Letter from
Joseph
Caldwell to the
Wilmington Gazette, 1805 or After
For the Wilmington Gazette
Mr Editor,
Having seen a piece in your paper, with the signature of "A
Citizen" annexed to it, I hope you will not think me intrusive, if I
request the insertion of a few remarks, whose object shall be to vindicate the
truth. The writer it seems, has been initiated into action, by a letter from an
inhabitant of
Raleigh,
published in the
Boston
Anthology. So far as any person resident in
Raleigh,
who may have been the author of such a letter, shall conceive himself
sufficiently concerned to reply to remarks which affect himself only, I shall
not think it necessary to say anything.
If I am to judge from myself, it is extremely irksome for one, who
has never yet had occasion to be exhibited in self-defence, to be under the
necessity of asserting before the public, the justice that is due to him. Yet
in a free government, when the press is open to every man, misapprehension or
wickedness will sometimes avail itself of this instrument, against those who
have fondly hoped to remain exempt from its attack, because they know nothing
they have done which can deserve it. Who can doubt, that if an attempt is made
to wrong innocence, it ought to resort to the same instrument to reestablish
its rights, and to expose both the weakness and depravity of the assailant.
The helpless may be compelled to remain a silent sufferer, but let
not the "Citizen," whoever he may be, flatter himself that he shall
continue untouched by one, whose business it has ever been, to divulge and
defend the truth.
To shew that I do not begin without provocation, I shall insert a
passage from the Citizen, which is directed wholly upon myself. "I believe
says he, that there never was so much disorder in the
University, as there has been since
Mr
Caldwell was made president. After
Mr Kerr
left the
University (who according to the best accounts
the writer has received, ought never to have left it) some mischief took place
under the presidency of
Mr Gillespie, which
however, was of short duration; but the disorders occasioned by
Mr
Caldwell's imprudence, have not yet been got over. He recommended and
caused to be passed in a thin board of the
Trustees, after it had been rejected by a larger
meeting, an ordinance requiring the monitors appointed in the college, to take
an oath, to inform of every little fault they saw in their fellow students.
This occasioned a remonstrance from the boys, which was answered by
Mr
Caldwell with great ire, charging the students with being guilty of
every crime, which the most depraved humanity could commit. The issue was,
upwards of forty youths left theUniversity, and the
Trustees were obliged to repeal the offensive ordinance."
This writer is either grossly ignorant of the history of the
University, or else willfully perverts it. The
true account of the principal disorders is this.
Mr Kerr's
authority over the college was irreparably broken by his own immoral conduct.
He was therefore, in propriety of speech, compelled by the nature of his office
to lay it down and retire. This abdication with its cause, was attended with
much confusion in the
University, and in the public mind, for a
considerable time.
Mr Gillespie afterwards
became obnoxious, and at the conclusion of his presidency, the students rose in
open tumult against the laws and the Faculty, beat
Mr Gillespie personally,
waylaid and stoned
Mr
Webb, accosted
Mr Flinn with the
intention of beating him, but were diverted from it; and at length uttered
violent threats against
Mr
Murphy and
Mr
Caldwell, which were never put into execution. The disorders were going
on for a week, the students themselves got tired of them, and proposed to
Mr
Caldwell that he should assume the supreme authority, which request he
rejected with the contempt it merited. It was necessary to assemble the
Trustees for the appointment of a superintendent, and for restoring
submission to the laws. The consequence was, that the lapse of three or four
years was necessary, before the publicconfidence
could be restored, and the number of students could be made to ascend by slow
degrees to fifty. There were dark and trying times. The youth of our state had
given the strongest reasons to conclude from their conduct as students
hitherto, that they were incapable of being governed; the hand of the
Legislature was raised, with the threat of crushing the institution; the
confidence even of its friends, received a terrible shock; no one could be
found uniting abilities and consent, to act as superintendent; and even many of the
Trustees began to despair of success, from any efforts which they could
make. The next disorder was occasioned by a fit of dueling, in which five or
six students meditated a journey to
South
Carolina, and it was again necessary to assemble the
