Swann, Alexander D., b. 1819
Should the office of President of the U.S. be awarded to an
individual preeminent for skill in the
civil affairs, or to one distinguished for military Services?
We have two characters presented for discussion—the civil
& military. And as I advocate the claims, which the eminent Statesman has
upon the suf
frages of a Republican
People, I will proceed, at once to examine the arguments of the Gen [tleman].,
who last addressed the House, urging those of the military Chieftain.
A
After
some general ascribing to a
chief-magistrate the general & abs
cra
ct qualities of
"firmness & decision of character"—and "promtitude of
action", as inestimable virtues, rendered inherent from long military
Service—He asks, with admirable gravity, "What would we presage to
be the fate of a
government—devoid of these most essential
qualifications"—Sir, it is a beautiful arrangement of our polical
system, that, so far from the President's being in his individuality, the
government of these United States, he is but one of
the co-ordinate branches; and even if a President, elected that class of
distinguished public men styled Statesman, was so entirely deficient in those
qualifications, which the Gen. arrogates exclusively his Hero, with that spirit
of liberty, which he told us was a jealous one, fying to rescue, at the last
approach on an enemy towards its citidel and animating the bosom of every
American—while that can be preserved from executive encroachments [
whil] within the immediate Representatives of
the People, will be sufficiently watchful to preserve them from insult and
agression from without. Further, M
r. Pres., if we could be
fanciful
en enough, to suppose, that,
the
government, in our sense of the word
+comprising in fact the
whole
people
+ could be so cursed with
pusalinimity, as the Gen. leaves us to infer by his
question then, Sir, indeed
would be answered by
presenting to a grieving world, the very gloomy picture, which History under
similar circumstances has
shown in its "unerring sheep"—the "dismal brain of
"calamity"—"bloodshed" and
devastation"—which would ensue. Now, the Gen.s position seems to be
this—that there are certain quaities
both
of
the mind and and acquired by profession,
peculiar to
the each
of Class of individuals, concerning whom
we are discussing; but with
Page 2
great unfairness, he
argues the inconsistency of the Statesman possessing in the least degree, any
of those he so liberally ascribes to the military Chieftain. And what Sir,
would all this end in? I, with equal propriety, might suppose that the military
Chieftain in the same manner destitute of the others abilities; and thus like
the contest between bruin and the aligator
2
"the hardest fend off"—we could never attain an ajusment of the
contr[o]versy or arrive at any conclusion. But, Sir, "the combination of
the civil, and military powers of a government, constitute the basis of its
national freedom", as the Gen. remarks. How then
can the civil power of a government be administered without
military provisions, and how can the military power be supported in the abs
cence of resources, furnished by a wise civil
administration. If, in the choice of a Pres.,
we can it would be inconsistent to look
for this combination, as the Gen's argument
leads him to conclude, then if we could exist at all
as a government in that situation, he argues for that most
certain and alarming step toward despotism, to
3 make
the civil power subservient to the military. Is there any one in our Republic
who could for a moment contemplate such a state of things with complacency? my
Country forbid it! Sooner leave the scepter in the hand of one just man
than, and warrent us protection from the
civil laws, than to subject the happy people to the domineering insolence, of
an unrestrained soldiery. M
r Pres.
my
friend from
Burke [Mr. Avery]
, has shown conclusively, that,
both from the natural disposition, and subsequent education of a military
commander when elevated to the chief magistracy of our union he will eventually
overturn
the its liberties
of and
establish a despotism on its ruins. I must confess, I was a amused at the
arguments used by
the
Gen. who followed him [Mr. Taylor]
, in refutation of this position. Was
then the dagger of the
patriot
Brutus stained
in blood of an incocent man? Yes says the Gen's argument,
the patriots noble deed was the result of passion
and
4 the
liberties of
Rome
was were
5 gone
before
Caesar
crossed the
Rubicon,—Was the stern and virtous
Cato so given to
private animosity, or so unskilled in condition, and politicks of the
Roman Republic,
as to brave the conquerer of
Gaul with
distroying the last vistage
Page 3
its liberty without
being firmly convinced that such was the case? Yes, Sir, the Gen's ingenuity
has come too late to stay the suicidal hand of the last of the
Roman
Senate.
