, but chiefely the Priests determine their resolution. Every Werowance, or some lustie fellow, they appoint


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Captaine over every nation. They seldome make warre for lands or goods, but for women and children, and principally for revenge. They haue many enemies, namely, all their westernly Countries beyond the mountaines, and the heads of the rivers. Vpon the head of the Powhatans are the Monacans, whose chiefe habitation is at Rasauweak, vnto whom the Mowhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the Monahassanughs, the Monasickapanoughs, and other nations pay tributes. Vpon the head of the river of Toppahanock is a people called Mannahoacks. To these are contributers the Tauxanias, the Shackacomas, the Ontponeas, the Tegninateos, the Whonkenteaes, the Stegarakes, the Hassinnungaes, and divers others, all confederates with the Monacans, though many different in language, and be very barbarous, liuing for the most part of wild beasts and fruits. Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of the river Patawomeke, the Salvages report inhabit their most mortall enemies, the Massawomckes, vpon a great salt water, which by all likelihood is either some part of Cannada, some great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South sea. These Massawomekes are a great nation and very populous. For the heads of all those rivers, especially the Pattawomekes, the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesahanocks, the Tockwoughes are continually tormented by them: of whose crueltie, they generally complained, and very importunate they were with me, and my company to free them from these tormentors. To this purpose they offered food, conduct, assistance, and continuall subiection. Which I concluded to effect. But the councell then present emulating my successe, would not thinke it fit to spare me fortie men to be hazzarded in those vnknowne regions, having passed (as before was spoken of) but with 12, and so was lost that opportunitie. Seaven boats full of these Massawomekes wee encountred at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobaccopipes, Platters, Bowes, and Arrowes, and every thing shewed, they much exceeded them of our parts, and their dexteritie in their small boats, made of the barkes of trees, sowed with barke and well luted with gumme, argueth that they are seated vpon some great water.

        Against all these enemies the Powhatans are constrained sometimes to fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Stratagems, trecheries, or surprisals. Yet the Werowances women and children they put not to death, but keepe them Captiues. They haue a method in warre, and for our pleasures they shewed it vs, and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient.

        Their manner of Battell.

        Having painted and disguised themselues in the fiercest manner they could devise. They divided themselues into two Companies, neare a hundred in a company. The one company called Monacans, the other Powhatans. Either army had their Captaine. These as enemies tooke their stands a musket shot one from another; ranked themselues 15 a breast, and each ranke from another 4 or 5 yards, not in fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles. So the Reare could shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the fields: from either part went a messenger with these conditions, that whosoever were vanquished, such as escape vpon their submission in two dayes after should liue, but their wiues and children should be prize for the Conquerours. The messengers were no sooner returned, but they approached in their orders; On each flanke a Serieant, and in the Reare an Officer for Lieutenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and singing after their accustomed tune, which they onely vse in Warres. Vpon the first flight of arrowes they gaue such horrible shouts and screeches, as so many infernall hell hounds could not haue made them more terrible. When they had spent their arrowes, they ioyned together prettily, charging and retyring, every ranke seconding other. As they got advantage they catched their enemies by the hayre of the head, and downe he came that was taken. His enemy with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his braines, and still they crept to the Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans charged them in the forme of a halfe Moone; they vnwilling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to their Ambuscadoes, on whom they led them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselues among the fresh men, wherevpon the


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Powhatans retired, with all speed to their seconds; which the Monacans seeing, tooke that advantage to retire againe to their owne battell, and so each returned to their owne quarter. All their actions, voyces, and gestures, both in charging and retiring were so strained to the height of their qualitie and nature, that the strangenesse thereof made it seeme very delightfull.

        Their Musicke.
        Their entertainement.

        For their Musicke they vse a thicke Cane, on which they pipe as on a Recorder. For their warres they haue a great deepe platter of wood. They cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut, which meeting on the backside neere the bottome, with a small rope they twitch them together till it be so tought and stiffe, that they may beat vpon it as vpon a drumme. But their chiefe instruments are Rattles made of small gourds, or Pumpeons shels. Of these they haue Base, Tenor, Countertenor, Meane, and Treble. These mingled with their voyces sometimes twenty or thirtie together, make such a terrible noise as would rather affright, then delight any man. If any great commander arriue at the habitation of a Werowance, they spread a Mat as the Turkes doe a Carpet for him to sit vpon. Vpon another right opposite they sit themselues. Then doe all with a tunable voice of shouting bid him welcome. After this doe two or more of their chiefest men make an Oration, testifying their loue. Which they doe with such vehemency, and so great passions, that they sweat till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speake. So that a man would take them to be exceeding angry, or stark mad. Such victuall as they haue, they spend freely, and at night where his lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red with Pocones and oyle, to be his bed-fellow.

        Their trade.

        Their manner of trading is for copper, beads, and such like, for which they giue such commodities as they haue, as skins, foule, fish, flesh, and their Country Corne. But their victualls are their chiefest riches.

        Their Phisicke.
        Their Chirurgery.
        Their charms to cure.

        Every spring they make themselues sicke with drinking the iuyce of a roote they call Wighsacan, and water; whereof they powre so great a quantitie, that it purgeth them in a very violent manner; so that in three or foure dayes after, they scarce recover their former health. Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases; for cure whereof they build a Stoue in the forme of a Doue-house with mats, so close that a few coales therein covered with a pot, will make the patient sweat extreamely. For swellings also they vse small peeces of touchwood, in the forme of cloues, which pricking on the griefe they burne close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With this roote Wighsacan they ordinarily heale greene wounds. But to scarrifie a swelling, or make incision, their best instruments are some splinted stone. Old vlcers, or putrified hurts are seldome seene cured amongst them. They haue many professed Phisicians, who with their charmes and Rattles, with an infernall rout of words and actions, will seeme to sucke their inward griefe from their navels, or their grieued places; but of our Chirurgians they were so conceited, that they beleeued any Plaister would heale any hurt.


                       But'tis not alwayes in Phisicians skill,
                       To heale the Patient that is sicke and ill:
                       For sometimes sicknesse on the Patients part,
                       Proues stronger farre then all Phisicians art.

Of their Religion.

        Their God.
        How they bury their Kings

        THere is yet in Virginia no place discovered to be so Savage, in which they haue not a Religion, Deere, and Bow, and Arrowes. All things that are able to doe them hurt beyond their prevention, they adore with their kinde of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our Ordnance, peeces, horses, &c. But their chiefe God they worship is the Devill. Him they call Okee,


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and serue him more of feare then loue. They say they haue conference with him, and fashion themselues as neare to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they haue his image euill favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines of copper, and beads, and covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformitie may well suit with such a God. By him is commonly the sepulcher of their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dried vpon hurdles till they be very dry, and so about the most of their ioynts and necke they hang bracelets, or chaines of copper, pearle, and such like, as they vse to weare, their inwards they stuffe with copper beads, hatchets, and such trash. Then lappe they them very carefully in white skins, and so rowle them in mats for their winding sheets. And in the Tombe which is an arch made of mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of wealth their Kings haue, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies are kept by their Priests.

        Their ordinary burials.

        For their ordinary burials, they dig a deepe hole in the earth with sharpe stakes, and the corpse being lapped in skins and mats with their iewels, they lay them vpon stickes in the ground, and so cover them with earth. The buriall ended, the women being painted all their faces with blacke cole and oyle, doe sit twenty-foure houres in the houses mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and howling, as may expresse their great passions.

        Their Temples.

        In every Territory of a Werowance is a Temple and a Priest, two or three or more. Their principall Temple or place of superstition is at Vttamussack, at Pamavnkee, neare vnto which is a house, Temple, or place of Powhatans.

        Vpon the top of certaine red sandy hils in the woods, there are three great houses filled with images of their Kings, and Devils, and Tombes of their Predecessors. Those houses are neare sixtie foot in length built arbour-wise, after their building. This place they count so holy as that but the Priests & Kings dare come into them; nor the Salvages dare not goe vp the river in boats by it, but they solemnly cast some peece of copper, white beads, or Pocones into the river, for feare their Okee should be offended and revenged of them.


                       Thus, Feare was the first their Gods begot;
                       Till feare began, their Gods were not.

        Their ornaments for their Priests.

        In this place commonly are resident seauen Priests. The chiefe differed from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Priests could hardly be knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in their eares to hang their iewels at. The ornaments of the chiefe Priest were certaine attires for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen, or 16, or more snakes skins and stuffed them with mosse, and of Weesels and other Vermines skins a good many. All these they tie by their tailes, so as all their tailes meete in the toppe of their head like a great Tassell. Round about this Tassell is as it were a crowne of feathers, the skins hang round about his head, necke, and shoulders, and in a manner cover his face. The faces of all their Priests are painted as vgly as they can devise, in their hands they had every one his Rattle, some base, some smaller. Their devotion was most in songs, which the chiefe Priest beginneth and the rest followed him, sometimes he maketh invocations with broken sentences by starts and strange passions, and at every pause, the rest giue a short groane.


                       Thus seeke they in deepe foolishnesse,
                       To climbe the height of happinesse.

        The times of solemnities.

        It could not be perceiued that they keepe any day as more holy then other; But onely in some great distresse of want, feare of enemies, times of triumph and gathering together their fruits, the whole Country of men, women, and children come together to solemnities. The manner of their devotion is, sometimes to make a great fire, in the house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it with Rattles and shouts


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together, foure or fiue houres. Sometimes they set a man in the midst, and about him they dance and sing, he all the while clapping his hands, as if he would keepe time, and after their songs and dauncings ended they goe to heir Feasts.


                       Through God begetting feare,
                       Mans blinded minde did reare
                       A hell-god to the ghosts;
                       A heaven-god to the hoasts;
                       Yea God vnto the Seas:
                       Feare did create all these.

        Their coniurations. Their Altars.

        They haue also divers coniurations, one they made when I was their prisoner; of which hereafter you shall reade at large.

        Sacrifices to the water.

        They haue also certaine Altar stones they call Parocorances, but these stand from their Temples, some by their houses, others in the woods and wildernesses, where they haue had any extraordinary accident, or incounter. And as you travell, at those stones they will tell you the cause why they were there erected, which from age to age they instruct their children, as their best records of antiquities. Vpon these they offer bloud, Deere suet, and Tobacco. This they doe when they returne from the Warres, from hunting, and vpon many other occasions. They haue also another superstition that they vse in stormes, when the waters are rough in the Rivers and Sea coasts. Their Coniurers runne to the water sides, or passing in their boats, after many hellish outcryes and invocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, or such trash into the water, to pacifie that God whom they thinke to be very angry in those stormes. Before their dinners and suppers the better sort will take the first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are knowne to vse.

        Their solemn Sacrifices of children, which they call Black-boyes.
        Those Black-boyes are made so mad with a kind of drinke, that they will doe any mischiefe, at the command of their Keepers.

        In some part of the Country they haue yearely a sacrifice of children. Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock some ten myles from Iames Towne, and thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young boyes, betweene ten and fifteene yeares of age they painted white. Having brought them forth, the people spent the forenoone in dancing and singing about them with Rattles. In the afternoone they put those children to the roote of a tree. By them all the men stood in a guard, every one having a Bastinado in his hand, made of reeds bound together. This made a lane betweene them all along, through which there were appointed fiue young men to fetch these children: so every one of the fiue went through the guard to fetch a childe each after other by turnes, the guard fiercely beating them with their Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and receiuing all defending the children with their naked bodies from the vnmercifull blowes, that pay them soundly, though the children escape. All this while the women weepe and cry out very passionately, prouiding mats, skins, mosse, and dry wood, as things fitting their childrens funerals. After the children were thus passed the guard, the guard tore down the trees, branches & boughs, with such violence that they rent the body, and made wreaths for their heads, or bedecked their hayre with the leaues. What els was done with the children, was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape, in a valley as dead, where they made a great feast for all the company. The Werowance being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered that the children were not all dead, but that the Okee or Divell did sucke the bloud from their left breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they were dead, but the rest were kept in the wildernesse by the young men till nine moneths were expired, during which time they must not converse with any, and of these were made their Priests and Coniurers. This sacrifice they held to be so necessary, that if they should omit it, their Okee or Devill, and all their other Quiyoughcosughes, which are their other Gods, would let them haue no Deere, Turkies, Corne, nor fish, and yet besides, he would make a great slaughter amongst them.

        Their resurrection.

        They thinke that their Werowances and Priests which they also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, doe goe beyond the mountaines towards the setting of the sunne, and ever remaine there in forme of their Okee, with their heads painted


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with oyle and Pocones, finely trimmed with feathers, and shall haue beads, hatchets, copper, and Tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their Predecessors. But the common people they suppose shall not liue after death, but rot in their graues like dead dogs.

        To divert them from this blind Idolatry, we did our best endevours, chiefly with the Werowance of Quiyoughcohanock, whose devotion, apprehension, and good disposition, much exceeded any in those Countries, with whom although we could not as yet prevaile, to forsake his false Gods, yet this he did beleeue that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our Gunnes did their Bowes & Arrowes, and many times did send to me to Iames Towne, intreating me to pray to my God for raine, for their Gods would not send them any. And in this lamentable ignorance doe these poore soules sacrifice themselues to the Devill, not knowing their Creator; and we had not language sufficient, so plainly to expresse it as make them vnderstand it; which God grant they may.


                       For, Religion 'tis that doth distinguish vs,
                       From their bruit humor, well we may it know;
                       That can with vnderstanding argue thus,
                       Our God is truth, but they cannot doe so.

Of the manner of the Virginians Government.

        A description of Powhatan.
        His attendãce and watch.

        ALthough the Country people be very barbarous, yet haue they amongst them such government, as that their Magistrates for good commanding, and their people for due subiection, and obeying, excell many places that would be counted very civill. The forme of their Common-wealth is a Monarchicall government, one as Emperour ruleth ouer many Kings or Governours. Their chiefe ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his name of his principall place of dwelling called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some Countries he hath which haue beene his ancestors, and came vnto him by inheritance, as the Country called Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuck, Pamavnkee, Youghtanund, and Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories expressed in the Mappe, they report haue beene his severall Conquests. In all his ancient inheritances, he hath houses built after their manner like arbours, some 30. some 40. yards long, and at every house provision for his entertainement according to the time. At Werowcomeco on the Northside of the river Pamavnkee, was his residence, when I was delivered him prisoner, some 14 myles from Iames Towne, where for the most part, he was resident, but at last he tooke so little pleasure in our neare neighbourhood, that he retired himselfe to Orapakes, in the desert betwixt Chickahamania and Youghtanund. He is of personage a tall well proportioned man, with a sower looke, his head somwhat gray, his beard so thinne, that it seemeth none at all, his age neare sixtie; of a very able and hardy body to endure any labour. About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his Country doth afford. Every night vpon the foure quarters of his house are foure Sentinels, each from other a flight shoot, and at every halfe houre one from the Corps du guard doth hollow, shaking his lips with his finger betweene them; vnto whom every Sentinell doth answer round from his stand: if any faile, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him extreamely.

        His treasury.

        A myle from Orapakes in a thicket of wood, he hath a house in which he keepeth his kinde of Treasure, as skinnes, copper, pearle, and beads, whith he storeth vp against the time of his death and buriall. Here also is his store of red paint for oyntment, bowes and arrowes, Targets and clubs. This house is fiftie or sixtie yards in length, frequented onely by Priests. At the foure corners of this house stand foure


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Images as Sentinels, one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the third like a Leopard, and the fourth like a giantlike man, all made evill favouredly, according to their best workemanship.

        His wiues.
        His successors

        He hath as many women as he will, whereof when he lieth on his bed, one sitteth at his head, and another at his feet, but when he sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand and another on his left. As he is weary of his women, he bestoweth them on those that best deserue them at his bands. When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women before and after meat, bringeth him water in a wooden platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of feathers to wipe them in stead of a Towell, and the feathers when he hath wiped are dryed againe. His kingdomes descend not to his sonnes nor children, but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. namely, Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest, and after them to the heires male or female of the eldest sister, but never to the heires of the males.

        Their authoritie.
        The tenor of their lands.
        His manner of punishments.