Trustees, before this rage for honor could be quelled. We then come to
the law of the monitors, which was attended with a desertion of more than forty
students, and an immediate regular continuance of business by the Faculty with
the rest. I now ask, what becomes of the Citizen's assertion, that "there
never was so much disorder in the University, as there has been since
Mr
Caldwell was made president." But I have not yet done with this
part of the subject, for I never heard the least supposition before whispered,
that this was an affair between any others, than the
Trustees and students only. The declaration that I "recommended and
caused to be passed," the ordinance
respecting the monitors, is destitute of the least foundation, except what it
may have in the conjecture of one, who knows nothing of the business. If this
law had not been suffered to expire, for it was only a temporary experiment,
and was never repealed, I should not deny the imputation of the Citizen, for a
reason which I hope is plain enough to all. But I am now at liberty to do it
without imprudence. I can also establish by the evidence of twelve or twenty
Trustees, if necessary, that I had not the least share in advising, suggesting
or assuading to such a measure. It can be proved further by one witness, which
is as many as the nature of the case will admit, that when it was presented to
me personally for my opinion, I disapproved of it as an expedient, dangerous to
be tried. I shall now charge the Citizen, not with imprudence, but calumny, and
he may dissent this charge as he can find leisure. After the law was actually
passed, not in a thin, but a full board, as the records will shew, I must be
permitted to say without reserve, that I acted more prudently and advisedly in
carrying it into effect, with all the influence and authority I could exert,
than those persons did, who on being consulted by the young men, persuaded them
to resist it, and who after the students had been guilty of a revolt,
countenanced them with all the panegyric of an open and pernicious applause. I
am accused too of "answering the boys with great ire, charging them with
being guilty of every crime, which themost
depraved humanity could commit." For the refutation of this, I can do no
more than appeal to the answer itself, which is in
Mr Boylan's
office, or in any other regular file of his papers, in which it was
printed by the direction of the
Trustees; and in the mean time I will pledge my word and veracity, that
it is in a style completely temperate — faithful to the true interest and
character of the young men — and not in any sense liable to the
imputation which the Citizen has brought against it. It is true, that in my
report to the
Board afterwards, witnessing and feeling as I did, the undutifulness and
insubordination of these youth, who set at nought the accommodating spirit of the
Trustees in abolishing the oath, I expressed with freedom my sentiments
of their behavior, and pointed out the inferences which were plainly deducible
from their conduct at the time, united with a number of former immoral
practices, which had been the very cause with the
Board of imposing so rigorous and restrictive a law. This blundering
writer, by representing my address to the
Trustees, after the desertion was consummated, as my address to the
students while they were yet comparatively innocent, has made out to paint as
odious and rash, what was just and seasonable. The way is now prepared to
pronounce what this assessing Citizen says respecting my imprudence, to be in
direct hostility against the truth. As to the
University not havingrecovered from it since, he has spared me the necessity of contradicting him;
since in another place he unguardedly lets us know, that "the
University cannot be said to languish, as there are
as many students as the establishment at present, as there have been for
several years."
He goes on to observe, that here would probably be a great many
more, "if there was a republican at the head of the institution." But
here I must be at liberty to controvert the Citizen again, unless he will be so
accommodating as to tell us, how a house can hold more, after it is already
full. Unfortunately for the Citizen in this case, there has not been yet found
as much elasticity in brick walls, as there often is in the human conscience.
I am now prepared to take notice of another part of the Citizen's
wise production, in which he speaks of "the palace-like erection, which is
much too large for usefulness, and which he thinks might be very aptly called
the "Temple of folly." This language has been held by many in their
defamations against the Trustees, and no doubt a large proportion of the people
have believed it to be perfectly just. It is high time that the truth should
come out, and fortunately it is a subject, upon which the most satisfactory
precision is attainable.