Bo[unrecovered]naparte
too was no usurper! Yes,
Napolean an ocean of penetential tears could not wash away
the black ingratitude which you have suffered from a, hitherto, missjudging
world! But M
r. Pres. to be serious let us examine,
the argument
6 as
offered by gentleman, and leave to imagination, the wonderful discoveries,
which
the
argument
7 if
successful, it might
have
8
developed to an admiring world—He endeavours to show that in Republican
Governments and ambitious– aspiring man can mot transgress the delegated powers
assigned to him, unless the people over whom he placed, have previously lo
st their liberty. Liberty is the exercise of certain
immunities—laws are established for the security of these reserved
rights—and officers chosen to put these laws into force—The
question then is, what can be the danger of entrusting the execution of these
laws—(and consequently the keeping of the vestal flame of our liberty) to
a chief magistrate, flushed with victory "bearing his blushing honours
thick around him",
9 and in
what manner he can extinguish that flame, with admitting the argument. Sir, the
danger is here that you might as soon expect the "leapard to change his
spots and the
Ethiopean
his skin"
10 as to
hope that the military Chieftain will so soon forget the exciting hour of
conflict—spirit-stirring danger, the [t]rumpet
11 and
drum, the roaring of cannon, and the gratifying hour of triumph.!. The damper
of State rooms—and musty documents,
is
but ill replace that spur to exertion, that incentive to action, furnished, by
the sympathy of a thousand flashing eyes urging
on to join the deadly strife, the enthusiasm of gazing on the
Star-spangled banner, as it floats proudly over his victorious army. And, Sir,
are to expect a self-denying self-devoted
Washington, in every Chief, whom
we elect? That would "hoping against hope"—and
nothing will satisfy morbid appetite for excitement, but plunging his country
in
a war of some kind foreign or
intestine war. circumstances growing out of either the disasters or success of
that war
Page 4
call for stronger measures—more
unlimited command cautiously conceded at first, having been induced to beleive
that these trust-powers would be silenced, when the immediate occasion for them
should have been ce
sased—a people thus
go
ing on—untill finally all is
lost—the ballance of power is in the hands of the exective
12 which
backed by an affectionate army, becomes superior to all laws—and
Lord-protector—Emperor—or Autocrat,
is substituted, for the homely and republican term President.
But, M
r Pres, whatever may been the fortuitous concurrence
of circumstances, which conspired to assist the ursupations of
Cromwell or
Bonaparte, yet Sir the fact is undoubted that they did
take advantage of those circumstances and if not "ab initis"
13 gave
the finishing blow. the liberties of the people. we have it then granted, that,
when the people themselves are carried away by any transient excitement so, as
for a while to forget what is due to their liberties, [a] military executive
will
be apt to destroy them entirely.