        He nor any of his people vnderstand any letters, whereby to write or reade, onely the lawes whereby he ruleth is custome. Yet when he listeth his will is a law and must be obeyed: not onely as a King, but as halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour Kings whom they call Werowances, are tyed to rule by customes, and haue power of life and death at their command in that nature. But this word Werowance, which we call and construe for a King, is a common word, whereby they call all commanders: for they haue but few words in their language, and but few occasions to vse any officers more then one commander, which commonly they call Werowance, or Caucorouse, which is Captaine. They all know their severall lands, and habitations, and limits, to fish, foule, or hunt in, but they hold all of their great Werowance Powhatan, vnto whom they pay tribute of skinnes, beads, copper, pearle, deere, turkies, wild beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great feare and adoration, all these people doe obey this Powhatan. For at his feet they present whatsoever he commandeth, and at the least frowne of his brow, their greatest spirits will tremble with feare: and no marvell, for he is very terrible & tyrannous in punishing such as offend him. For example, he caused certaine malefactors to be bound hand and foot, then having of many fires gathered great store of burning coales, they rake these coales round in the forme of a cockpit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death. Sometimes he causeth the heads of them that offend him, to be laid vpon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one with clubbes beats out their braines. When he would punish any notorious enemy or malefactor, he causeth him to be tyed to a tree, and with Mussell shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth off his ioynts one after another, ever casting what they cut of into the fire; then doth he proceed with shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head and face; then doe they rip his belly and so burne him with the tree and all. Thus themselues reported they executed George Cassen. Their ordinary correction is to beate them with cudgels. We haue seene a man kneeling on his knees, and at Powhatans command, two men haue beate him on the bare skin, till he hath fallen senselesse in a sound, and yet never cry nor complained. And he made a woman for playing the whore, sit vpon a great stone, on her bare breech twenty foure houres, onely with corne and water, every three dayes, till nine dayes were past, yet he loued her exceedingly: notwithstanding there are common whores by profession.

        In the yeare 1608, he surprised the people of Payankatank his neare neighbours and subiects. The occasion was to vs vnknowne, but the manner was thus. First he sent divers of his men as to lodge amongst them that night, then the Ambuscadoes environed all their houses, and at the houre appointed, they all fell to the spoyle, twenty-foure men they slew, the long haire of the one side of their heads, with the skinne cased off with shels or reeds, they brought away. They surprised also the women, and the children, and the Werowance. All these they presented to Powhatan. The Werowance, women and children became his prisoners, and doe him service.


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The lockes of haire with their skinnes he hanged on a line betwixt two trees. And thus he made ostentation of his triumph at Werowocomoco, where he intended to haue done as much to mee and my company.

        And this is as much as my memory can call to minde worthy of note; which I haue purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the true worth and qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not sticke to slander the Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things, especially in company where they can finde none to contradict them. Who though they were scarce euer ten myles from Iames Towne, or at the most but at the falles; yet holding it a great disgrace that amongst so much action, their actions were nothing, exclaime of all things, though they never adventured to know any thing; nor euer did any thing but devoure the fruits of other mens labours. Being for most part of such tender educations, and small experience in Martiall accidents, because they found not English Cities, nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with feather beds and downe pillowes, Tavernes and Alehouses in every breathing place, neither such plentie of gold and silver and dissolute libertie, as they expected, had little or no care of any thing, but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure their meanes to returne for England. For the Country was to them a misery, a ruine, a death, a hell, and their reports here, and their actions there according.

        Some other there were that had yearely stipends to passe to and againe for transportation: who to keepe the mysterie of the businesse in themselues, though they had neither time nor meanes to know much of themselues; yet all mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to the temporizing times simplicitie, as they could make their ignorances seeme much more, then all the true actors could by their experience. And those with their great words deluded the world with such strange promises, as abused the businesse much worse then the rest. For the businesse being builded vpon the foundation of their fained experience, the planters, the money and meanes haue still miscarried: yet they ever returning, and the planters so farre absent, who could contradict their excuses? which, still to maintaine their vaine glory and estimation, from time to time haue vsed such diligence as made them passe for truths, though nothing more false. And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the wisest liuing is soonest abused by him that hath a faire tongue and a dissembling heart.

        There were many in Virginia meerely proiecting, verball, and idle contemplators, and those so devoted to pure idlenesse, that though they had liued two or three yeares in Virginia, lordly, necessitie it selfe could not compell them to passe the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes of Iames Towne, and those witty spirits, what would they not affirme in the behalfe of our transporters, to get victuall from their ships, or obtaine their good words in England, to get their passes. Thus from the clamors, and the ignorance of false informers, are sprung those disasters that sprung in Virginia: and our ingenious verbalists were no lesse plague to vs in Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians. For the labour of twentie or thirtie of the best onely preserved in Christianitie by their industry, the idle livers of neare two hundred of the rest: who liuing neere ten moneths of such naturall meanes, as the Country naturally of it selfe afforded, notwithstanding all this, and the worst fury of the Salvages, the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victuall; in all that time I lost but seaven or eight men, yet subiected the salvages to our desired obedience, and receiued contribution from thirtie fiue of their Kings, to protect and assist them against any that should assault them, in which order they continued true and faithfull, and as subiects to his Maiestie, so long after as I did governe there, vntill I left the Countrey: since, how they haue revolted, the Countrie lost, and againe replanted, and the businesses hath succeded from time to time, I referre you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that haue beene more diligent in such Observations.

Iohn Smith writ this with his owne hand.


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Because many doe desire to know the manner
of their Language, I haue inserted these few words.

  • KA katorawines yowo. What call you this.
  • Nemarough, a man.
  • Crenepo, a woman.
  • Marowanchesso, a boy.
  • Yehawkans, Houses.
  • Matchcores, Skins, or garments.
  • Mockasins, Shooes.
  • Tussan, Beds. Pokatawer, Fire.
  • Attawp, Abow. Attonce, Arrowes.
  • Monacookes, Swords.
  • Aumouhhowgh, A Target.
  • Pawcussacks, Gunnes.
  • Tomahacks, Axes.
  • Tockahacks, Pickaxes.
  • Pamesacks, Kniues.
  • Accowprets, Sheares.
  • Pawpecones, Pipes. Mattassin, Copper
  • Vssawassin, Iron, Brasse, Silver, or any white mettall. Musses, Woods.
  • Attasskuss, Leaues, weeds, or grasse.
  • Chepsin, Land. Shacquohocan. A stone.
  • Wepenter, A cookold.
  • Suckahanna, Water. Noughmass, Fish.
  • Copotone, Sturgeon.
  • Weghshaughes, Flesh.
  • Sawwehone, Bloud.
  • Netoppew, Friends.
  • Marrapough, Enemies.
  • Maskapow, the worst of the enemies.
  • Mawchick chammay, The best of friends
  • Casacunnakack, peya quagh acquintan vttasantasough, In how many daies will there come hither any more English Ships.
  • Their Numbers.
  • Necut, 1. Ningh, 2. Nuss, 3. Yowgh, 4. Paranske, 5. Comotinch, 6. Toppawoss, 7 Nusswash, 8. Kekatawgh, 9. Kaskeke 10 They count no more but by tennes as followeth.
  • Case, how many.
  • Ninghsapooeksku, 20.
  • Nussapooeksku, 30.
  • Yowghapooeksku, 40.
  • Parankestassapooeksku, 50.
  • Comatinchtassapoocksku, 60.
  • Nussswashtassapooeksku, 70.
  • Kekataughtassapoocksku, 90.
  • Necuttoughtysinough, 100.
  • Necuttwevnquaough, 1000.
  • Rawcosowghs, Dayes.
  • Keskowghes, Sunnes.
  • Toppquough. Nights.
  • Nepawweshowghs, Moones.
  • Pawpaxsoughes, Yeares.
  • Pummahumps, Starres.
  • Osies, Heavens.
  • Okees, Gods.
  • Quiyoughcosoughs, Pettie Gods, and their affinities.
  • Righcomoughes, Deaths.
  • Kekughes, Liues.
  • Mowchick woyawgh tawgh noeragh kaquere mecher, I am very hungry? what shall I eate?
  • Tawnor nehiegh Powhatan, Where dwels Powhatan.
  • Mache, nehiegh yourowgh, Orapaks. Now he dwels a great way hence at Orapaks.
  • Vittapitchewayne anpechitchs nehawper Werowacomoco, You lie, he staid ever at Werowacomoco.
  • Kator nehiegh mattagh neer vttapitchewayne, Truely he is there I doe not lie.
  • Spanghtynere keraghwerowance mawmarinough kekate wawgh peyaquaugh. Run you then to the King Mawmarynough and bid him come hither.
  • Vtteke, epeya weyack wighwhip, Get you gone, & come againe quickly.
  • Kekaten Pokahont as patiaquagh niugh tanks manotyens neer mowchick rawrenock audowgh, Bid Pokahontas bring hither two little Baskets, and I will giue her white Beads to make her a Chaine.

FINIS.


Page 41

The third Booke.
THE PROCEEDINGS
AND ACCIDENTS OF
The English Colony in Virginia,
Extracted from the Authors
following, by WILLIAM SIMONS,
Doctour of Divinitie.

CHAPTER I.

        1606. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

        IT might well be thought, a Countrie so faire (as Virginia is) and a people so tractable, would long ere this haue beene quietly possessed, to the satisfaction of the adventurers, & the eternizing of the memory of those that effected it. But because all the world doe see a defailement; this following Treatise shall giue satisfaction to all indifferent Readers, how the businesse hath bin carried: where no doubt they will easily vnderstand and answer to their question, how it came to passe there was no better speed and successe in those proceedings.

        The first mover of the action.
        Orders for government.

        Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, one of the first movers of this plantation, having many yeares solicited many of his friends, but found small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Captaine Iohn Smith, Mr Edward-maria Wingfield, Mr Robert Hunt, and divers others, who depended a yeare vpon his proiects, but nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and industrie, it came to be apprehended by certaine of the Nobilitie, Gentry, and Marchants, so that his Maiestie by his letters patents, gaue commission for establishing Councels, to direct here; and to governe, and to execute there. To effect this, was spent another yeare, and by that, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tuns, another of 40. and a Pinnace of 20. The transportation of the company was committed to Captaine Christopher Newport, a Marriner well practised for the Westerne parts of America. But their orders for government were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne vntill they arrived in Virginia.

        On the 19 of December, 1606. we set sayle from Blackwall, but by vnprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England; all which time, Mr Hunt our Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few expected his recovery. Yet although he were but twentie myles from his habitation (the time we were in the Downes) and notwithstanding the stormy weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few, little better then Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst vs) suggested against him, all this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leaue the busines, but preferred the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could they haue prevailed)


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had even then overthrowne the businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted examples) quenched those flames of envie, and dissention.

        Monica an vnfrequented Isle full of Birds.
        Their first landing.
        Matters of government.

        We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Salvages at Dominica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selues amongst these west-India Isles; in Gwardalupa we found a bath so hot, as in it we boyled Porck as well as over the fire. And at a little Isle called Monica, we tooke from the bushes with our hands, neare two hogshheads full of Birds in three or foure houres. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some time, where, with a lothsome beast like a Crocodil, called a Gwayn, Tortoises, Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had 3 dayes passed their reckoning and found no land, so that Captaine Ratliffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare vp the helme to returne for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extreame storme to hull all night, did driue them by his providence to their desired Port, beyond all their expectations, for never any of them had seene that coast. The first land they made they called Cape Henry; where thirtie of them recreating themselues on shore, were assaulted by fiue Salvages, who hurt two of the English very dangerously. That night was the box opened, and the orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Iohn Smith, Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport, Iohn Ratliffe, Iohn Martin, and George Kendall, were named to be the Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a yeare, who with the Councell should governe. Matters of moment were to be examined by a Iury, but determined by the maior part of the Councell, in which the President had two voyces. Vntill the 13 of May they sought a place to plant in, then the Councell was sworne, Mr Wingfield was chosen President, and an Oration made, why Captaine Smith was not admitted of the Councell as the rest.

        The discovery of the Falles & Powhatan.
        The Fort assaulted by the Salvages.

        Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contriue the Fort, the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some provide clapbord to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, &c. The Salvages often visited vs kindly. The Presidents overweening iealousie would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification, but the boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe moone by the extraordinary paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall. Newport, Smith, and twentie others, were sent to discover the head of the river: by divers small habitations they passed, in six dayes they arrived at a Towne called Powhatan, consisting of some twelue houses, pleasantly seated on a hill; before it three fertile Isles, about it many of their cornefields, the place is very pleasant, and strong by nature, of this place the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans, to this place the river is navigable: but higher within a myle, by reason of the Rockes and Isles, there is not passage for a small Boat, this they call the Falles, the people in all parts kindly intreated them, till being returned within twentie myles of Iames towne, they gaue iust cause of iealousie, but had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then those at the Fort, there had then beene an end of that plantation; for at the Fort, where they arrived the next day, they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slaine by the Salvages, and had it not chanced a crosse barre shot from the Ships strooke downe a bough from a tree amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all beene slaine, being securely all at worke, and their armes in dry fats.

        Captain Newports returne for England.

        Herevpon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were the assaults, and ambuscadoes of the Salvages, & our men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. What toyle we had, with so small a power to guard our workemen adayes, watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant our Corne, &c, I referre to the Readers consideration. Six weekes being spent in this manner, Captaine Newport (who was hired onely for


Page 43

our transportation) was to returne with the ships. Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a prisoner vpon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe (envying his repute) who fained he intended to vsurpe the government, murther the Councell, and make himselfe King, that his confederats were dispersed in all the three ships, and that divers of his confederats that revealed it, would affirme it, for this he was committed as a prisoner: thirteene weekes he remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should returne they pretended out of their commisserations, to referre him to the Councell in England to receiue a check, rather then by particulating his designes make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or vtterly overthrow his reputation. But he so much scorned their charitie, and publikely defied the vtter most of their crueltie, he wisely prevented their policies, though he could not suppresse their envies, yet so well he demeaned himselfe in this businesse, as all the company did see his innocency, and his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation; many vntruthes were alledged against him; but being so apparently disproved, begat a generall hatred in the hearts of the company against such vniust Commanders, that the President was adiudged to giue him 2001. so that all he had was seized vpon, in part of satisfaction, which Smith presently returned to the Store for the generall vse of the Colony. Many were the mischiefes that daily sprung from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good Doctrine and exhortation of our Preacher Mr Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the Councell; the next day all receiued the Communion, the day following the Salvages voluntarily desired peace, and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes; leaving in Virginia 100. the 15 of Iune 1607.

        By this obserue;


                       Good men did ne'r their Countries ruine bring.
                       But when evill men shall iniuries beginne;
                       Not caring to corrupt and violate
                       The iudgements-seats for their owne Lucr's sake:
                       Then looke that Country cannot long haue peace,
                       Though for the present it haue rest and ease.


        1607.
        Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

The names of them that were the first Planters, were these following.

    Councel

  • Mr Edward Maria Wingfield.
  • Captaine Bartholomew Gosnell.
  • Captaine Iohn Smith.
  • Captaine Iohn Ratliffe.
  • Captaine Iohn Martin.
  • Captaine George Kendall.

    Gent.

  • Mr Robert Hunt Preacher.
  • Mr George Percie.
  • Anthony Gosnoll.
  • George Flower.
  • Cap. Gabriell Archer.
  • Robert Fenton.
  • Robert Ford.
  • William Bruster.
  • Edward Harrington.
  • Dru Pickhouse.
  • Thomas Iacob.
  • Iohn Brookes.
  • Ellis Kingston.
  • Thomas Sands.
  • Beniamin Beast.
  • Iehu Robinson.
  • Thomas Mouton.
  • Eustace Clovill.
  • Stephen Halthrop.
  • Kellam Throgmorton.
  • Edward Morish.
  • Nathaniell Powell.
  • Edward Browne.
  • Robert Behethland.
  • Iohn Penington.
  • Ieremy Alicock.
  • George Walker.
  • Thomas Studley.
  • Richard Crofts.
  • Nicholas Houlgraue.
  • Thomas Webbe.
    Page 44

  • Iohn Waller.
  • Iohn Short.
  • William Tankard.
  • William Smethes.
  • Francis Snarsbrough.
  • Richard Simons.
  • Edward Brookes.
  • Richard Dixon.
  • Iohn Martin.
  • Roger Cooke.
  • Anthony Gosnold.
  • Tho: Wotton, Chirurg.
  • Iohn Stevenson.
  • Thomas Gore.
  • Henry Adling.
  • Francis Midwinter.
  • Richard Frith.

    Carpenters.

  • William Laxon.
  • Edward Pising.
  • Thomas Emry.
  • Robert Small.

    Labourers.

  • Iohn Laydon.
  • William Cassen.
  • George Cassen.
  • Thomas Cassen.
  • William Rodes.
  • William White.
  • Old Edward
  • Henry Tavin.
  • George Goulding.
  • Iohn Dods.
  • William Iohnson.
  • William Vnger.
  • Iam: Read, Blacksmith.
  • Ionas Profit, Sailer.
  • Tho: Cowper, Barber.
  • Will: Garret, Bricklayer.
  • Edward Brinto, Mason.
  • William Loue, Taylor.
  • Nic: Scot, Drum.
  • Wil: Wilkinson, Chirurg.
  • Samuell Collier, boy.
  • Nat. Pecock, boy.
  • Iames Brumfield, boy.
  • Richard Mutton, boy.