The
Trustees of the University, in forming the plan of their building, made
the rooms upon the smallest scale,that it might
receive the greatest possible number of inhabitants. No northern college which
I have seen, and I have been in a number of them, has its rooms near so small
as ours. Yet they do not require more than two persons to live in a room. In
each room are three windows in the plan at
Princeton, instead of two as in this, and around two
of these next to the corners separate studies are erected, for the convenience
and retirement of the two inhabitants from mutual interruption and an exposure
to company. From this form of a room it would seem, a third person might live
in it, without much inconvenience, since in the open room he would be separated
from those in the studies. But the stowing together of two beds, and the
furniture of their persons, it is apprehended would render the rooms too
crowded, and difficult to keep clean and wholesome.
But let us look into our University, and see how the students are
situated here. Our apartments are exceedingly small, our climate is much more
sultry, no separate apartments are made, that the inhabitants may be retired
and not tempted into conversation, and originally three beds and the furniture
of six persons were forced into a space, which left hardly room enough for
theinhabitants to turn round, without jostling
one another. This was endured for some years, shocking as it may be to think
of. But the
Board was at length convinced that it ought to be endured no longer.
What is now called the
Main
building was begun, and an order was passed requiring no more than four
persons for the future to occupy a room.
Nothing more can be necessary to convince any one, of the extreme
hardship of such disagreeable and unhealthy crowding, than to see and compare
the situation of students in other colleges, and in our own. To those who have
seen it, I make a confident appeal. Nor am I afraid to make one to every other
person, who will candidly reflect upon the subject. The truth is that more than
two cannot inhabit one of our apartments without the greatest exposure as to
health and cleanliness, and without one of the worst of all evils to a student,
the evil of perpetual interruption. Here then have been fifty six persons
huddled together with their trunks, beds, tables, chairs, books, and clothes
into fourteen little rooms, which by the excessive heat of our summers are
enough to stifle them, and in the winter, scarcely admit them to sit with their
apparatus around the fireplace. This representation is literally true. Yet so
ardent are our youth to attain education, where it is to be had cheap, andin their own state too, that they support it with
a fortitude which deserves credit, proportional to the inconvenience of their
circumstances. When the weather permits them to be in the open air, they fly to
the shade, where they may find a retreat from the buzz, and hurry, and
irrepressible conversation of so crowded a society. But when the weather is
unfavorable, there is no relief, and they must of necessity bear the evil,
distressing as it is to their sense of industry and emulation. So oppressively
has the want of room been felt, that formerly they were even at some expense
and personal labor, to erect in the woods, huts which might protect them from
the seasons, where they might read without interruption. These were found
liable to abuse, and a law in the printed code prohibiting the building or
retaining of these huts, is full confirmation to the public, if any be needed,
of the truth of these statements.
But let us pursue this subject still further, it is worth while to
do it, for no agreement has been more boldly insisted on, than the unnecessary
expense of the building which is now unfinished. This building was planned, not
by "the demi-god
Davie," as the Citizen thinks proper to call the
General, but by
Governor Spaight, as the draft of it by his own hand, kept
at the
University, is always ready to shew. This building
will contain23 habitable rooms, each capable of
holding two residents. These with the 15 now in the wing, will amount to 30,
able to receive 76 youths on the establishment. We have more than once, had
upwards of 70, while the wing alone was ready for their reception, which could
contain only 56 at the rate even of 4 in a room. For one of the rooms has been
used as a library. The rest of the students in such cases, have been compelled
to live in the village, deprived of those particular rules and opportunities,
which were observed and possessed in the village itself. If having an
"autocratic head" as the Citizen has chosen to designate me, has been
a reason why more students do not come to the
University, I presume it is not the only one, nor
perhaps so efficient as the circumstance, that there is not space to contain
them. I will venture to ask any one, and scarcely doubt of his reply, whether
it is not likely, that if our rooms could admit 100 students tomorrow, they
would be filled up at the beginning of the very next year? This would render an
aristocracy of learning more difficult to be preserved, than what it is at
present. If our principal building were finished, the youth of
North
Carolina would begin to enjoy opportunities, similar to what are
afforded to the youth of other states, and our nation would havenot a Temple of Folly! but a monument of glory to
herself, and a pledge of ability and worth to all succeeding generations. And
now what is the true estimate of all this loud and blustering clamor emitted by
the Citizen, about the unnecessary expense of the present buildings? He may
have been raising his voice for a number of years in this style, with the
utmost assurance and triumph. But as soon as the light of Truth is thrown upon
him, the visage from which issued such noisy and imposing declamations, appears
nothing more than one wretched blank of inanity and dullness. Perhaps it may
alternately be flushed, if possible, with the glow of shame, for not knowing
better, or for not enquiring, or if he was better informed, for having
persisted in casting odium upon the most virtuous plans of public improvement,
which a free and virtuous people can think of or accomplish. But I know what to
think of the Citizen, if the style of his piece bespeaks him right. Malignity
and lust of sway are his guiding principles, and his composition unites with
the boisterousness of a stentor, the hardihood of callous feelings.