Must we, sir, choose the executive of our
laws, made for the security of our liberties from men distinguished for
military services, when we see that Are
we not, then, inverting the very purposes of government by
electing by electing a Chief magistrate, distinguished military services [
?] we throw into the hands of a man the
execution of laws
made for preserving our
liberties, who, from natural disposition, and long established habits of
implicit obe[
unrecovered]dience
from
all claims every perogative of power which a too-confiding
will not people might yield in
any an
emergency? History will answer. I pass over what might be said in relation to
our present Chief
magistrate
; and ask where are the liberties of
Mexico? She is
in deed a "fallen
Iberia"—The spirit of
Montazuma
and the
Inca's now mourn
together. A Hero whom she loved to honour, was rewarded with the chief
magistracy—his exploits gained the affection and confidence of the army,
and following the maxim "with men, all get money" he seized the
treasury—and thus weilding a bloody sword in one hand and the corrupting
gold in the other,
Santa Anna with a shout of triumph proclaimed himself
Autocrat of
Mexico. Shall
we not profit by her example? Yes. Sir, a despotism must be the consequence of
electing to the
Page 5
principal office in our
government, a military genius. If not the distraction of our liberties, another
consequence equally to be apprehended is this In the buisness of a nation war
is a contingency, a probably one it is true, but still it is a contingency; but
Sir elect a warlike president, and what regarded in a national point of view,
is the most calamitous of evils
being his na[t]ural14
element, and darling occupation—war, and preperation for war
becomes the rulling measure of his administration—
"In every heart
Are
swon sown the sparks
that kindle fiery war,
Occasion need but fan them, and they blaze"
15
Let us revert for one moment to the peculiar relation which our country
bears to the rest of the world, and see which class of Individuals presented
16 for
discussion would support that relation most credibly. Peace and the arts of
peace now occupy the attention of
evry
civilized people—Nations
17 have
ceased to amuse one another
by
with gladiatorial exhibitions, merely it would
seem to gratify the vanity, or humor the caprice of some way-ward monarch.
Since we have been a nation these arts and employments of peace have received
new zest, and if we do not equal the most advanced in the march of improvement,
we excel the
most greater
number—inexhaustable natural resources are
at hand in
reach, ready to advance us still higher in the scale of Republics, and
all that is wanting is the plastic
hand
genius of an
energetic Exective, to give
a tone, and direction to the latent
energies of a free people. Who so appropriate for that office as an american
statesman? The draught which he has taken at the Classic fo
unt of his Alma Mater, arouses an interest in works
of art and literature and fits him properly for entering in life—
the study of Civil &
constitutional National
laws political economy prepares him for serving his fellow citizens in the
state, legislature or
Congress. Then his well trained mind is brought into
contact with the intricate, but important subjects of banking, and finances,
and here he learns what relation there be as to the different agricultural
Page 6
and commercial interest, of this widely extended
confederacy
, and practice
too as a debater enables him to rescue simple
truth from the tissue of
network
sophisty, so ingeniously thrown around it by
parlamentary niceties—[
Naval]
Military and foreign affairs come, necessarily,
under his cognizance, and his personal and diplomatick correspondence with
foreign ambassadors renders him familiar
with
the policy and genius of other governments. Such we may presume would be the
acquirements of an
idn individual to be
embraced in the question, Now Sir, I do not maintain, that some or all of these
qualifications are necessary wanting to the military Chieftain. But I do
contend that a full developement of them in the Statesman, together with the
eminent advantages of
a military
education, and the high
Character
reputation of our officers are more
indispensable for continuing the prosperity the union; than the highest grade,
of military tallent, with at least but a slight acquaintance with
them such subjects. The Gen has applied
to our feellings,
not to suffer to
reward the veteran for services rendered. It has already been shown how
impolitic, and dangerous it might be to
internal elevate such characters to the
Presidency: but even admitting there to be no danger of despotism, if the
system once becomes established, how long could that high, enobling sentiment
of disinterested patriotism, animate the breast of an American Officer? Instead
of living embalmed in the hearts of a gratefull people, with the assuran[ce] of
their respect, and love, they would enter the
vexed arena of politicks, and that high military bearing, once synonymus with
honourable bearing, would soon degenerate into drivelling intrique, and thus
convert the army into a school of corruption. Moreover M
r
Pres., who does not deprecate the precedent to which such a course would lead.
One instance will do to show the absurdity of
which would follow. Who does not see what is likely to ensue, in times of
deeper corruption, from what appears about to take place at the next
presidential election. Yes, Sir that brilliant border exploit, which
Page 7
inspired the
purely
republican doggerel of
is to draw tears of gratitude in our eyes, and the second office in the gift of
the people is to be awarded to one, even below the mediocrity of intellects,
by which he is surrounded. What a comment political
advancement! If every thing else connected with that man's character was even
as
fair, and
unclouded in
asspect, as the
authenticity of that deed, the
American
people might have less cause to blush for their Choice.—