        With divers others to the number of 100.

CHAP. II.

What happened till the first supply.

        The occasion of sicknesse.
        The Sailers abuses.
        A bad President.
        Plentie vnexpected.

        BEing thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten dayes scarce ten amongst vs could either goe, or well stand, such extreame weaknes and sicknes oppressed vs. And thereat none need marvaile, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this; whilest the ships stayed, our allowance was somewhat bettered, by a daily proportion of Bisket, which the sailers would pilfer to sell, giue, or exchange with vs, for money, Saxefras, furres, or loue. But when they departed, there remained neither taverne, beere-house, nor place of reliefe, but the common Kettell. Had we beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennesse, we might haue beene canonized for Saints; But our President would never haue beene admitted, for ingrossing to his private, Oatmeale, Sacke, Oyle, Aquavitæ, Beefe, Egges, or what not, but the Kettell; that indeed he allowed equally to be distributed, and that was halfe a pint of wheat, and as much barley boyled with water for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26. weekes in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines; so that we might truely call it rather so much bran then corne, our drinke was water, our lodgings Castles in the ayre: with this lodging and dyet, our extreame toile in bearing and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised vs, and our continuall labour in the extremitie of the heat had so weakned vs, as were cause sufficient to haue made vs as miserable in our natiue Countrey, or any other place in the world. From May, to September, those that escaped, liued vpon Sturgeon, and Sea-crabs, fiftie in this time we buried, the rest seeing the Presidents proiects to escape these miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sicknes) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him; and established Ratcliffe in his place, (Gosnoll being dead) Kendall deposed, Smith newly recovered, Martin and Ratcliffe was by his care preserved and relieued, and the most of the souldiers recovered, with the skilfull diligence of Mr Thomas Wotton our Chirurgian generall. But now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Salvages; when God the patron of all good indevours, in that desperate extremitie so changed the hearts of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of their fruits, and provision, as no man wanted.

        And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councell to send forth men so badly provided, this incontradictable reason will shew them plainely they are too ill advised to nourish such ill conceits; first, the fault of our going was our owne,


Page 45

what could be thought fitting or necessary we had, but what we should find, or want, or where we should be, we were all ignorant, and supposing to make our passage in two moneths, with victuall to liue, and the advantage of the spring to worke; we were at Sea fiue moneths, where we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunitie of the time, and season to plant, by the vnskilfull presumption of our ignorant transporters, that vnderstood not at all, what they vndertooke.

        Such actions haue ever since the worlds beginning beene subiect to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties, but nothing so difficult as to establish a Common wealth so farre remote from men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so vntoward as neither doe well themselues, nor suffer others. But to proceed.

        The building of Iames Towne.
        The beginning of Trade abroad.

        The new President and Martin, being little beloved, of weake iudgement in dangers, and lesse industrie in peace, committed the managing of all things abroad to Captaine Smith: who by his owne example, good words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe alwayes bearing the greatest taske for his owne share, so that in short time, he provided most of them lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. This done, seeing the Salvages superfluitie beginne to decrease (with some of his workemen) shipped himselfe in the Shallop to search the Country for trade. The want of the language, knowledge to mannage his boat without sailes, the want of a sufficient power, (knowing the multitude of the Salvages) apparell for his men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no discouragement. Being but six or seauen in company he went downe the river to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a famished man, and would in derision offer him a handfull of Corne, a peece of bread, for their swords and muskets, and such like proportions also for their apparell. But seeing by trade and courtesie there was nothing to be had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessitie inforced, though contrary to his Commission: Let fly his muskets, ran his boat on shore, where at they all fled into the woods. So marching towards their houses, they might see great heapes of corne: much adoe he had to restraine his hungry souldiers from present taking of it, expecting as it hapned that the Salvages would assault them, as not long after they did with a most hydeous noyse. Sixtie or seaventie of them, some blacke, some red, some white, some party-coloured, came in a square order, singing and dauncing out of the woods, with their Okee (which was an Idoll made of skinnes, stuffed with mosse, all painted and hung with chaines and copper) borne before them: and in this manner being well armed, with Clubs, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes, they charged the English, that so kindly receiued them with their muskets loaden with Pistoll shot, that downe fell their God, and divers lay sprauling on the ground; the rest fled againe to the woods, and ere long sent one of their Quiyoughkasoucks to offer peace, and redeeme their Okee. Smith told them, if onely six of them would come vnarmed and loade his boat, he would not only be their friend, but restore them their Okee, and giue them Beads, Copper, and Hatchets besides: which on both sides was to their contents performed: and then they brought him Venison, Turkies, wild foule, bread, and what they had, singing and dauncing in signe of friendship till they departed. In his returne he discovered the Towne and Country of Warraskoyack.


                       Thus God vnboundlesse by his power,
                       Made them thus kind, would vs deuour.

        Amovis, a Salvage his best friend slaine for loving vs.
        The Discovery of Chickahamine.
        Another proiect to abandon the country.

        Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any regarded but from hand to mouth (the company being well recovered) caused the Pinnace to be provided with things fitting to get provision for the yeare following; but in the interim he made 3. or 4. iournies and discovered the people of Chickahamania: yet what he carefully provided the rest carelesly spent. Wingfield and Kendall liuing in disgrace, seeing all things at randome in the absence of Smith, the companies dislike of their


Page 46

Presidents weaknes, and their small loue to Martins never mending sicknes, strengthened themselues with the sailers, and other confederates to regaine their former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the Pinnace, (being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course and to goe for England. Smith vnexpectedly returning had the plot discovered to him, much trouble he had to prevent it, till with store of sakre and musket shot he forced them stay or sinke in the riuer, which action cost the life of captaine Kendall. These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they were better forgotten, yet all men of good iudgement will conclude, it were better their basenes should be manifest to the world, then the busines beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. The President and captaine Archer not long after intended also to haue abandoned the country, which proiect also was curbed, and suppressed by Smith. The Spaniard never more greedily desired gold then he victuall, nor his souldiers more to abandon the Country, then he to keepe it. But finding plentie of Corne in the riuer of Chickahamania where hundreds of Salvages in diuers places stood with baskets expecting his comming. And now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and putchamins, fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eate them: so that none of our Tuftaffaty humorists desired to goe for England. But our Comœdies never endured long without a Tragedie; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine Smith, for not discovering the head of Chickahamania river, and taxed by the Councell, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage hee proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting of trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding none should goe a shore till his returne: himselfe with two English and two Salvages went vp higher in a Canowe, but hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore, whose want of government, gaue both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed not to haue cut of the boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, twentie myles in the desert, had his* two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall, who finding he was beset with 200. Salvages, two of them hee slew, still defending himselfe with the ayd of a Salvage his guid, whom he bound to his arme with his garters, and vsed him as a buckler, yet he was shot in his thigh a little, and had many arrowes that stucke in his cloathes but no great hurt, till at last they tooke him prisoner.

        * Ichu Robinson and Thomas Emry slaine.
When this newes came to Iames towne, much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued. Sixe or seuen weekes those Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphes and coniurations they made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured his owne libertie, and got himselfe and his company such estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired him more then their owne Quiyouckosucks. The manner how they vsed and deliuered him, is as followeth.

        Captaine Smith taken prisoner.

        The Salvages hauing drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine Smith was gone, prosecuting that oportunity they followed him with. 300. bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamavnkee, who in diuisions searching the turnings of the riuer, found Robinson and Emry by the fire side, those they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then finding the Captaine, as is said, that vsed the Salvage that was his guide as his sheld (three of them being slaine and diuers other so gauld) all the rest would not come neere him. Thinking thus to haue returned to his boat, regarding them, as he marched, more then his way, slipped vp to the middle in an oasie creeke & his Salvage with him, yet durst they not come to him till being neere dead with cold, he threw away his armes. Then according to their composition they drew him forth and led him to the fire, where his men were slaine. Diligently they chafed his benummed


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limbs. He demanding for their Captaine, they shewed him Opechankanough, King of Pamavnkee, to whom he gaue a round Ivory double compass Dyall. Much they marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so plainely, and yet not touch it, because of the glasse that covered them. But when he demonstrated by that Globe-like Iewell, the roundnesse of the earth, and skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and how the Sunne did chase the night round about the world continually; the greatnesse of the Land and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie of complexions, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding, within an houre after they tyed him to a tree, and as many as could stand about him prepared to shoot him, but the King holding vp the Compass in his hand, they all laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes, and in a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks, where he was after their manner kindly feasted, and well vsed.

        The order they observed in their trivmph.

        Their order in conducting him was thus; Drawing themselues all in fyle, the King in the middest had all their Peeces and Swords borne before him. Captaine Smith was led after him by three great Salvages, holding him fast by each arme: and on each side six went in fyle with their Arrowes nocked. But arriving at the Towne (which was but onely thirtie or fortie hunting houses made of Mats, which they remoue as they please, as we our tents) all the women and children staring to behold him, the souldiers first all in fyle performed the forme of a Bissom so well as could be; and on each flanke, officers as Serieants to see them keepe their order. A good time they continued this exercise, and then cast themselues in a ring, dauncing in such severall Postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes and screeches; being strangely painted, every one his quiver of Arrowes, and at his backe a club; on his arme a Fox or an Otters skinne, or some such matter for his vambrace; their heads and shoulders painted red, with Oyle and Pocones mingled together, which Scarlet-like colour made an exceeding handsome shew; his Bow in his hand, and the skinne of a Bird with her wings abroad dryed, tyed on his head, a peece of copper, a white shell, a long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tayles of their snaks tyed to it, or some such like toy. All this while Smith and the King stood in the middest guarded, as before is said, and after three dances they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, where thirtie or fortie tall fellowes did guard him, and ere long more bread and venison was brought him then would haue served twentie men, I thinke his stomacke at that time was not very good; what he left they put in baskets and tyed over his head. About midnight they set the meate againe before him, all this time not one of them would eate a bit with him, till the next morning they brought him as much more, and then did they eate all the old, & reserved the new as they had done the other, which made him thinke they would fat him to eat him. Yet in this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gowne, in requitall of some beads and toyes Smith had given him at his first arrivall in Virginia.

        How he should haue beene slaine at Orapacks.

        Two dayes after a man would haue slaine him (but that the guard prevented it) for the death of his sonne, to whom they conducted him to recover the poore man then breathing his last. Smith told them that at Iames towne he had a water would doe it, if they would let him fetch it, but they would not permit that; but made all the preparations they could to assault Iames towne, crauing his advice, and for recompence he should haue life, libertie, land, and women. In part of a Table booke he writ his minde to them at the Fort, what was intended, how they should follow that direction to affright the messengers, and without fayle send him such things as he writ for. And an Inventory with them. The difficultie and danger, he told the Salvages, of the Mines, great gunnes, and other Engins exceedingly affrighted them, yet according to his request they went to Iames towne, in as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three dayes returned with an answer.

        How he saued Iames towne from being surprised.
        How they did Coniure him at Pamavnkee.

        But when they came to Iame towne, seeing men sally out as he had told them they would, they fled; yet in the night they came againe to the same place where he had


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told them they should receiue an answer, and such things as he had promised them, which they found accordingly, and with which they returned with no small expedition, to the wonder of them all that heard it, that he could either divine, or the paper could speake: then they led him to the Youthtanunds, the Mattapanients, the Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanicnts vpon the rivers ef Rapahanock, and Patawomek, over all those rivers, and backe againe by divers other severall Nations, to the Kings habitation at Pamavnkee, where they entertained him with most strange and fearefull Coniurations;


                       As if neare led to hell,
                       Amongst the Devils to dwell.


        Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a long house, and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other, on the one they caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, and presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coale, mingled with oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they met on the crowne of his head in a tassell; and round about the tassell was as a Coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, backe, and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voyce and a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions he began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meale; which done, three more such like devils came rushing in with the like antique tricks, painted halfe blacke, halfe red: but all their eyes were painted white, and some red stroakes like Mutchato's, along their cheekes: round about him those fiends daunced a pretty while, and then came in three more as vgly as the rest; with red eyes, and white stroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat downe right against him; three of them on the one hand of the chiefe Priest, and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song, which ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe fiue wheat cornes: then strayning his armes and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his veynes swelled, he began a short Oration: at the conclusion they all gaue a short groane; and then layd down three graines more. After that, began their song againe, and then another Oration, ever laying downe so many cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed the fire; that done, they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for that purpose, continuing still their devotion, and at the end of every song and Oration, they layd downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night, neither he nor they did either eate or drinke, and then they feasted merrily, with the best provisions they could make. Three dayes they vsed this Ceremony; the meaning whereof they told him, was to know if he intended them well or no. The circle of meale signified their Country, the circles of corne the bounds of the Sea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the world to be flat and round, like a trencher, and they in the middest. After this they brought him a bagge of gunpowder, which they carefully preferved till the next spring, to plant as they did their corne; because they would be acquainted with the nature of that seede. Opitchapam the Kings brother invited him to his house, where, with as many platters of bread, soule, and wild beasts, as did environ him, he bid him wellcome; but not any of them would eate a bit with him, but put vp all the remainder in Baskets. At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings women, and their children, flocked about him for their parts, as a due by Custome, to be merry with such fragments.


                       But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous shapes,
                       Of bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes.

        How Powhatan entertained him.
        How Pocahontas saved his life.

        At last they brought him to Meronocomoco, where was Powhatan their Emperor. Here more then two hundred of those grim Courtiers stood wondering at him, as he had beene a monster; till Powhatan and his trayne had put themselues in their greatest braveries. Before a fire vpon a seat like a bedsted, he sat covered with a great robe, made of Rarowcun skinnes, and all the tayles hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 to 18 yeares, and along on each side the house, two rowes


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of men, and behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red; many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds; but every one with something: and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. At his entrance before the King, all the people gaue a great shout. The Queene of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, in stead of a Towell to dry them: having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their clubs, to beate out his braines, Pocahontas the Kings dearest daughter, when no intreaty could prevaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne vpon his to saue him from death: whereat the Emperour was contented he should liue to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for they thought him as well of all occupations as themselues. For the King himselfe will make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots; plant, hunt, or doe any thing so well as the rest.


                       They say he bore a pleasant shew,
                       But sure his heart was sad.
                       For who can pleasant be, and rest,
                       That liues in feare and dread:
                       And having life suspected, doth
                       It still suspected lead.

        How Powhatan sent him to Iames Towne.
        The third proiect to abandon the Countrey.

        Two dayes after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most fearefullest manner he could, caused Capt: Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there vpon a mat by the fire to be left alone. Not long after from behinde a mat that divided the house, was made the most dolefullest noyse he ever heard; then Powhatan more like a devill then a man with some two hundred more as blacke as himselfe, came vnto him and told him now they were friends, and presently he should goe to Iames towne, to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndstone, for which he would giue him the Country of Capahowosick, and for ever esteeme him as his sonne Nantaquoud. So to Iames towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night they quarterd in the woods, he still expecting (as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment) every houre to be put to one death or other: for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his divine providence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians with compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, where Smith having vsed the Salvages with what kindnesse he could, he shewed Rawhunt, Powhatans trusty servant two demi-Culverings & a millstone to carry Powhatan: they found them somewhat too heavie; but when they did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with Isickles, the yce and branches came so tumbling downe, that the poore Salvages ran away halfe dead with feare. But at last we regained some conference with them, and gaue them such toyes; and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children such presents, as gaue them in generall full content. Now in Iames Towne they were all in combustion, the strongest preparing once more to run away with the Pinnace; which with the hazzard of his life, with Sakrefalcon and musket shot, Smith forced now the third time to stay or sinke. Some no better then they should be, had plotted with the President, the next day to haue put him to death by the Leviticall law, for the liues of Robinson and Emry, pretending the fault was his that had led them to their ends: but he quickly tooke such order with such Lawyers, that he layd them by the heeles till he sent some of them prisoners for England. Now ever once in foure or fiue dayes, Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved many of their liues, that els for all this had starved with hunger.


                       Thus from numbe death our good God sent reliefe,
                       The sweete asswager of all other griefe.


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        A true proofe of Gods loue to the action.