Perhaps some will imagine that I indulge in a style of reproof that
is too severe. But let it be remembered that the attack which is made upon me
is perfectly unprovoked — that I claim no innocencebut what I prove — fix no epithets, but
such as I first demonstrate to be just; and that I do not deal in unseemly and
unmerited reproaches. If a man will take the liberty of molesting innocence,
and by with all his might, without the least provocation, to heap upon it
public odium, surely it out not to give offence, that he should be rigorously
repulsed, with the loss of his pretensions to public credit. Such a man is a
proper object for public indignation. He declares himself the enemy of his
species, since he renounces the principles upon which alone all that is
valuable in live can be preserved. I am not versed in the military tactics of
the public gazettes. I am only of the militia, but I hope so truly American,
that the justice of my cause will be instead of discipline, and that if the
enemy should prove too indolent, I shall be able to chastise him, by carrying
the war into his own borders.
The Citizen informs us that "we have been dependent on
Europe and the
neighboring states, nay even on
Massachusetts for our men of science." This is
certainly as true as it is deplorable. And does he wish, that we shall still
continue in this degrading dependence? From the satisfaction which shines
through his statement of the "probability that the
University will never be finished for want of
funds," he plainlycherishes such a wish.
Yet he seems to think that this dependence may be a source of aristocracy among
us; and certainly if we can be in any such danger, it is most likely to emanate
from such a cause. It must be an aristocracy too of the most dangerous kind,
for it will consist of strangers and of those few of our youth, whose parents
are able to bear the expense of education, in what the Citizen no doubt calls
aristocratical countries. To facilitate education among ourselves, is the true
method of preventing an aristocracy of learning; and unless we do give it every
facility in our power, there will assuredly be, at least a monopoly of it.
But the Citizen is in dread lest we should not avoid aristocratical
principles, because we have an aristocrat at the head of our University.
Ill-fated
America! too
surely I fear; art thou doomed to be the prey of aristocracy. Shut the front
door of the house against their hideous spectre, and he instantly shakes his
"gory locks" at us through the rear passage. At every window his
physiognomy appears begrimmed with rage, and startling us into convulsive
attitudes of horror. And when we have closed every avenue from without, he
suddenly rises up before us, ready to grapple us with his fangs. The Citizen
has evidently enlarged on this theme in different parts of his essay, witha view to render it palatable. A small
narrative in the shape of a fable is so pertinent to the people's case and his
own, that I shall introduce it as illustration. A steed in the prime of his
strength, and grazing in rich pastures, being disposed to amuse himself at the
expense of a wolf, whom he saw lurking near the enclosure, went towards him,
and limping with one of his hind feet, complained of a thorn, which gave him
considerable pain. The wolf, thinking to take him at an advantage, expressed
great commiseration, and offered to act as his physician, by extracting the
thorn. The steed lifted up his foot for a narrow inspection; but unexpectedly
visited the poor citizen's jaws with so rude a kick, as left him howling upon
the filed; while the other pranced away, laughing at the folly of the invidious
empiric. In a similar way I apprehend, the awkward officiousness of this
Citizen, to cure the nation of aristocracy, is likely to end, in rendering him
the butt of those whom he affects to pity.
The Citizen has made some remarks upon the
motives of the Legislature. As he may claim a right to know more concerning
them, than I can pretend to, I shall not attempt to vindicate the members from
the reasons which he has endeavored to palm upon them. That national and
respectable body acted unquestionably upon such principles, as in their wisdom
they deemed sufficient. (On oneor two points however, I can venture to gainsay
the detraction which he has practiced upon them. He accuses them, for instance,
of having acted without much deliberation, when they passed the law taking away
the funds from the
University. Now every one knows that if the assembly
have ever been liable to a charge of rashness, it could not be brought against
them in this instance, for the subject was before them for discussion, public
or private, at least two years before they came to a final conclusion upon it.
It was afterwards renewed for two or three years more, that if perchance any
error had crept into their proceedings, it might be made a subject of
correction. It was argued in the mean time before the Court of conference, that
as the
Corporation of Trustees was clad with all the rights, and liable in law
to all the incidents of an individual, the constitution of the state did not
recognise a power in the Legislature, to make laws having a retrospective or
privative affect upon the
Board, without its consent previously & explicitly obtained, or else
a regular trial by jury convincing that body of an illegal use of its corporate
powers. At length a decree was pronounced by the Judges, that the law which had
been enacted could not be constitutional, and then was followed by an immediate
repeal, on the part of the Assembly.Nor could
any thing indeed be more proper, for while the different branches of any
government concede to each other, the function peculiarly belonging to each,
its harmony is committed, its justice revealed, and its strength compacted.
That the privation-law was capable of a retrospective effect, will appear from
the presentment of a plain case. Had the
Trustees entered into contract with an individual, for the payment of
money or the fulfillment of certain conditions, they might be compelled on the
issue to make the payment good. If the Legislature in the mean time, had the
power of making a law taking away the property of the corporation, it is
evident it must operate upon their individual estates, so far as should be
necessary for the accomplishment of their promises. But it is time to return
more particularly to the Citizen, when I have been allowing some little
opportunity to breathe.)
If the Author was a member of the Assembly, at the time when the law
was made, and bore any part in the transactions impelled by such reasons as are
stated in his publication, I am bold to say they were at least erroneous ones.
"It is alleged, he says, that every opportunity is yet embraced, of giving
a direction to the minds of the students on political subjects, favorable to
ahigh toned autocratic government." Why
does the Citizen say "it is alleged?" Is it because he himself knows,
or has reason to believe, that the allegation is not true, and therefore in
this instance has felt caution enough to refrain from asserting it himself, and
by sliding in the words, has obtained the effect of an assertion without making
it? If this be the case, the words are barely invidious, and deserve to be
spurned by every gentleman, as unworthy of open and manly behavior. I have
reason to think that he does not believe the truth of this charge himself, and
that he has only taken it up as a very popular allegation; though he has been
informed that it is not true. If this however be not the fact, I have only to
tell the public, for I care too little about this citizen, to be concerned
whether he knows it or not, that so far as the subscriber is able to retrace
the lapse of eight years at least, he has never once mentioned to a student a
single sentiment upon the politics of the day, or on the civil government of
these
United
States, except possibly once or twice in all that time to the Senior
class, upon the general philosophy of their construction. For the truth of this
I appeal to the whole body of youth, who during that space have been at the
institution. I know very well that it has been made a subject of declamation on
public election grounds for a long time;but
never was any thing asserted more destitute of truth. I believe it is become so
well understood, among men of information, who care enough for our University
to enquire about it, that the charge has of late been pretty generally dropped;
except where to answer a present purpose, it is adduced in the shape and
circumstances in which the Citizen has presented it to us as being
"alleged."
That I have sentiments on the politics of our country is undoubtedly
true, and if it would calm any parent's mind, who may apprehend that his
child's opinions are in danger of perversion, I would say they are very far
from being autocratic. But politics is a subject treated and thought of in such
a manner nowadays, that a man is not allowed to know his own way of thinking,
if another chooses to know for him. And therefore he would do better to be
silent, than by denial or explanation, initiate a dogmatical rage against him,
which in proportion as it incensed and vociferous is apt to command belief as
being the genuine zeal of truth, against modest temperance, which is construed
into the misgiving of conscious error. However imprudent the Citizen may think
me, I have common sense enough left to refrain from subjects, upon which if I
were to enter into discussions and precepts with my pupils, I should only incur
theircontempt. Politics is a subject upon which
youth will speak and determine with as much confidence as men of any age,
experience or study. If argument fails, the stamp of assertion is current, and
ready to supply the deficiency. It is a subject on which my situation precludes
all influence, and if I could exert any, to engage in it would be only
disturbing that tranquility of mind, which is one of the best ingredients in
constant and solid happiness.