        His relation of the plenty he had seene, especially at Werawocomoco, and of the state and bountie of Powhatan, (which till that time was vnknowne) so revived their dead spirits (especially the loue of Pocahontas) as all mens feare was abandoned. Thus you may see what difficulties still crossed any good indevour: and the good successe of the businesse being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction; yet you see by what strange means God hath still delivered it. As for the insufficiency of them admitted in Commission, that error could not be prevented by the Electors; there being no other choise, and all strangers to each others education, qualities, or disposition. And if any deeme it a shame to our Nation to haue any mention made of those inormities, let them pervse the Histories of the Spanyards Discoveries and Plantations, where they may see how many mutinies, disorders, and dissentions haue accompanied them, and crossed their attempts: which being knowne to be particular mens offences; doth take away the generall scorne and contempt, which malice, presumption, covetousnesse, or ignorance might produce; to the scandall and reproach of those, whose actions and valiant resolutions deserue a more worthy respect.

        Of two evils the lesse was chosen.

        Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith, to haue concluded with any of those severall proiects, to haue abandoned the Countrey, with some ten or twelue of them, who were called the better sort, and haue left Mr Hunt our Preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most honest, worthy, and industrious Gentleman, Master Thomas Wotton, and some 27 others of his Countrymen to the fury of the Salvages, famine, and all manner of mischiefes, and inconveniences, (for they were but fortie in all to keepe possession of this large Country;) or starue himselfe with them for company, for want of lodging: or but adventuring abroad to make them provision, or by his opposition to preserue the action, and saue all their liues; I leaue to the censure of all honest men to consider. But


                       We men imagine in our Iolitie,
                       That 'tis all one, or good or bad to be.
                       But then anone wee alter this againe,
                       If happily wee feele the sence of paine;
                       For then we're turn'd into a mourning vaine.

        Written by Thomas Studley, the first Cape Merchant in Virginia, Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington, and I. S.

CHAP. III.

The Arrivall of the first supply, with their Proceedings,
and the Ships returne.

        The Phœnix from Cape Henry forced to the West Indies.

        ALL this time our care was not so much to abandon the Countrey; but the Treasurer and Councell in England, were as diligent & carefull to supply vs. Two good ships they sent vs, with neare a hundred men, well furnished with all things could be imagined necessary, both for them and vs; The one commanded by Captaine Newport: the other by Captaine Francis Nelson, an honest man, and an expert Marriner. But such was the lewardnesse of his Ship (that though he was within the sight of Cape Heury) by stormy contrary winds was he forced so farre to Sea, that the West Indies was the next land, for the repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. But Newport got in and arrived at Iames Towne, not long after the redemption of Captaine Smith. To whom the Salvages, as is sayd, every other day repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently did serue them from hand to mouth: part alwayes they brought him as Presents from their Kings, or Pocahontas; the rest he as their Market Clarke set the price himselfe, how they should sell: so he


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had inchanted these poore soules being their prisoner; and now Newport, whom he called his Father arriving, neare as directly as he foretold, they esteemed him as an Oracle, and had them at that submission he might command them what he listed. That God that created all things they knew he adored for his God: they would also in their discourses tearme the God of Captaine Smith.

        Their opinion of our God.


                       Thus the Almightie was the bringer on,
                       The guide, path, terme, all which was God alone.

        Smiths revisiting Powhatan.

        But the President and Councell so much envied his estimation among the Salvages, (though we all in generall equally participated with him of the good thereof,) that they wrought it into the Salvages vnderstandings (by their great bounty in giving foure times more for their commodities then Smith appointed) that their greatnesse and authoritie as much exceeded his, as their bountie and liberalitie. Now the arrivall of this first supply so overioyed vs, that wee could not devise too much to please the Marriners. We gaue them libertie to trucke or trade at their pleasures. But in a short time it followed, that could not be had for a pound of Copper, which before was sould vs for an ounce: thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of the greatnesse of Capt. Newport, (where with Smith had possessed Powhatan) especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he could prepare the Pinnace to goe and visit him: so that this great Savage desired also to see him. A great coyle there was to set him forward. When he went he was accompanied with Captaine Smith, & Mr Scrivener, a very wise vnderstanding Gentleman, newly arrived and admitted of the Councell, with thirtie or fortie chosen men for their guard. Arriving at Werowocomoco, Newports conceit of this great Savage bred many doubts and suspitions of trecheries, which Smith to make appeare was needlesse, with twentie men well appointed, vndertooke to encounter the worst that could happen: Knowing


                       All is but one, and selfe-same hand, that thus
                       Both one while scourgeth, and that helpeth vs.


    Gent.

  • Nathaniell Powell.
  • Robert Behethland.
  • Michell Phittiplace.
  • William Phittiplace.
  • Anthony Gosnoll.
  • Richard Wyffin.
  • Iohn Taverner.
  • William Dyer.
  • Thomas Coe.
  • Thomas Hope.
  • Anas Todkill.
        Powhatan his entertainement.
        The exchage of a Christian for a Salvage.

        These, with nine others (whose names I haue forgotten) comming a-shore, landed amongst a many of creekes, over which they were to passe such poore bridges, onely made of a few cratches, thrust in the ose, and three or foure poles laid on them, and at the end of them the like, tyed together onely with barkes of trees, that it made them much suspect those bridges were but traps. Which caused Smith to make diverse Salvages goe over first, keeping some of the chiefe as hostage till halfe his men were passed, to make a guard for himselfe and the rest. But finding all things well, by two or three hundred Salvages they were kindly conducted to their towne. Where Powhatan strained himselfe to the vtmost of his greatnesse to entertaine them, with great shouts of ioy, Orations of protestations; and with the most plenty of victualls he could provide to feast them. Sitting vpon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbrodered (after their rude manner with pearle and white Beads) his attyre a faire robe of skinnes as large as an Irish mantell: at his head and feete a handsome young woman: on each side his house sat twentie of his Concubines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white beads about each of their neckes. Before those sat his chiefest men in like order in his arbour-like house, and more then fortie platters of fine bread stood as a guard in two fyles on each side the doore. Foure or fiue hundred people made a guard behinde them for our passage; and Proclamation was made, none vpon paine of death to presume to doe vs any wrong or discourtesie. With many pretty Discourses to renew


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their old acquaintance, this great King and our Captaine spent the time, till the ebbe left our Barge aground. Then renewing their feasts with feates, dauncing and singing, and such like mirth, we quartered that night with Powhatan. The next day Newport came a shore and receiued as much content as those people could giue him: a boy named Thomas Salvage was then giuen vnto Powhatan, whom Newport called his sonne; for whom Powhatan gaue him Namontack his trustie servant, and one of a shrewd, subtill capacitie. Three or foure dayes more we spent in feasting, dauncing, and trading, wherein Powhatan carried himselfe so proudly, yet discreetly (in his salvage manner) as made vs all admire his naturall gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade as his subiects did; he bespake Newport in this manner.

        Powhatans speech.
        Differences of opinions.
        Iames towne burnt.
        A ship Idely loytering 14. weekes.
        The effect of meere Verbalists.
        A needlesse charge.
        A returne to England.

        Captaine Newport it is not agreeable to my greatnesse, in this pedling manner to trade for trifles; and I esteeme you also a great Werowance. Therefore lay me downe all your commodities together; what I like I will take, and in recompence giue you what I thinke fitting their value. Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, tould vs his intent was but onely to cheate vs; yet Captaine Newport thinking to out braue this Salvage in ostentation of greatnesse, and so to bewitch him with his bountie, as to haue what he listed, it so hapned, that Powhatan hauing his desire, valued his corne at such a rate, that I thinke it better cheape in Spaine: for we had not foure bushells for that we expected to haue twentie hogsheads. This bred some vnkindnesse betweene our two Captaines; Newport seeking to please the vnsatiable desire of the Salvage, Smith to cause the Salvage to please him; but smothering his distast to avoyd the Saluages suspition, glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who fixed his humor vpon a few blew beades. A long time he importunately desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, as being composed of a most rare substance of the coulour of the skyes, and not to be worne but by the greatest kings in the world. This made him halfe madde to be the owner of such strange Iewells: so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beades, be brought ouer my king for 2. or 300. Bushells of corne; yet parted good friends. The like entertainment we found of Opechankanough king of Pamavnkee, whom also he in like manner fitted (at the like rates) with blew beads, which grew by this meanes, of that estimation, that none durst weare any of them but their great kings, their wiues and children. And so we returned all well to Iames towne, where this new supply being lodged with the rest, accidentally fired their quarters and so the towne, which being but thatched with reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burnt their Pallisado's, (though eight or ten yards distant) with their Armes, bedding, apparell, and much priuate prouision. Good Master Hunt our Preacher lost all his Library and all he had but the cloathes on his backe: yet none neuer heard him repine at his losse. This happned in the winter in that extreame frost. 1607. Now though we had victuall sufficient I meane onely of Oatmeale, meale and corne, yet the Ship staying 14. weekes when shee might as wel haue beene gone in 14. dayes, spent a great part of that, and neare all the rest that was sent to be landed. When they departed what there discretion could spare vs, to make a little poore meale or two, we called feastes, to relish our mouthes: of each somwhat they left vs, yet I must confesse, those that had either money, spare clothes credit to giue billes of paiment, gold rings, furrs, or any such commodities, were euer welcome to their remouing tauerne, such was our patience to obay such vile Commanders, and buy our owne provisions at 15. times the value, suffering them feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine, but fast, least we should incurre the censure of factious and seditious persons: and then leakage, ship rats, and other casuallties occasioned them losse, but the vessels and remnants (for totals) we were glad to receaue with all our hearts to make vp the account, highly commending their prouidence for preseruing that, least they should discourage any more to come to vs. Now for all this plenty our ordynary was but meale and water, so that this great charge little releeued our wants, whereby with the extremitie of the


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bitter cold frost and those defects, more then halfe of vs dyed; I cannot deny but both Smith and Skriuener did their best to amend what was amisse, but with the President went the maior part, that there hornes were to short. But the worst was our guilded refiners with their golden promises made all men their slaues in hope of recompences; there was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, loade gold, such a bruit of gold, that one mad fellow desired to be buried in the sands least they should by there art make gold of his bones: little neede there was and lesse reason, the ship should stay, there wages run on, our victualls consume 14. weekes, that the Mariners might say, they did helpe to build such a golden Church that we can say the raine washed neere to nothing in 14. dayes. Were it that captaine Smith would not applaude all those golden inventions, because they admitted him not to the sight of their trialls nor golden consultations, I know not; but I haue heard him oft question with Captaine Martin & tell him, except he could shew him a more substantiall triall, he was not inamoured with their durty skill, breathing out these and many other passions, neuer any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessary busines neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much guilded durt. Till then we neuer accounted, Captaine Newport a refiner, who being ready to set saile for England, & we not hauing any vse of Parliaments, Plaies, Petitions, Admiralls, Recorders, Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor Iustices of peace, sent Master Wingfield and Captaine Archer home with him, that had ingrossed all those titles, to seeke some better place of imployment.


                       Oh cursed gold those, hunger-starved movers,
                       To what misfortunes lead'st thou all these lovers!
                       For all the China wealth, nor Indies can
                       Suffice the minde of an av'ritious man.

CHAP. IIII.

The Arrivall of the Phœnix; her returne; and other Accidents.

        The rebuilding Iames Towne.
        Sixtie appointed to discover the Monacans.

        THe authoritie now consisting in Captaine Martin, and the still sickly President, the sale of the Stores commodities maintained his estate, as an inheritable revenew. The spring approaching, and the Ship departing, Mr Scrivener and Captaine Smith devided betwixt them the rebuilding Iames towne; the repairing our Pallizadoes; the cutting downe trees; preparing our fields; planting our corne, and to rebuild our Church, and recover our Store house. All men thus busie at their severall labours, Master Nelson arrived with his lost Phœnix; lost (I say) for that we all deemed him lost. Landing safely all his men, (so well he had mannaged his ill hap,) causing the Indian Isles to feede his company, that his victuall to that we had gotten, as is said before, was neare after our allowance sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had not any thing but he freely imparted it, which honest dealing (being a Marriner) caused vs admire him: we would not haue wished more then he did for vs. Now to relade this ship with some good tydings, the President (not holding it stood with the dignitie of his place to leaue the Fort) gaue order to Captaine Smith to discover and search the commodities of the Monacans Countrey beyond the Falls. Sixtie able men was allotted them, the which within six dayes, Smith had so well trained to their armes and orders, that they little feared with whom they should incounter: yet so vnseasonable was the time, and so opposit was Captaine Martin to any thing, but onely to fraught this ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith rather desired to relade her with Cedar, (which was a present dispatch) then either with durt, or the hopes and reports of an vncertaine discovery, which he would performe when they had lesse charge and more leisure.


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        But,


                       The God of Heav'n, He eas'ly can
                       Immortalize a mortall man,
                       With glory and with fame.
                       The same God, ev'n as eas'ly may
                       Afflict a mortall man, I say,
                       With sorrow and with shame.


        Whilst the conclusion was a resolving, this hapned.

        An ill example to sell swords to Salvages.
        The Presidents weaknesse.
        Smiths attempt to suppresse the Salvages insolencies.
        Powhatans excuse.

        Powhatan (to expresse his loue to Newport) when he departed, presented him with twentie Turkies, conditionally to returne him twentie swords, which immediately was sent him; now after his departure he presented Captaine Smith with the like luggage, but not finding his humor obeyed in not sending such weapons as he desired, he caused his people with twentie devices to obtaine them. At last by ambuscadoes at our very Ports they would take them perforce, surprise vs at worke, or any way; which was so long permitted, they became so insolent there was no rule; the command from England was so strait not to offend them, as our authoritie-bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing then peace-breakers. This charitable humor prevailed, till well it chanced they medled with Captaine Smith, who without farther deliberation gaue them such an incounter, as some he so hunted vp and downe the Isle, some he so terrified with whipping, beating, and imprisonment, as for revenge they surprised two of our forraging disorderly souldiers, and having assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our Ports to force Smith to redeliver seven Salvages, which for their villanies he detained prisoners, or we were all but dead men. But to try their furies he sallied out amongst them, and in lesse then an houre, he so hampred their insolencies, they brought them his two men, desiring peace without any further composition for their prisoners. Those he examined, and caused them all beleeue, by severall vollies of shot one of their companions was shot to death, because they would not confesse their intents and plotters of those villanies. And thus they all agreed in one point, they were directed onely by Powhatan to obtaine him our weapons, to cut our owne throats, with the manner where, how, and when, which we plainly found most true and apparant: yet he sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter Pocahontas with presents to excuse him of the iniuries done by some rash vntoward Captaines his subiects, desiring their liberties for this time, with the assurance of his loue for ever. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction he thought fit, vsed them well a day or two after, & then delivered them Pocahontas, for whose sake onely he fayned to haue saued their liues, and gaue them libertie. The patient Councell that nothing would moue to warre with the Salvages, would gladly haue wrangled with Captaine Smith for his crueltie, yet none was slaine to any mans knowledge, but it brought them in such feare and obedience, as his very name would sufficiently affright them; where before, wee had sometime peace and warre twice in a day, and very seldome a weeke, but we had some trecherous villany or other.

        A ship fraught with Cedar.

        The fraught of this Ship being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of the Master, and Captaine Smith, she was quickly reladed: Master Scrivener was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort; the Ship being ready to set sayle, Captaine Martin being alwayes very sickly, and vnserviceable, and desirous to inioy the credit of his supposed Art of finding the golden Mine, was most willingly admitted to returne for England. For


                       He hath not fill'd his lapp,
                       That still doth hold it oap.


From the writings of Thomas Studley, and Anas Todkill.


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Their Names that were landed in this Supply.

        1608.
        Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

    Gent.

  • Mathew Scrivener appointed to be one of the Councell.
  • Michaell Phittiplace.
  • William Phittiplace.
  • Ralph Morton.
  • Richard Wyffing.
  • Iohn Taverner.
  • William Cantrell.
  • Robert Barnes.
  • Richard Fetherstone.
  • George Hill.
  • George Pretty.
  • Nathaniell Causy.
  • Peter Pory.
  • Robert Cutler.
  • Michaell Sicklemore.
  • William Bentley.
  • Thomas Coe.
  • Doctor Russell.
  • Ieffrey Abbot.
  • Edward Gurgana.
  • Richard Worley.
  • Timothy Leeds.
  • Richard Killingbeck.
  • William Spence.
  • Richard Prodger.
  • Richard Pots.
  • Richard Mullinax.
  • William Bayley.
  • Francis Perkins.
  • Iohn Harper.
  • George Forest.
  • Iohn Nichols.
  • William Griuell.

    Labourers.