But the Citizen will "allege" that though this be true,
yet as it is known what are my politicks, they will have an effect upon those
of the
University. To this I shall only reply, that to
be president of the University is an object to which I never aspired. To be as
useful as possible has ever been the great aim of my life; and I have little
regarded the station in which this might be affected. Though I feel more
gratitude than I shall ever be able to express to the gentlemen of the
Board for the distinctions which that honorable and patriotic body have
conferred, I know they will permit me to say, that the office has ever
perceived me and not I the office. For the verity of this, I do not wish to be
taken upon my own credit; but upon the testimony of republican members of
Board, who have solicited me as pressingly as any in that body, to act
in its affairs. To these solicitations returned tomy earnest entreaties for the appointment of
another, I have several times yielded. But it is time for me to stop, for these
things savor too much of vanity. Yet when the public are exposed to the noxious
deceptions of such calumniators as this Citizen, it seems necessary that some
means should be afforded them of coming to a knowledge of the truth. I arrogate
no credit for any necessity there may have been for my labors. This is rather a
lamentable proof of the unfortunate condition of our state, which has so few
persons, both willing and qualified to fill the office of a literary
institution. One credit I shall claim, but hope no offensive one, of wishing as
ardently as any man, that out of this condition we may soon emerge.
It is asserted by this writer that "a majority of the
Trustees has consisted of men, possessing high aristocratical notions of
government; that whenever there have been vacancies in their body, they were
filled with men of like principles; that these Trustees would employ no
professors who were not of like politics; that if any other happened to be
engaged as the fact was discovered he was displaced.
Mr Kerr,
Mr Holmes, and
Mr
Boylan are stated to be evidences of this fact. These Trustees and
professors introduced elementary books on the science of government, which are
confessedly antirepublicanand the youths who
want these republicans, returned with directly opposite principles."
How the Citizen procured his knowledge, that a majority of the
Trustees have been "aristocratic," is a question to which it
would be difficult for him to give a satisfactory answer. One thing I know,
that he has never had recourse to proper documents, to ascertain whether he was
asserting truth or falsehood. Nor do I suppose, that since the existence of the
law, which created the
Board of Trustees, it has ever been known to any person, so that he
could give an immediate and positive answer, whether a majority was
"republican" or otherwise. I could pronounce if I pleased, with an
equal chance for truth, that a majority of the
Board has been "republican," but I shall not imitate the
example of the Citizen in making rash assertions, nor pretend to cope with him
in the assurance he exhibits in matters, about which he knows nothing definite.
The truth is that neither he nor I, nor any other person is at the moment, and
probably never has been able to speak on this subject with certainty. It would
require a research into the records of the
Board for seventeen years past, and that time would be employed to very
poor purpose, which should be given to it.
For all the asseverations here made, I shall hold myself
responsible, and my name shall standexposed,
that if any thing be false, the public may know where to fix the charge. But
till the Citizen's name shall be equally conspicuous, I hope his denials and
affirmations will not be deemed the valid authority to which my claim to belief
shall be surrendered. Truth ought to give offence to none, and if the Citizen
has committed a breach upon her laws, it becomes him to venerate her authority,
to recognise her transcendent rights, and to recover his lost integrity by
exposing with all his zeal the sacred cause which he has endeavored to malign.
It is denied then that the
Trustees have always appointed men to fill the vacancies in their body,
possessing what he calls "high aristocratical notions of government."
For confirmation of this fact, I refer to the names recounted in the margin.
They are only some of those who have been at different times elected members.[*](note1) These are not all
the appointments which have taken place; how many more might be added to the
catalogue by an application to the records, it is impossible for me to
conjecture. I hope these gentlemen will pardon me for making this public
insertion, when a development of facts required it. I hope too that others who
are not mentioned, will ascribe it to no other cause than want of ability to
recollect, where so many are tobe enumerated. It
is astonishing that any man, however hardened, could be willing to venture on
assertions, for which he might so easily be called forth into the prescience of
a whole people, and have his front branded with the name of imposter.
The fact is that when the
Trustees were assembled on any occasion, they never looked round the
rooms to see what politics a majority professed. The minutes will shew that a
majority was sometimes of one way of thinking on politics and sometimes of the
other, but that their proceedings were always in one unique and consistent
tenor, having for their sole and constant aim, the success and stability of the
institution, and the most prudent application of its funds. They knew the
imputation laid against them, of being "aristocratic" in their
measures and instead of being studious to appoint persons of whom this might be
said, they often diligently sought for characters who might refute the charge.
For the veracity of this statement I confidently attest thou
"republican" gentlemen who have been in the habit of attending their
meetings. The charge of calumny so often occurs, in this defence against the
attack of the Citizen, that nothing but the necessity to which he has subjected
me should induce a repetition of it.
It is so far from being true that the
Trustees would employ no professors but such as were
"aristocratic"in their politics, that
thou whomever mentions are the very names he ought to have dreaded and
concealed. These professors, or at least two of them, were known as to their
politics before they were employed. There is reason to believe that the
sentiments of
Mr Holmes were not formed
at the time of his appointment; but it is a most unquestionable fact to be
proved by the evidence of those gentlemen of the board, both
"republican" and "aristocratic," who received his
resignation, that these sentiments had no share in causing him to leave the
University. The most singular circumstance in the
Citizen's statement of
Mr Kerr, is
his conspicuous affrontery in making it, in despite of what the whole land
knows to be fact for there never has been the least ambiguity in the cause of
that gentlemen's leaving the
University. It is often seen, that when any
cause falls into bad hands instead of receiving support, it is only made to
suffer. The present is a striking instance of those whom the awkwardness,
ignorance, and impudence of the writer are so abrupt, that we meet them with an
involuntary repulsion.
I am sorry to see
Mr
Bingham's name abused by so unworthy a purpose, as this defamatory man
has applied to it.
Mr
Bingham was never exiled from the
University. His virtues were too sound and
irreproachable for men of any politicalprinciples, ever to feel disposed to injure him. When
Mr
Bingham left us, I can assure the Citizen, that his good qualities were
not unknown to the
Trustees or the Faculty.
Mr Bingham's qualifications and virtues were of that unobtrusive, but substantial
cast, which merit and must secure the respect of every upright and generous
bosom. Whoever shall have occasion to be acquainted with this man, shall find
him to be one of those, whom the great poet of
England has
denominated to be among "The noblest works of
God."
It is equally curious and risible to observe with
what carelessness this writer has passed over the example of
Mr Gillespie. But he was
not "republican," and therefore his retiring from the institution did
not answer as a case in point.
It is a fact however, that a majority of the standing committee of
appointment in
Raleigh
has been for a number of years "republican." And it is not less a
fact, that the same was the case with a majority of the committee, which drew
up the present code of laws, and published it for the government of the
college.
"But these Trustees and professors, says the Citizen,
introduced elementary books on the science of government, which are confessedly
antirepublican," and in proof of this he mentions the works of
Adams and
De
Lolme. This accusation is now antiquated
has been long done away, by expunging the offensive volumes from the plan of
education. For this however the
Trustees are never, it seems to receive any credit, but it must still be
revived by whining slanderers to resuscitate if possible, old prejudices
against them.
There is now a fair opportunity to make a full and true
representation upon this subject, which has been the ground of so much umbrage
and mistake. When the books were selected upon the different sciences to be
taught in the
University, it was at too early a period of our
present constitution for an enquiry to be instituted with any zeal, what books
were "republican" and what were not. The only question was, what
authors had treated the subject of government in a manner most scientific and
philosophical, and the best accommodated to the form and spirit of the American
political institutions. Such writers could hardly be found among the authors of
Europe, and
Mr
Adams was the only one on this side of the ocean, who had attempted it
except the authors of the Federalist. If this work had been adopted it must
soon have proved equally obnoxious with the defence of the American
constitutions given by
Mr Adams.