  • Raymõd Goodison.
  • William Simons.
  • Iohn Spearman.
  • Richard Bristow.
  • William Perce.
  • Iames Watkins.
  • Iohn Bouth.
  • Christopher Rods.
  • Richard Burket.
  • Iames Burre.
  • Nicholas Ven.
  • Francis Perkins.
  • Richard Gradon.
  • Rawland Nelstrop.
  • Richard Savage.
  • Thomas Savage.
  • Richard Milmer.
  • William May.
  • Vere.
  • Michaell.
  • Bishop Wiles.

    Taylers.

  • Thomas Hope.
  • William Ward.
  • Iohn Powell.
  • William Yong.
  • William Beckwith.
  • Larence Towtales.

    Apothecaries.

  • Thomas Field.
  • Iohn Harford.
  • Dani: Stallings, Ieweller.
  • Will: Dawson, a refiner.
  • Abram Ransack, a refiner.
  • Wil: Iohnson, a Goldsmith.
  • Peter Keffer, a gunsmith.
  • Rob: Alberton, a perfumer.
  • Richard Belfield, a Goldsmith.
  • Post Ginnat, a Chirurg.
  • Iohn Lewes, a Cooper.
  • Robert Cotton, a Tobacco-pipe-maker.
  • Richard Dole, a Blacksmith.

        And divers others to the number of 120.

CHAPTER V.

The Accidents that hapned in the Discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack.

        THe prodigalitie of the Presidents state went so deepe into our small store, that Smith and Scrivener tyed him and his Parasites to the rules of proportion. But now Smith being to depart, the Presidents authoritie so overswayed the discretion of Mr Scrivener, that our store, our time, our strength and labours were idely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. The second of Iune 1608. Smith left the Fort to performe his Discovery with this Company.

  • Walter Russell, Doctor of Physicke.

    Gentlemen

  • Ralfe Murton.
  • Thomas Momford.
  • William Cantrill.
  • Richard Fetherston.
  • Iames Burne.
  • Michell Sicklemore.

    Souldiers.

  • Ionas Profit.
  • Anas Todkill.
  • Robert Small.
  • Iames Watkins.
  • Iohn Powell.
  • Iames Read.
  • Richard Keale.
        A strange mortalitie of Salvages.
        Russels Isles.
        Wighcocomoco.
        An extreame want of fresh water.

        These being in an open Barge neare three tuns burthen, leaving the Phœnix; at Cape Henry, they crossed the Bay to the Easterne shore, and fell with the Isles called Smiths Isles, after our Captaines name. The first people we saw were two grim and stout Salvages vpon Cape Charles, with long poles like lauelings, headed with bone,


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they boldly demanded what we were, and what we would, but after many circumstances they seemed very kinde, and directed vs to Accomack, the habitation of their Werowance, where we were kindly intreated. This King was the comliest, proper, civil Salvage we incountred. His Country is a pleasant fertile clay soyle, some small creekes; good Harbours for small Barks, but not for Ships. He told vs of a strange accident lately happened him, and it was, two children being dead; some extreame passions, or dreaming visions, phantasies, or affection moued their parents againe to revisit their dead carkases, whose benummed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders such delightfull countenances, as though they had regained their vitall spirits. This as a miracle drew many to behold them, all which being a great part of his people, not long after dyed, and but few escaped. They spake the language of Powhatan, wherein they made such descriptions of the Bay, Isles, and rivers, that often did vs exceeding pleasure. Passing along the coast, searching every inlet, and Bay, fit for harbours and habitations. Seeing many Isles in the midst of the Bay we bore vp for them, but ere we could obtaine them, such an extreame gust of wind, rayne, thunder, and lightening happened, that with great danger we escaped the vnmercifull raging of that Ocean-like water. The highest land on the mayne, yet it was but low, we called Keales hill, and these vninhabited Isles, Russels Isles. The next day searching them for fresh water, we could find none, the defect whereof forced vs to follow the next Easterne Channell, which brought vs to the river of Wighcocomoco. The people at first with great fury seemed to assault vs, yet at last with songs and daunces and much mirth became very tractable, but searching their habitations for water, we could fill but three barricoes, & that such puddle, that never till then we ever knew the want of good water. We digged and searched in many places, but before two daies were expired, we would haue refused two barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Isles which are many in number, but all naught for habitation, falling with a high land vpon the mayne, we found a great Pond of fresh water, but so exceeding hot wee supposed it some bath; that place we called poynt Ployer, in honor of that most honourable House of Mousay in Britaine, that in an extreame extremitie once relieued our Captaine. From Wighcocomoco to this place, all the coast is low broken Isles of Morap, growne a myle or two in breadth, and ten or twelue in length, good to cut for hay in Summer, and to catch fish and foule in Winter: but the Land beyond them is all covered over with wood, as is the rest of the Country.

        Their Barge neare sunke in a gust.
        Cuskarawaock.
        The first notice of the Massawomeks.
        Bolus Riuer.

        Being thus refreshed in crossing ouer from the maine to other Isles, we discouered the winde and waters so much increased with thunder, lightning, and raine, that our mast and sayle blew ouerbord and such mighty waues ouerracked vs in that small barge that with great labour we kept her frõ sinking by freeing out the water. Two dayes we were inforced to inhabite these vninhabited Isles which for the extremitie of gusts, thunder, raine, stormes, and ill wether we called Limbo. Repairing our saile with our shirts, we set sayle for the maine and fell with a pretty convenient riuer on the East called Cuskarawaok, the people ran as amazed in troups from place to place, and diuers got into the tops of trees, they were not sparing of their arrowes, nor the greatest passion they could expresse of their anger. Long they shot, we still ryding at an Anchor without there reatch making all the signes of friendship we could. The next day they came vnarmed, with euery one a basket, dancing in a ring, to draw vs on shore: but seeing there was nothing in them but villany, we discharged a volly of muskets charged with pistoll shot, whereat they all lay tumbling on the grownd, creeping some one way, some another into a great cluster of reedes hard by; where there companies lay in Ambuscado. Towards the euening we wayed, & approaching the shoare, discharging fiue or six shot among the reedes, we landed where there lay a many of baskets and much bloud, but saw not a Salvage. A smoake appearing on the other side the riuer, we rowed thither, where we found two or three little houses, in each a fire, there we left some peeces of copper, beads, bells, and looking glasses, and then went into the bay, but when it was darke we came backe againe. Early in


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the morning foure Salvages came to vs in their Canow, whom we vsed with such courtesie, not knowing what we were, nor had done, hauing beene in the bay a fishing, bade vs stay and ere long they would returne, which they did and some twentie more with them; with whom after a little conference, two or three thousand men women & childrẽ came clustring about vs, euery one presẽting vs with something, which a little bead would so well require, that we became such friends they would contend who should fetch vs water, stay with vs for hostage, conduct our men any whither, and giue vs the best content. Here doth inhabite the people of Sarapinagh, Nause, Arseek, and Nantaquak the best Marchants of all other Salvages. They much extolled a great nation called Massawomekes, in search of whom we returned by Limbo: this riuer but onely at the entrance is very narrow, and the people of small stature as them of Wightcocomoco, the Land but low, yet it may proue very commodious, because it is but a ridge of land betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean. Finding this Easterne shore, shallow broken Isles, and for most part without fresh water, we passed by the straites of Limbo for the Westerne shore: so broad is the bay here, we could scarce perceiue the great high clifts on the other side: by them we Anchored that night and called them Riccards Cliftes. 30. leagues we sayled more Northwards not finding any inhabitants, leauing all the Easterne shore, lowe islandes, but ouergrowne with wood, as all the Coast beyond them so farre as wee could see: the Westerne shore by which we sayled we found all along well watered, but very mountanous and barren, the vallies very fertill, but extreame thicke of small wood so well as trees, and much frequented with Wolues, Beares, Deere and other wild beasts. We passed many shallow creekes, but the first we found Nauigable for a ship, we called Bolus, for that the clay in many places vnder the clifts by the high water marke, did grow vp in red and white knots as gum out of trees; and in some places so participated together as though they were all of one nature, excepting the coulour, the rest of the earth on both sides being hard sandy grauell, which made vs thinke it Bole-Armoniack and Terra sigillata. When we first set sayle some of our Gallants doubted nothing but that our Captaine would make too much hast home, but hauing lien in this small barge not aboue 12. or 14. dayes, oft tyred at the Oares, our bread spoyled with wet so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomacks that they could disgest it) they did with continuall complaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him bespeake them in this manner.

        Smiths speech to his souldiers.
        The discouery of Patawomek.

        Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable history of Sir Ralph Layne, how his company importuned him to proceed in the discovery of Moratico, alleadging they had yet a dog, that being boyled with Saxafras leaues, would richly feede them in their returnes; then what a shame would it be for you (that haue bin so suspitious of my tendernesse) to fores me returne, with so much provision as we haue, and scarce able to say where we haue beene, nor yet heard of that we were sent to seeke? You cannot say but I haue shared with you in the worst which is past; and for what is to come, of lodging, dyet, or whatsoeuer, I am contented you allot the worst part to my selfe. As for your feares that I will lose my selfe in these vnknowne large waters, or be swallowed vp in some stormie gust; abandon these childish feares, for worse then is past is not likely to happen: and there is as much danger to returne as to proceede. Regaine therefore your old spirits for returne I will not (if God please) till I haue seene the Massawomeks, found Patawomek, or the head of this water you conceit to be endless. Two or 3. dayes we expected winde & wether, whose aduerse extremities added such discouragement, that three or foure fell sicke, whose pittifull complaints caused vs to to returne, leauing the bay some nine miles broad, at nine and ten fadome water.

        Ambuscadoes of Salvages.

        The 16. of Iune we fell with the riuer Patowomek: feare being gone, and our men recovered, we were all content to take some paines, to know the name of that seuen mile broad riuer: for thirtie myles sayle, we could see no inhabitants: then we were conducted by two Savages vp a little bayed creeke, towards Onawmanient, where all the woods were layd with ambuscado's to the number of three or foure thousand Salvages, so strangely paynted, grimed and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying


Page 58

as so many spirits from hell could not haue shewed more terrible. Many brauado's they made, but to appease their fury, our Captaine prepared with as seeming a willingnesse (as they) to incounter them. But the grazing of our bullets vpon the water (many being shot on purpose they might see them) with the Ecco of the of the woods so amazed them, as downe went their bowes and arrowes; (and exchanging hostage) Iames Watkins was sent six myles vp the woods to their Kings habitation. We were kindly vsed of those Salvages, of whom we vnderstood, they were commanded to betray vs, by the direction of Powhatan, and he so directed from the discontents at Iames towne, because our Captaine did cause them stay in their country against their wills.

        A trecherous proiect.
        A myne like Antimony.
        An aboundant plenty of fish.

        The like incounters we found at Patowomek Cecocawonee and diuers other places: but at Moyaones, Nacotchtant and Toags the people did their best to content vs. Hauing gone so high as we could with the bote, we met diuers Saluages in Canowes, well loaden with the flesh of Beares, Deere and other beasts, whereof we had part, here we found mighty Rocks, growing in some places aboue the grownd as high as the shrubby trees, and diuers other solid quarries of diuers tinctures: and diuers places where the waters had falne from the high mountaines they had left a tinctured spãgled skurfe, that made many bare places seeme as guilded. Digging the growne aboue in the highest clifts of rocks, we saw it was a claie sand so mingled with yeallow spangles as if it had beene halfe pin-dust. In our returne inquiring still for this Matchqueon, the king of Patawomeke gaue vs guides to conduct vs vp a little riuer called Quiyough, vp which we rowed so high as we could. Leauing the bote, with six shot, and diuers Salvages, he marched seuen or eight myle before they came to the mine: leading his hostages in a small chaine they were to haue for their paines, being proud so richly to be adorned. The mine is a great Rocky mountaine like Antimony; wherein they digged a great hole with shells & : and hard by it, runneth a fayre brooke of Christal-like water, where they wash a way the drosse and keepe the remainder, which they put in little baggs and sell it all ouer the country to paint there bodyes, faces, or Idols; which makes them looke like Black-mores dusted over with siluer. With so much as we could carry we returned to our bote, kindly requiting this kinde king and all his kinde people. The cause of this discovery was to search this mine, of which Newport did assure vs that those small baggs (we had giuen him) in England he had tryed to hold halfe siluer; but all we got proued of no value: also to search what furrs, the best whereof is at Cuscarawaoke, where is made so much Rawranoke or white beads that occasion as much dissention among the the Salvages, as gold and siluer amongst Christians; and what other mineralls, riuers, rocks, nations, woods, fishings, fruites, victuall, and what other commodities the land afforded: and whether the bay were endlesse or how farre it extended: of mines we were all ignorant, but a few Beuers, Otters, Beares, Martins and minkes we found, and in diuers places that aboundance of fish, lying so thicke with their heads aboue the water, as for want of nets (our barge driuing amongst them) we attempted to catch them with a frying pan: but we found it a bad instrument to catch fish with: neither better fish, more plenty, nor more variety for smal fish, had any of vs euer seene in any place so swimming in the water, but they are not to be caught with frying pans: some small codd also we did see swim close by the shore by Smiths Iles, and some as high as Riccards Clifts. And some we haue found dead vpon the shore.

        How to deale with the Salvages.
        Captaine Smith neare killed with a Stingray.

        To express all our quarrels, trecheries and incounters amongst those Salvages I should be too tedious: but in breefe, at all times we so incountred them, and curbed their insolencies, that they concluded with presents to purchase peace; yet we lost not a man: at our first meeting out Captaine euer obserued this order to demand their bowes and arrowes, swordes, mantells and furrs, with some childe or two for hostage, whereby we could quickly perceiue, when they intended any villany. Hauing finished this discouery (though our victuall was neere spent) he intended to see his imprisonment-acquaintances vpon the riuer of Rapahanock, by


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many called Toppahanock, but our bote by reason of the ebbe, chansing to grownd vpon a many shoules lying in the entrances, we spyed many fishes lurking in the reedes; our Captaine sporting himselfe by nayling them to the grownd with his sword, set vs all a fishing in that manner: thus we tooke more in owne houre then we could eate in a day. But it chansed our Captaine taking a fish from his sword (not knowing her condition) being much of the fashion of a Thornback, but a long tayle like a ryding rodde, whereon the middest is a most poysoned sting, of two or three inches long, bearded like a saw on each side, which she strucke into the wrest of his arme neere an inch and a halfe: no bloud nor wound was seene, but a little blew spot, but the torment was instantly so extreame, that in foure houres had so swolen his hand, arme and shoulder, we all with much sorrow concluded his funerall, and prepared his graue in an Island by, as himselfe directed: yet it pleased God by a precious oyle Docter Russell at the first applyed to it when he sounded it with probe (ere night) his tormenting paine was so well asswaged that he eate of the fish to his supper, which gaue no lesse ioy and content to vs then ease to himselfe, for which we called the Island Stingray Isle after the name of the fish.

        The Salvages affrighted with their owne suspition.
        Needlesse misery at Iames towne.

        Hauing neither Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery, but that preseruatiue oyle we presẽtly set sayles for Iames towne, passing the mouthes of the riuers of Payankatank, & Pamavnkee the next day we safely arriued at Kecougtan. The simple Salvages seeing our Captaine hurt, and an other bloudy by breaking his shinne, our numbers of bowes, arrowes, swords, mantles, and furrs, would needes imagine we had beene at warres (the truth of these accidents would not satisfie them) but impatiently importuned vs to know with whom. Finding their aptnesse to beleeue we fayled not (as a great secret) to tell them any thing that might affright them, what spoyle we had got and made of the Massawomeks. This rumor went faster vp the river then our Barge, that arrived at Waraskoyack the 20 of Iuly; where trimming her with painted streamers, and such devises as we could, we made them at Iames towne iealous of a Spanish Frigot, where we all God be thanked safely arrived the 21 of Iuly. There we found the last Supply were all sicke, the rest some lame, some bruised, all vnable to doe any thing but complaine of the pride and vnreasonable needlesse crueltie of the silly President, that had riotously consumed the store: and to fulfill his follies about building him an vnnecessary building for his pleasure in the woods, had brought them all to that misery; that had we not arrived, they had as strangely tormented him with revenge; but the good newes of our Discovery, and the good hope we had by the Salvages relation, that our Bay had stretched into the South Sea, or somewhat neare it, appeased their fury; but conditionally that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that Captaine Smith would take vpon him the government, as by course it did belong. Their request being effected, he substituted Mr Scrivener his deare friend in the Presidency, equally distributing those private provisions the other had ingrossed, appointing more honest officers to assist master Scrivener (who then lay exceeding sicke of a Callenture) and in regard of the weaknesse of the company, and heate of the yeare, they being vnable to worke, he left them to liue at ease, to recover their healths, but imbarked himselfe to finish his Discovery.

Written by Walter Russell, Anas Todkill, and Thomas Momford.

CHAP. VI.

The Government surrendred to Master Scrivener.

What happened the second Voyage in discovering the Bay.

        THe 24 of Iuly, Captaine Smith set forward to finish the discovery with twelue men: their names were


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    Gentlemen.

  • Nathaniell Powell.
  • Thomas Momford.
  • Richard Fetherston.
  • Michell Sicklemore.
  • Iames Bourne.
  • Anthony Bagnall, Chir.

    Souldiers.

  • Ionas Profit.
  • Anas Todkill.
  • Edward Pising.
  • Richard Keale.
  • Iames Watkins.
  • William Ward.
        The Salvages admire fireworkes.
        An Incounter with the Massawomeks at the head of the Bay.

        The wind being contrary caused our stay two or three dayes at Kecoughtan: the King feasted vs with much mirth, his people were perswaded we went purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeks. In the evening we fired a few rackets, which flying in the ayre so terrified the poore Salvages, they supposed nothing vnpossible we attempted; and desired to assist vs. The first night we anchored at Stingray Isle. The next day crossed Patawomeks river, and hasted to the river Bolus. We went not much further before we might see the Bay to divide in two heads, and arriving there we found it divided in foure, all which we searched so farre as we could sayle them. Two of them we found inhabited, but in crossing the Bay, we incountred 7 or 8 Canowes full of Massawomeks, we seeing them prepare to assault vs, left our Oares and made way with our sayle to incounter them, yet were we but fiue with our Captaine that could stand, for within 2 dayes after we left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the last supply) were sicke almost to death, vntill they were seasoned to the Country. Having shut them vnder our Tarpawling, we put their hats vpon stickes by the Barges side, and betwixt two hats a man with two peeces, to make vs seeme many, and so we thinke the Indians supposed those hats to be men, for they fled with all possible speed to the shore, and there stayed, staring at the sayling of our barge till we anchored right against them. Long it was ere we could draw them to come vnto vs. At last they sent two of their company vnarmed in a Canow, the rest all followed to second them if neede required. These two being but each presented with a bell, brought aboord all their fellowes, presenting our Captaine with venison, beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrowes, clubs, targets, and beares-skinnes. We vnderstood them nothing at all, but by signes, whereby they signified vnto vs they had beene at warres with the Tockwoghes, the which they confirmed by shewing vs their greene wounds, but the night parting vs, we imagined they appointed the next morning to meete, but after that we never saw them.

        An Incounter with the Tockwlieghs.

        Entring the river of Tockwogh, the Salvages all armed, in a fleete of boats, after their barbarous manner, round invironed vs; so it chanced one of them could speake the language of Powhatan, who perswaded the rest to a friendly parley. But when they saw vs furnished with the Massawomeks weapons, and we faining the invention of Kecoughtan, to haue taken them perforce; they conducted vs to their pallizadoed towne, mantelled with the barkes of trees, with scaffolds like mounts, brested about with brests very formally. Their men, women, and children with daunces, songs, fruits, furres, and what they had, kindly welcommed vs, spreading mats for vs to sit on, stretching their best abilities to expresse their loues.

        Hatchets from the Sasquesahanocks.

        Many hatchets, kniues, peeces of iron, and brasse, we saw amongst them, which they reported to haue from the Sasquesahanocks, a mightie people and mortall enemies with the Massawomeks. The Sasquesahanocks inhabit vpon the chiefe Spring of these foure branches of the Bayes head, two dayes iourney higher then our barge could passe for rocks, yet we prevailed with the Interpreter to take with him another Interpreter, to perswade the Sasquesahanocks to come visit vs, for their language are different. Three or foure dayes we expected their returne, then sixtie of those gyant-like people came downe, with presents of Venison, Tobacco pipes three foot in length, Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. Fiue of their chiefe Werowances came boldly aboord vs to crosse the Bay for Tockwhogh, leaving their men and Canowes; the wind being so high they durst not passe.

        The Sasquesahanocks offer to the English.

        Our order was daily to haue Prayer, with a Psalme, at which solemnitie the poore Salvages much wondred, our Prayers being done, a while they were busied with a consultation till they had contrived their businesse. Then they began in a most passionate


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manner to hold vp their hands to the Sunne, with a most fearefull song, then imbracing our Captaine, they began to adore him in like manner: though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded till their song was finished: which done with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voyce, began an Oration of their loues; that ended, with a great painted Beares skin they covered him: then one ready with a great chayne of white Beads, weighing at least six or seaven pound, hung it about his necke, the others had 18 mantels, made of divers sorts of skinnes sowed together; all these with many other toyes they layd at his feete, stroking their ceremonious hands about his necke for his Creation to be their Governour and Protector, promising their aydes, victualls, or what they had to be his, if he would stay with them, to defend and revenge them of the Massawomeks. But we left them at Tockwhogh, sorrowing for our departure, yet we promised the next yeare againe to visit them. Many descriptions and discourses they made vs, of Atquanachuck, Massawomek, & other people, signifying they inhabit vpon a great water beyond the mountaines, which we vnderstood to be some great lake, or the river of Canada: and from the French to haue their hatchets and Commodities by trade. These know no more of the territories of Powhatan, then his name, and he as little of them, but the Atquanachuks are on the Ocean Sea.

        The highest mountaine we saw Northward wee called Perigrines mount, and a rocky river, where the Massawomeks went vp, Willowbyes river, in honor of the towne our Captaine was borne in, and that honorable house the Lord Willowby, his most honored good friend. The Sasquesahanocks river we called Smiths falles; the next poynt to Tockwhogh, Pisings poynt; the next it poynt Bourne. Powells Isles and Smals poynt is by the river Bolus; and the little Bay at the head Profits poole; Watkins, Reads, and Momfords poynts are on each side Limbo; Ward, Cantrell, and Sicklemore, betwixt Patawomek and Pamavnkee, after the names of the discoverers. In all those places and the furthest we came vp the rivers, we cut in trees so many crosses as we would, and in many places made holes in trees, wherein we writ notes, and in some places crosses of brasse, to signifie to any, Englishmen had beene there.

        Pawtuxunt, R.

        Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt; these people we found very tractable, and more civill then any, we promised them, as also the Patawomeks to revenge them of the Massawomeks, but our purposes were crossed.

        Rapahanock, R.
        The exceeding loue of the Salvage Mosco.
        Our fight with the Rapahanocks.

        In the discovery of this river some call Rapahanock, we were kindly entertained by the people of Moraughtacund; here we incountered our old friend Mosco, a lusty Salvage of Wighcocomoco vpõ the river of Patawomek, we supposed him some French mans sonne, because he had a thicke blacke bush beard, and the Salvages seldome haue any at all, of which he was not a little proud, to see so many of his Countrymen. Wood and water he would fetch vs, guide vs any whether, nay, cause divers of his Countrymen helpe vs towe against winde or tyde from place to place till we came to Patawomek: there he rested till we returned from the head of the river, and occasioned our conduct to the mine we supposed Antimony. And in the place he fayled not to doe vs all the good he could, perswading vs in any case not to goe to the Rapahanocks, for they would kill vs for being friends with the Moraughtacunds that but lately had stolne three of the Kings women. This we did thinke was but that his friends might onely haue our trade: so we crossed the river to the Rapahanocks. There some 12 or 16 standing on the shore, directed vs a little Creeke where was good landing, and Commodities for vs in three or foure Canowes we saw lie there: but according to our custome, we demanded to exchange a man in signe of loue, which after they had a little consulted, foure or fiue came vp to the middles, to fetch our man, and leaue vs one of them, shewing we need not feare them, for they had neither clubs, bowes, nor arrowes. Notwithstanding, Anas Todkill, being sent on shore to see if he could discover any Ambuscadoes, or what they had, desired to goe over the playne to fetch some wood, but they were vnwilling, except we would come into the Creeke, where the boat might come close ashore. Todkill by degrees


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having got some two stones throwes vp the playne, perceived two or three hundred men (as he thought) behind the trees, so that offering to returne to the Boat, the Salvages assayed to carry him away perforce, that he called to vs we were berrayed, and by that he had spoke the word, our hostage was over-boord, but Warkins his keeper slew him in the water. Immediatly we let fly amongst them, so that they fled, & Todkill escaped, yet they shot so fast that he fell flat on the ground ere he could recover the boat. Here the Massawomek Targets stood vs in good stead, for vpon Mosco's words, we had set them about the forepart of our Boat like a forecastle, from whence we securely beat the Salvages from off the plaine without any hurt: yet they shot more then a thousand Arrowes, and then fled into the woods. Arming our selues with these light Targets (which are made of little small sticks woven betwixt strings of their hempe and silke grasse, as is our Cloth, but so firmely that no arrow can possibly pierce them:) we rescued Todkill, who was all bloudy by some of them who were shot by vs that held him, but as God pleased he had no hurt; and following them vp to the woods, we found some slaine, and in divers places much bloud. It seems all their arrowes were spent, for we heard no more of them. Their Canows we tooke; the arrowes we found we broke, saue them we kept for Mosco, to whom we gaue the Canowes for his kindnesse, that entertained vs in the best trivmphing manner, and warlike order in armes of conquest he could procure of the Moraughtacunds.

        The Salvages disguised like bushes fight.

        The rest of the day we spent in accomodating our Boat, in stead of thoules wee made stickes like Bedstaues, to which we fastened so many of our Massawomek Targets, that invironed her as wast clothes. The next morning we went vp the river, and our friend Mosco followed vs along the shore, and at last desired to goe with vs in our Boat. But as we passed by Pisacack, Matchopeak, and Mccuppom, three Townes situated vpon high white clay clifts; the other side all a low playne marish, and the river there but narrow. Thirtie or fortie of the Rapahanocks, had so accommodated themselues with branches, as we tooke them for little bushes growing among the sedge, still seeing their arrowes strike the Targets, and dropped in the river: where-at Mosco fell flat in the Boat on his face, crying the Rapahanocks, which presently we espied to be the bushes, which at our first volley fell downe in the sedge: when wee were neare halfe a myle from them, they shewed themselues dauncing and singing very merrily.

        The Kings of Pissassack, Nandtaughtacund, and Cuttatawomen, vsed vs kindly, and all their people neglected not any thing to Mosco to bring vs to them. Betwixt Secobeck and Massawteck is a small Isle or two, which causech the river to be broader then ordinary; there it pleased God to take one of our Company called Mr Fetherstone, that all the time he had beene in this Country, had behaved himselfe, honestly, valiantly, and industriously, where in a little Bay we called Fetherstones Bay wee buryed him with a volley of shot: the rest notwithstanding their ill dyet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a Barge, in so many dangers never resting, but alwayes tossed to and againe, had all well recovered their healths. The next day wee sayled so high as our Boat would float, there setting vp crosses, and graving our names in the tracs. Our Sentinell saw an arrow fall by him, though we had ranged vp and downe more then an houre in digging in the earth, looking of stones, herbs, and springs, not seeing where a Salvage could well hide himselfe.

        Our fight with the Manahaacks.
        A Salvage shot and taken prisoner.
        His relation of their countries.
        How we concluded peace with the foure kings of Monahoke.

        Vpon the alarum by that we had recovered our armes, there was about an hundred nimble Indians skipping from tree to tree, letting fly their arrows so fast as they could: the trees here served vs for Baricadoes as well as they. But Mosco did vs more service then we expected, for having shot away his quiver of Arrowes, he ran to the Boat for more. The Arrowes of Mosco at the first made them pause vpon the matter, thinking by his bruit and skipping, there were many Salvages. About halfe an houre this continued, then they all vanished as suddainly as they approached. Mosco followed them so farre as he could see vs, till they were out of sight. As we returned there lay a Salvage as dead, shot in the knee, but taking him vp we found he had


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life, which Mosco seeing, never was Dog more furious against a Beare, then Mosco was to haue beat out his braines, so we had him to our Boat, where our Chirurgian who went with vs to cure our Captaines hurt of the Stingray, so dressed this Salvage that within an houre after he looked somewhat chearefully, and did eate and speake. In the meane time we contented Mosco in helping him to gather vp their arrowes, which were an armefull, whereof he gloried not a little. Then we desired Mosco to know what he was, and what Countries were beyond the mountaines; the poore Salvage mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hasinninga, where there are three Kings more, like vnto them, namely the King of Stegora, the King of Tauxuntania, and the King of Shakahonea, that were come to Mohaskahod, which is onely a hunting Towne, and the bounds betwixt the Kingdome of the Mannahocks, and the Nandtaughtacunds, but hard by where we were. We demanded why they came in that manner to betray vs, that came to them in peace, and to seeke their loues; he answered, they heard we were a people come from vnder the world, to take their world from them. We asked him how many worlds he did know, he replyed, he knew no more but that which was vnder the skie that covered him, which were the Powhatans, with the Monacans, and the Massawomeks, that were higher vp in the mountaines. Then we asked him what was beyond the mountaines, he answered the Sunne: but of any thing els he knew nothing;* because the woods were not burnt.

        * They cannot trauell but where the woods are burnt.
These and many such questions wee demanded, concerning the Massawomeks, the Monacans, their owne Country, and where were the Kings of Stegora, Tauxsintania, and the rest. The Monacans he sayd were their neighbours and friends, and did dwell as they in the hilly Countries by small rivers, liuing vpon rootes and fruits, but chiefly by hunting. The Massawomeks did dwell vpon a great water, and had many boats, & so many men that they made warre with all the world. For their Kings, they were gone every one a severall way with their men on hunting: But those with him came thither a fishing till they saw vs, notwithstanding they would be altogether at night at Mahaskahod. For his relation we gaue him many toyes, with perswasions to goe with vs, and he as earnestly desired vs to stay the comming of those Kings that for his good vsage should be friends with vs, for he was brother to Hasinninga. But Mosco advised vs presently to be gone, for they were all naught, yet we told him we would not till it was night. All things we made ready to entertain what came, & Mosco was as diligent in trimming his arrowes. The night being come we all imbarked, for the riuer was so narrow, had it beene light the land on the one side was so high, they might haue done vs exceeding much mischiefe. All this while the K. of Hasinninga was seeking the rest, and had consultation a good time what to doe. But by their espies seeing we were gone, it was not long before we heard their arrowes dropping on every side the Boat; we caused our Salvages to call vnto them, but such a yelling & hallowing they made that they heard nothing, but now and then a peece, ayming so neare as we could where we heard the most voyces. More then 12 myles they followed vs in this manner; then the day appearing, we found our selues in a broad Bay, out of danger of their shot, where wee came to an anchor, and fell to breakfast. Not so much as speaking to them till the Sunne was risen; being well refreshed, we vntyed our Targets that couered vs as a Deck, and all shewed our selues with those shields on our armes, and swords in our hands, and also our prisoner Amoroleck; a long discourse there was betwixt his Countrimen and him, how good wee were, how well wee vsed him, how wee had a Patawomek with vs, loued vs as his life, that would haue slaine him had we not preserued him, and that he should haue his libertie would they be but friends; and to doe vs any hurt it was impossible. Vpon this they all hung their Bowes and Quivers vpon the trees, and one came swimming aboord vs with a Bow tyed on his head, and another with a Quiver of Arrowes, which they deliuered our Captaine as a present, the Captaine hauing vsed them so kindly as he could, told them the other three Kings should doe the like, and then the great King of our world should be their friend, whose men we were. It was no sooner demanded but performed, so


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vpon a low Moorish poynt of Land we went to the shore, where those foure Kings came and receiued Amoroleck: nothing they had but Bowes, Arrowes, Tobaccobags, and Pipes: what we desired, none refused to giue vs, wondering at every thing we had, and heard we had done: our Pistols they tocke for pipes, which they much desired, but we did content them with other Commodities, and so we left foure or fiue hundred of our merry Mannahocks, singing, dauncing, and making merry, and set sayle for Moraughtacund.

        How we became friends with the Rapahanocks.
        The discovery of Payankatank.