These constitutions were all of them amendments upon
the British, and it is easy to see, that to be radically
acquainted with the principles of our own governments, it was very likely to be
beneficial, to study the origin and nature government whose errors and crimes they were
intended to correct. Let it be asked then what books could have been more
judiciously chosen than
De Lolme which is confessedly the most scientific on the
British constitution, and
Adams who
defends by philosophical and historical demonstration, the American
constitutions as amendments upon the British, against the plan recommended at
the time by the Frenchman
Mr Turgot, for
consolidating all power, executive, legislative, and judicial in the hands of a
single branch instead of three. This was the object of
Mr
Adams, and his book was written under the old confederation, long before
the present general government was formed, any parties could possibly exist
with respect to its construction or administration. If the
Trustees acted imprudently in choosing
Mr Adams's
book, the imprudence was not to be imputed to them at the time when they did
it, but made its first appearance afterwards when parties began to be marked
through the
United
States. They preferred
Mr Adams
as an American, and as the only man in this or any other country who had
written systematically upon our forms of government or the different states.
Afterwards, however, when it appeared how obnoxious
Mr Adams's
sentiments became, the
Board passed a resolution that neither he nor
De Lolme should any long
be studied in the
University. Let me now ask the Citizen what books he
would have substituted instead of theseif his
advice had been consulted? Would he introduced
Godwin, who has become a
name and proverb of revolutionary fanaticism throughout the world? Surely he
would not recommend this a rhapsodist, whose theories are perpetually committing
outrages upon common sense, as the standard of correct opinion for our youth!
But whom would he recommend? There is no other name under heaven which he can
recommend, and accordingly since the dismission of
De Lolme &
Adams,
politics & government have made no part of elementary studies in the
University, except a few sentiments of the most
abstracted and general nature.
I have now finished the account which this slanderous writer has
forced me to give, of those truths which were necessary to prevent him from
deceiving the public mind. I have done it with that honest and strenuous
indignation, which every virtuous man ought to feel, whose character has been
wantonly and unreasonably attacked. To what purpose would it be for any one to
aim at preserving a sound and unimpeachable fame if after years of diligent
attention, it is to be blurred and blotted over, so as to be unfit to be seen,
by those hardened and insidious wretches, who are always to be found in every
community, and who to answer their envy, or some wicked end, will confound and
wring, prostrate integrity in the dust, and labor to overthrow the interest and
honor of the state whose privileges they enjoy. All
these are purposes which the Citizen has tried to accomplish. By calumniating
me, he has shown a disposition to destroy one, whose great object it has ever
been to preserve himself from vice, and to do the public all the good in his
power. By his attack upon the
University, he has shewn a wish that our State might
be left blank of every thing that could save us from the charge of being
destitute of one national institution. He has endeavoured too to hurt the
rising generation, by raising a cry against the only little opportunity
afforded them of placing their talents and abilities, upon an equal footing
with the talents and abilities of youth in other states. In short by rendering
our University odious, he has endeavoured to entail upon us a dependence on the
education of distant lands, and to keep our public business in the hands of
foreigners. I am far from saying that all these things he has been able to
accomplish. Heaven forefend that so paltry a production as his should be able
to effect it. But if it be not effected, he is to remember that it is not to
him we shall owe our obligations. His efforts must make him appear as malignant
as if his favorite views were attained.
If the author of this piece had divulged
name, it would have saved the necessity of saying any thing in reply to it. So
bold and rude does he appear in the style of oblique misrepresentation and
direct falsehood, that assertions known to be his, could be attended with
little or no danger to any one. This I own has furnished one principal reason
why I have thought it necessary to dictate a reply. I would willingly, if
possible, by groping after one who lurks in the dark place a hand upon his
crest, and drag the illfavored being into open day, well persuaded that if this
can be done he will be consigned to the surprise, derision and contempt of the
public.
Joseph
Caldwell