        In our returnes we visited all our friends, that reioyced much at our Victory against the Mannahocks, who many times had Warres also with them, but now they were friends, and desired we would be friends with the Rapahanocks, as we were with the Mannahocks. Our Captaine told them, they had twise assaulted him that came onely in loue to doe them good, and therefore he would now burne all their houses, destroy their corne, and for euer hold them his enemies, till they made him satisfaction; they desired to know what that should be: he told them they should present him the Kings Bow and Arrowes, and not offer to come armed where he was; that they should be friends with the Moraughtacunds his friends, and giue him their Kings sonne in pledge to performe it, and then all King Iames his men should be their friends. Vpon this they presently sent to the Rapahanocks to meete him at the place where they first fought, where would be the Kings of Nautautacund and Pissassac: which according to their promise were there so soone as we; where Rapahanock presented his Bow and Arrowes, and confirmed all we desired, except his sonne, having no more but him he could not liue without him, but in stead of his sonne he would giue him the three women Moraughtacund had stolne. This was accepted: and so in three or foure Canowes, so many as could went with vs to Moraughtacund, where Mosco made them such relations, and gaue to his friends so many Bowes and Arrowes, that they no lesse loued him then admired vs. The 3 women were brought our Captaine, to each he gaue a chayne of Beads: and then causing Moraughtacund, Mosco, and Rapahanock stand before him, bid Rapahanock take her he loued best, and Moraughtacund chuse next, & to Mosco he gaue the third. Vpon this away went their Canowes over the water, to fetch their venison, and all the provision they could, and they that wanted Boats swam over the river: the darke commanded vs then to rest. The next day there was of men, women, and children, as we coniectured, six or seauen hundred, dauncing, & singing, and not a Bow nor Arrow seene amongst them. Mosco changed his name Vttasantasough, which we interpret Stranger, for so they call vs. All promising ever to be our friends, and to plant Corne purposely for vs; and we to provide hatchets, beads, and copper for them, we departed, giuing them a Volley of shot, and they vs as loud shouts and cryes as their strengths could vtter. That night we anchored in the river of Payankatank, and discovered it so high as it was navigable, but the people were most a hunting, saue a few old men, women, and children, that were tending their corne, of which they promised vs part when we would fetch it, as had done all the Nations where ever we had yet beene.

        In a fayre calme, rowing towards poynt Comfort, we anchored in Gosnolls Bay, but such a suddaine gust surprised vs in the night with thunder and rayne, that we never thought more to haue seene Iames Towne. Yet running before the wind, we sometimes saw the Land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light onely we kept from the splitting shore, vntill it pleased God in that blacke darknesse to preserue vs by that light to finde poynt Comfort: there refreshing our selues, because we had onely but heard of the Chisapeacks & Nandsamunds, we thought it as fit to know all our neighbours neare home, as so many Nations abroad.

        A notable trechery of the Nandsamunds.
        The fight with the Chisapeacks and Nandsamunds.
        How they became friends.
        The proceeding at Iames Towne.

        So setting sayle for the Southerne shore, we sayled vp a narrow river vp the country of Chisapeack; it hath a good channell, but many shoules about the entrance. By that we had sayled six or seauen myles, we saw two or three little garden plots with their houses, the shores overgrowne with the greatest Pyne and Firre trees wee ever saw in the Country. But not seeing nor hearing any people, and the riuer very narrow, we returned to the great riuer, to see if we could finde any of them. Coasting


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the shore towards Nandsamund, which is most Oyster-bankes; at the mouth of that riuer, we espied six or seauen Salvages making their wires, who presently fled: ashore we went, and where they wrought we threw diuers toyes, and so departed. Farre we were not gone ere they came againe, and began to sing, and daunce, and recall vs: and thus we began our first acquaintance. At last one of them desired vs to goe to his house vp that riuer, into our Boat voluntarily he came, the rest ran after vs by the shore with all shew of loue that could be. Seauen or eight myles we sayled vp this narrow riuer: at last on the Westerne shore we saw large Cornefields, in the midst a little lsle, and in it was abundance of Corne; the people he told vs were all a hunting, but in the Isle was his house, to which he inuited vs with much kindnesse: to him, his wife, and children, we gaue such things as they seemed much contented them. The others being come, desired vs also to goe but a little higher to see their houses: here our host left vs, the rest rowed by vs in a Canow, till we were so far past the Isle the riuer became very narrow. Here we desired some of them to come abord vs, wherat pausing a little, they told vs they would but fetch their bows and arrowes and goe all with vs, but being a shore and thus armed, they perswaded vs to goe forward, but we could neither perswade them into their Canow, nor into our Boat. This gaue vs caufe to prouide for the worst. Farre we went not ere seauen or eight Canowes full of men armed appeared following vs, staying to see the conclusion. Presently from each side the riuer came arrowes so fast as two or three hundred could shoot them, whereat we returned to get the open. They in the Canowes let fly also as fast, but amongst them we bestowed so many shot, the most of them leaped overboord and swam ashore, but two or three escaped by rowing, being against their playnes: our Muskets they found shot further then their Bowes, for wee made not twentie shot ere they all retyred behind the next trees. Being thus got out of their trap, we seised on all their Canowes, and moored them in the midst of the open. More then an hundred arrowes stucke in our Targets, and about the boat, yet none hurt, onely Anthony Bagnall was shot in his Hat, and another in his sleeue. But seeing their multitudes, and suspecting as it was, that both the Nanasamunds, and the Chisapeacks were together, we thought it best to ryde by their Canowes a while, to bethinke if it were better to burne all in the Isle, or draw them to composition, till we were prouided to take all they had, which was sufficient to feed all our Colony: but to burne the Isle at night it was concluded. In the interim we began to cut in peeces their Canowes, and they presently to lay downe their bowes, making signes of peace: peace we told them we would accept it, would they bring vs their Kings bowes and arrowes, with a chayne of pearle; and when we came againe giue vs foure hundred baskets full of Corne, otherwise we would breake all their boats, and burne their houses, and corne, and all they had. To performe all this they alledged onely the want of a Canow; so we put one a drift & bad them swim to fetch her: and till they performed their promise, wee would but onely breake their Canowes. They cryed to vs to doe no more, all should be as we would: which presently they performed, away went their bowes and arrowes, and tagge and ragge came with their baskets: so much as we could carry we tooke, and so departing good friends, we returned to Iames Towne, where we safely arrived the 7. of September, 1608. There we found Mr Scrivener, and divers others well recovered: many dead; some sicke: the late President prisoner for mutiny: by the honest diligence of Master Scrivener, the haruest gathered, but the provision in the store much spoyled with rayne. Thus was that summer (when little wanted) consumed and spent, and nothing done (such was the gouernment of Captaine Ratliffe) but onely this discovery; wherein to expresse all the dangers, accidents, and incounters this small number passed in that small Barge, by the scale of proportion, about three thousand myles, with such watery dyet in those great waters and barbarous Countries (till then to any Christian vtterly vnknowne) I rather referre their merit to the censure of the courteous and experienced Reader, then I would be tedious or partiall being a partie.


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                       But to this place to come who will adventure,
                       with iudgements guide and reason how to enter:
                       Finds in this worlds broad sea, with winde and tyde,
                       Ther's safer sayle then any where beside.
                       But 'cause to wanton novices it is
                       A Province full of fearefulnesse I wiss;
                       Into the great vast deepe to venter out:
                       Those shallow rivers let them coast about.
                       And by a small Boat learne there first, and marks,
                       How they may come to make a greater Barke.

Written by Anthony Bagnall, Nathanaell Powell, and Anas Todkill.

CHAPTER VII.

The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith: the Arrivall and
returne of the second Supply. And what happened.

        Powhatans scorne when his courtesie was most deserved.
        No better way to overthrow the busines then by our instructors.
        A consultation, where all the Councell was against the President.
        Capt. Smith goeth with 4. to Powhatan, when Newport feared with 120.

        THe tenth of September, by the Election of the Councell, and request of the Company, Captaine Smith receiued the Letters Patents: which till then by no meanes he would accept, though he was often importuned therevnto. Now the building of Ratliffes Pallace stayed as a thing needlesse; the Church was repaired; the Store-house recouered; buildings prepared for the Supplyes, we expected; the Fort reduced to a fiue square forme; the order of the Watch renewed; the squadrons (each setting of the Watch) trained; the whole Company euery Saturday exercised, in the plaine by the west Bulwarke, prepared for that purpose, we called Smithfield: where sometimes more then an hundred Salvages would stand in an amazement to behold, how a fyle would batter a tree, where he would make them a marke to shoot at; the boats trimmed for trade, which being sent out with Lieutenant Percy, in their Iourney incountred the second Supply, that brought them backe to discover the Country of Monacan. How or why Captaine Newport obtained such a private Commission, as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certaintie of the South sea, or one of the lost company sent out by Sir Water Raleigh, I know not; nor why he brought such a fiue peeced Barge, not to beare vs to that South sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines, which how farre they extend is yet vnknowne. As for the Coronation of Powhatan, and his presents of Bason and Ewer, Bed, Bedstead, Clothes, and such costly nouelties, they had beene much better well spared then so ill spent, for wee had his favour much better onely for a playne peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of soliciting, made him so much overvalue himselfe, that he respected vs as much as nothing at all. As for the hyring of the Poles and Dutch-men, to make Pitch, Tar, Glasse, Milles, and Sope ashes, when the Country is replenished with people, and necessaries, would haue done well, but to send them and seauentie more without victualls to worke, was not so well aduised nor considered of, as it should haue beene. Yet this could not haue hurt vs had they beene 200. though then we were 130 that wanted for our selues. For we had the Salvages in that decorum (their harvest being newly gathered, that we feared not to get victuals for 500. Now was there no way to make vs miserable, but to neglect that time to make prouision whilst it was to be had, the which was done by the direction from England to performe this strange discovery, but a more strange Coronation to loose that time, spend that victualls we had, tyre and starue our men, hauing no meanes to carry victuals, munition, the hurt or sicke, but on their owne backes. How or by whom they were inuented I know not: but Captaine Newport we onely accounted the Author, who to effect these proiects, had so guilded mens hopes with great promises, that both Company and Councell concluded his resolution


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for the most part: God doth know they little knew what they did, nor vnderstood their owne estates to conclude his conclusions, against all the inconveniences the foreseeing President alledged. Of this Supply there was added to the Councell, one Captaine Richard Waldo, and Captaine Wynne, two auncient Souldiers, and valiant Gentlemen, but yet ignorant of the busines, (being but newly arriued.) Ratliffe was also permitted to haue his voyce, & Mr Scrivener, desirous to see strange Countries: so that although Smith was President, yet the Maior part of the Councell had the authoritie and ruled it as they listed. As for clearing Smiths obiections, how Pitch and Tarre, Wainscot, Clapbord, Glasse, and Sope ashes, could be provided, to relade the ship, or provision got to liue withall, when none was in the Country, and that we had, spent, before the ship departed to effect these projects. The answer was, Captaine Newport vndertooke to fraught the Pinnace of twentie tunnes with Corne in going and returning in his Discovery, and to refraught her againe from Werowocomoco of Powhatan. Also promising a great proportion or victualls from the Ship; inferring that Smiths propositions were onely devices to hinder his iourney, to effect it himselfe, and that the crueltie he had vsed to the Salvages, might well be the occasion to hinder these Designes, and seeke revenge on him. For which taxation all workes were left, and 120 chosen men were appointed for Newports guard in this Discovery. But Captaine Smith to make cleare all those seeming suspitions, that the Salvages were not so desperate as was pretended by Captaine Newport, and how willing (since by their authoritie they would haue it so) he was to assist them what he could, because the Coronation would consume much time, he vndertooke himselfe their message to Powhatan, to intreat him to come to Iames Towne to receiue his presents. And where Newport durst not goe with lesse then 120. he onely tooke with him Captaine Waldo, Mr Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuel Collier: with these foure he went over land to Werowocomoco, some 12 myles; there he passed the river of Pansevnkee in a Salvage Canow. Powhatan being 30 myles of, was presently sent for: in the meane time, Pocahontas and her women entertained Captaine Smith in this manner.

        A Virginia Maske.

        In a fayre plaine field they made a fire, before which, he sitting vpon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and shreeking, that the English betooke themselues to their armes, and seized on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with all his power was come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended, and the beholders, which were men, women, and children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter. Then presently they were presented with this anticke; thirtie young women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene leaues, their bodies all painted, some of one colour, some of another, but all differing, their leader had a fayre payre of Bucks hornes on her head, and an Otters skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrowes in her hand; the next had in her hand a sword, another a chib, another a pot-sticke; all horned alike: the rest every one with their severall devises. These fiends with most hellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, cast themselues in a ring about the fire, singing and dauncing with most excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions, and solemnly againe to sing and daunce; having spent neare an houre in this Mascarado, as they entred in like manner they departed.

        The Womens entertainement.

        Having reaccomodated themselues, they solemnly invited him to their lodgings, where he was no sooner within the house, but all these Nymphes more tormented him then ever, with crowding, pressing, and hanging about him, most tediously crying, Loue you not me? loue you not me? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of all the Salvage dainties they could devise: some attending, others singing and dauncing about them; which mirth being ended, with fire-brands in stead of Torches they conducted him to his lodging.


                       Thus did they shew their feats of armes, and others art in dauncing:
                       Some other vs'd there oaten pipe, and others voyces chanting.


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        Captaine Smiths message.

        The next day came Powhatan. Smith delivered his message of the presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontack he had sent for England, desiring him to come to his Father Newport, to accept those presents, and conclude their revenge against the Monacans. Wherevnto this subtile Savage thus replyed.

        Powhatans answer.

        If your King haue sent me Presents, I also am a King, and this is my land: eight dayes I will stay to receiue them. Your Father is to come to me, not I to him, ner yet to your Fort, neither will I bite at such a bait: as for the Monacans I can revenge my owne iniuries, and as for Atquanachuk, where you say your brother was slaine, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it; but for any salt water beyond the mountaines, the Relations you haue had from my people are false. Wherevpon he began to draw plots vpon the ground (according to his discourse) of all those Regions. Many other discourses they had (yet both content to giue each other content in complementall Courtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this Answer.

        Powhatans Coronation.

        Vpon this the Presents were sent by water which is neare an hundred myles, and the Captains went by land with fiftie good shot. All being met at Werowocomoco, the next day was appointed for his Coronation, then the presents were brought him, his Bason and Ewer, Bed and furniture set vp, his scarlet Cloke and apparell with much adoe put on him, being perswaded by Namontack they would not hurt him: but a foule trouble there was to make him kneele to receiue his crowne, he neither knowing the maiesty nor meaning of a Crowne, nor bending of the knee, endured so many perswasions, examples, and instructions, as tyred them all; at last by leaning hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, and three having the crowne in their hands put it on his head, when by the warning of a Pistoll the Boats were prepared with such a volley of shot, that the King start vp in a horrible feare, till he saw all was well. Then remembring himselfe, to congratulate their kindnesse, he gaue his old shooes and his mantell to Captaine Newport: but perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans, he laboured to divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men or guides more then Namontack; and so after some small complementall kindnesse on both sides, in requitall of his presents he presented Newport with a heape of wheat eares that might containe some 7 or 8 Bushels, and as much more we bought in the Towne, wherewith we returned to the Fort.

        The discovery of Monacan.
        How the Salvages deluded Cap. Newport.

        The Ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, with the first Gentlewoman and woman-seruant that arrived in our Colony. Captaine Newport with 120 chosen men, led by Captaine Waldo, Lieutenant Percie, Captaine Winne, Mr West, and Mr Scrivener, set forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving the President at the Fort with about 80 or 90. (such as they were) to relade the Ship. Arriving at the Falles we marched by land some fortie myles in two dayes and a halfe, and so returned downe the same path we went. Two townes we discovered of the Monacans, called Massinacak and Mowhemenchouch, the people neither vsed vs well nor ill, yet for our securitie we tooke one of their petty Kings, and led him bound to conduct vs the way. And in our returnes searched many places we supposed Mines, about which we spent some time in refyning, having one William Callicut, a refyner fitted for that purpose. From that crust of earth we digged, he perswaded vs to beleeue he extracted some small quantitie of silver; and (not vnlikely) better stuffe might be had for the digging. With this poore tryall, being contented to leaue this fayre, fertile, well watered Country; and comming to the Falles, the Salvages fayned there were divers ships come into the Bay, to kill them at Iames Towne. Trade they would not, and finde their Corne we could not; for they had hid it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arrived at Iames Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tyred with toyle, famine, and discontent, to haue onely but discovered our guilded hopes, and such fruitlesse certainties, as Captaine Smith fortold vs.


                       But those that hunger seeke to slake,
                       Which thus abounding wealth would rake:
                       Not all the gemmes of Ister shore,
                       Nor all the gold of Lydia's store,


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                       Can fill their greedie appetite;
                       It is a thing so infinite.

        A punishment for swearing.

        No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed so many as were able, some for Glasse, others for Tarre, Pitch, and Sope-ashes, leauing them with the Fort to the Councels oversight, but 30 of vs he conducted downe the river some 5 myles from Iames towne, to learne to make Clapbord, cut downe trees, and lye in woods. Amongst the rest he had chosen Gabriel Beadle, and Iohn Russell, the onely two gallants of this last Supply, and both proper Gentlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their conditions; yet lodging, eating, and drinking, working or playing, they but doing as the President did himselfe. All these things were carried so pleasandy as within a weeke they became Masters: making it their delight to heare the trees thunder as they fell; but the Axes so oft blistered their tender fingers, that many times every third blow had a loud othe to drowne the eccho; for remedie of which sinne, the President devised how to haue every mans othes numbred, and at night for every othe to haue a Cann of water powred downe his sleeue, with which every offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a man should scarce heare an othe in a weeke.


                       For he who scornes and makes but iests of cursings, and his othe,
                       He doth contemne, not man but God, nor God, nor man, but both.

        3. Men better then 100.

        By this, let no man thinke that the President and these Gentlemen spent their times as common Wood haggers at felling of trees, or such other like labours, or that they were pressed to it as hirelings, or common slaues; for what they did, after they were but once a little invred, it seemed and some conceited it, onely as a pleasure and recreation, yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary Gentlemen would doe more in a day then 100 of the rest that must be prest to it by compulsion, but twentie good workemen had beene better then them all.

        The Chickahamania's forced to contribution.

        Master Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the Fort, every one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The President returning from amongst the woods, seeing the time consumed and no provision gotten, (and the Ship lay idle at a great charge and did nothing) presently imbarked himselfe in the discovery barge, giving order to the Councell to send Lieutenant Percie after him with the next barge that arrived at the Fort; two Barges he had himselfe and 18 men, but arriving at Chickahamania, that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with our wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and insolency as they could expresse. The President perceiuing it was Powhatans policy to starue vs, told them he came not so much for their Corne, as to revenge his imprisonment, and the death of his men murthered by them, and so landing his men and readie to charge them, they immediately fled: and presently after sent their Ambassadors with corne, fish, foule, and what they had to make their peace, (their Corne being that yeare but bad) they complained extreamely of their owne wants, yet fraughted our Boats with an hundred Bushels of Corne, and in like manner Lieutenant Percies, that not long after arrived, and having done the best they could to content vs, we parted good friends, and returned to Iames towne.

        A bad reward for well-doing.

        Though this much contented the Company, (that feared nothing more then starving) yet some so envied his good successe, that they rather desired to hazzard a starving, then his paines should proue so much more effectuall then theirs. Some proiects there were invented by Newport and Ratliffe, not onely to haue deposed him, but to haue kept him out of the Fort; for that being President, he would leaue his place and the Fort without their consents, but their hornes were so much too short to effect it, as they themselues more narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe.

        A good Taverne in Virginia.
        A bad trade of the masters and saylers.

        All this time our old Taverne made as much of all them that had either money or ware as could be desired: by this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I meane the souldiers, saylers, and Salvages) as there was tenne times more care to maintaine their damnable and private trade, then to provide for the Colony things


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that were necessary. Neither was it a small policy in Newport and the Marriners to report in England we had such plentie, and bring vs so many men without victuals, when they had so many private Factors in the Fort, that within six or seauen weeks, of two or three hundred Axes, Chissels, Hows, and Pick-axes, scarce twentie could be found: and for Pike-heads, shot, Powder, or any thing they could steale from their fellowes, was vendible; they knew as well (and as secretly) how to convey them to trade with the Salvages for Furres, Baskets, Mussaneeks, young Beasts, or such like Commodities, as exchange them with the Saylers for Butter, Cheese, Beefe, Porke, Aqua vita, Beere, Bisket, Oatmeale, and Oyle: and then fayne all was sent them from their friends And though Virginia affoorded no Furres for the Store, yet one Master in one voyage hath got so many by this indirect meanes, as he confested to haue sold in England for 301.

        Those are the Saint-seeming Worthies of Virginia, that haue notwithstanding all this meate, drinke, and wages; but now they begin to grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented; none hath beene in Virginia that hath observed any thing, which knowes not this to be true, and yet the losse, the scorne, the misery, and shame, was the poore Officers, Gentlemen, and carelesse Governours, who were all thus bought & sold; the adventurers cousened, and the action overthrowne by their false excuses, informations, and directions. By this let all men iudge, how this businesse could prosper, being thus abused by such pilfring occasions. And had not Captaine Newport cryed Peccavi, the President would haue discharged the ship, and caused him to haue stayed one yeare in Virginia, to learne to speake of his owne experience.

        Master Scriveners voyage to Werowocomoco.

        Master Scrivener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace to Werowocomoco, where he found the Salvages more readie to fight then trade; but his vigilancy was such as prevented their proiects, and by the meanes of Namontack got three or foure hogsheads of Corne, and as much Pocones, which is a red roote, which then was esteemed an excellent Dye.

        Captaine Newport being dispatched, with the tryals of Pitch, Tarre, Glasse, Frankincense, Sope ashes; with that Clapboord and Waynscot that could be provided: met with Mr Scrivener at poynt Comfort, and so returned for England. We remaining were about two hundred.

The Copy of a Letter sent to the Treasurer
and Councell of Virginia from Captaine Smith,
then President in VIRGINIA.

Right Honorable, &c.

        I Received your Letter, wherein you write, that our minds are so set vpon faction, and idle conceits in diuiding the Country without your consents, and that we feed You but with ifs & ands, hopes, & some few proofes; as if we would keepe the mystery of the businesse to our selues: and that we must expresly follow your instructions sent by Captain Newport: the charge of whose voyage amounts to neare two thousand pounds, the which if we cannot defray by the Ships returne, we are like to remain as banished men. To these particulars I humbly intreat your Pardons if I offend you with my rude Answer.

        For our factions, vnlesse you would haue me run away and leaue the Country, I cannot prevent them: because I do make many stay that would els fly any whether. For the idle Letter sent to my Lord of Salisbury, by the President and his confederats, for diuiding the Country &c. What it was I know not, for you saw no hand


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of mine to it; nor euer dream't I of any such matter. That we feed you with hopes, &c. Though I be no scholer, I am past a schoole-boy; and I desire but to know, what either you, and these here doe know, but that I haue learned to tell you by the continuall hazard of my life. I haue not concealed from you anything I know; but I feare some cause you to beleeue much more then is true.

        Expresly to follow your direstions by Captaine Newport, though they be performed, I was directly against it; but according to our Commission, I was content to be overruled by the maior part of the Councell, I feare to the hazard of vs all; which now is generally confessed when it is too late. Onely Captaine Winne and Captaine Waldo I haue sworne of the Councell, and Crowned Powhatan according to your instructions.

        For the charge of this Voyage of two or three thousand pounds, we haue not receiued the value of an hundred pounds. And for the quartred Boat to be borne by the Souldiers over the Falles, Newport had 120 of the best men he could chuse. If he had burnt her to ashes, one might haue carried her in a bag, but as she is, fiue hundred cannot, to a navigable place aboue the Falles. And for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a Mine of gold; or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh: at our Consultation I told them was as likely as the rest. But during this great discovery of thirtie myles, (which might as well haue beene done by one man, and much more, for the value of a pound of Copper at a seasonable tyme) they had the Pinnace and all the Boats with them, but one that remained with me to serue the Fort. In their absence I followed the new begun workes of Pitch and Tarre, Glasse, Sopeashes, and Clapboord, where of some small quantities we haue sent you. But if you rightly consider, what an infinite toyle it is in Russia and Swethland, where the woods are proper for naught els, and though there be the helpe both of man and beast in those ancient Common-wealths, which many an hundred yeares haue vsed it, yet thousands of those poore people can scarce get necessaries to liue, but from hand to mouth. And though your Factors there can buy as much in a week as will fraught you a ship, or as much as you please; you must not expect from vs any such matter, which are but a many of ignorant miserable soules, that are scarce able to get where with to liue, and defend our selues against the inconstant Salvages: finding but here and there a tree fit for the purpose, and want all things els the Russians haue. For the Coronation of Powhatan, by whose advice you sent him such presents, I know not; but this giue me leaue to tell you, I feare they will be the confusion of vs all ere we heare from you againe. At your Ships arrivall, the Salvages harvest was newly gathered, and we going to buy it, our owne not being halfe sufficient for so great a number. As for the two ships loading of Corne Newport promised to provide vs from Powhatan, he brought vs but fourteene Bushels; and from the Monacans nothing, but the most of the men sicke and neare famished. From your Ship we had not provision in victuals worth twenty pound, and we are more then two hundred to liue vpon this: the one halfe sicke, the other little better. For the Saylers (I confesse) they daily make good cheare, but our dyet is a little meale and water, and not sufficient of that. Though there be fish in the Sea, foules in the ayre, and Beasts in the woods, their bounds are so large, they so wilde, and we so weake and ignorant, we cannot much trouble them. Captaine Newport we much suspect to be the Authour of those inventions. Now that you should know, I haue made you as great a discovery as he, for lesse charge then he spendeth you every meale; I haue sent you this Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an annexed


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Relation of the Countries and Nations that inhabit them, as you may see at large. Also two barrels of stones, and such as I take to be good Iron ore at the least; so devided, as by their notes you may see in what places I found them. The Souldiers say many of your officers maintaine their families out of that you send vs: and that Newport hath an hundred pounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every master you haue yet sent can find the way as well as he, so that an hundred pound might be spared, which is more then we haue all, that helps to pay him wages. Cap. Ratliffe is now called Sicklemore, a poore counterfeited Imposture. I haue sent you him home, least the company should cut his throat. What he is, now every one can tell you: if he and Archer returne againe, they are sufficient to keepe vs alwayes in factions. When you send againe I intreat you rather send but thirty Carpenters, husbandmen, gardiners, fisher men, blacksmiths, masons, and diggers vp of trees, roots, well provided, then a thousand of such as we haue; for except wee be able both to lodge them, and feed them, the most will consume with want of necessaries before they can be made good for anything. Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the vnnecessary wages to Captaine Newport, or his ships so long lingering and staying here (for notwithstanding his boasting to leaue vs victuals for 12 moneths, though we had 89 by this discovery lame and sicke, and but a pinte of Corne a day for a man, we were constrained to giue him three hogsheads of that to victuall him homeward) or yet to send into Germany or Poleland for glasse-men & the rest, till we be able to sustaine our selues, and relieue them when they come. It were better to giue fiue hundred pound a tun for those grosse Commodities in Denmarke, then send for them hither, till more necessary things be provided. For in over-toyling our weake and vnskilfull bodies, to satisfie this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever recover our selues from one Supply to another. And I humbly intreat you hereafter, let vs know what we should receiue, and not stand to the Saylers courtesie to leaue vs what they please, els you may charge vs with what you will, but we not you with anything. These are the causes that haue kept vs in Virginia, from laying such a foundation, that ere this might haue given much better content and satisfaction; but as yet you must not looke for any profitable returnes: so I humbly rest.

The Names of those in this Supply, were these:
with their Proceedings and Accidents.

    were appoynted to be of the Councell.

  • Captaine Peter Winne,
  • Captaine Richard Waldo,

        Master Francis VVest, brother to the Lord La VVarre.

    Gent.

  • Thomas Graues.
  • Raleigh Chroshaw.
  • Gabriel Beadle.
  • Iohn Beadle.
  • Iohn Russell.
  • William Russell.
  • Iohn Cuderington.
  • William Sambage.
  • Henry Leigh.
  • Henry Philpot.
  • Harmon Harrison.
  • Daniel Tucker.
  • Henry Collings.
  • Hugh Wolleston.
  • Iohn Hoult.
  • Thomas Norton.
  • George Yarington.
  • George Burton.
  • Thomas Abbay.
  • William Dowman.
  • Thomas Maxes.
  • Michael Lowick.
  • Master Hunt.
  • Thomas Forrest.
  • Iohn Dauxe.

    Tradsmen.

  • Thomas Phelps.
  • Iohn Prat.
  • Iohn Clarke.
  • Ieffrey Shortridge.
  • Dionis Oconor.
  • Hugh Winne.
  • Dauid ap Hugh.
  • Thomas Bradley.
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  • Iohn Burras.
  • Thomas Lavander.
  • Henry Bell.
  • Master Powell.
  • David Ellis.
  • Thomas Gibson.
  • Thomas Dawse.

    Labourers.

  • Thomas Mallard.
  • William Tayler.
  • Thomas Fox.
  • Nicholas Hancock.
  • Walker.
  • Williams.
  • Floud.
  • Morley.
  • Rose.
  • Scot.
  • Hardwyn.

    Boyes.

  • Milman.
  • Hilliard.

        Mistresse Forrest, and Anne Burras her maide; eight Dutch-men and Poles, with some others, to the number of seaventie persons, &c.

        Nandsamund forced to contribution.
        The first marriage in Virginia.

        These poore conclusions so affrighted vs all with famine, that the President provided for Nandsamund, and tooke with him Captaine Winne, and Mr Scrivener, then returning from Captaine Newport. These people also long denied him not onely the 400 Baskets of Corne they promised, but any trade at all; (excusing themselues they had spent most they had, and were commanded by Powhatan to keepe that they had, and not to let vs come into their river) till we were constrained to begin with them perforce. Vpon the discharging of our Muskets they all fled and shot not an Arrow; the first house we came to we set on fire, which when they perceiued, they desired we would make no more spoyle, and they would giue vs halfe they had: how they collected it I know not, but before night they loaded our three Boats; and so we returned to our quarter some foure myles downe the River, which was onely the open woods vnder the lay of a hill, where all the ground was covered with snow, and hard frozen; the snow we digged away and made a great fire in the place; when the ground was well dryed, we turned away the fire; and covering the place with a mat, there we lay very warme. To keepe vs from the winde we made a shade of another Mat; as the winde turned we turned our shade, and when the ground grew cold we remoued the fire. And thus many a cold winter night haue wee laine in this miserable manner, yet those that most commonly went vpon all those occasions, were alwayes in health, lusty, and fat. For sparing them this yeare, the next yeare they promised to plant purposely for vs; and so we returned to Iames towne. About this time there was a marriage betwixt Iohn Laydon and Anne Burras; which was the first marriage we had in Virginia.

        Apamatuck discovered.

        Long he stayed not, but fitting himselfe and Captaine Waldo with two Barges. From Chawopoweanock, and all parts thereabouts, all the people were fled, as being iealous of our intents; till we discovered the river and people of Apamatuck; where we found not much, that they had we equally divided, but gaue them copper, and such things as contented them in consideration. Master Scrivener and Lieutenant Percie went also abroad, but could find nothing.

        The President seeing the procrastinating of time, was no course to liue, resolved with Captaine Waldo (whom he knew to be sure in time of need) to surprise Powhatan, and all his provision, but the unwillingnesse of Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener, for some private respect, plotted in England to ruine Captaine Smith, did their best to hinder their proiect; but the President whom no perswasions could perswade to starue, being invited by Powhatan to come vnto him: and if he would send him but men to build him a house, giue him a gryndstone, fiftie swords, some peeces, a cock and a hen, with much copper and beads, he would load his Ship with Corne. The President not ignorant of his devises and subtiltie, yet vnwilling to neglect any opportunitie, presently sent three Dutch-men and two English, having so small allowance, few were able to doe any thing to purpose: knowing there needed no better a Castle to effect this proiect, tooke order with Captaine Waldo to second him, if need required; Scrivener he left his substitute, and set forth with the Pinnace, two Barges, and fortie-six men, which onely were such as voluntarily offered themselues for his Iourney, the which by reason of Mr Scriveners ill successe, was censured very desperate, they all knowing Smith would not returne emptie, if it were to be had; howsoever, it caused many of those that he had appointed, to find excuses to stay behinde.


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CHAP. VIII.

Captaine Smiths Iourney to Pamavnkee.

        THe twentie-nine of December he set forward for Werowocomoco: his Company were these;

        In the Discovery Barge himselfe.

    Gent.

  • Robert Behethland.
  • Nathanael Graues.
  • Iohn Russell.
  • Raleigh Chrashow.
  • Michael Sicklemore.
  • Richard Worley.

    Souldiers.

  • Anas Todkill.
  • William Loue.
  • William Bentley.
  • Ieffrey Shortridge.
  • Edward Pising.
  • William Ward.

        In the Pinnace.

  • Lieutenant Percie, brother to the Earle of Northumberland.
  • Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre.
  • William Phittiplace, Captaine of the Pinnace.

    Gent.

  • Michael Phittiplace.
  • Ieffrey Abbot, Serieant.
  • William Tankard.
  • George Yarington.
  • Jonas Profit, Master.
  • Robert Ford, Clarke of the Councell.

    Souldiers.

  • Iames Browne.
  • Edward Brinton.
  • George Burton.
  • Thomas Coe.
  • Iohn Dods, Souldier.
  • Henry Powell, Souldier.