Debater's Speech of
Thomas J. Robinson, 1848
Debater's Speech
by
Thomas J. Robinson
1848
Mr. President,
The question which is presented to us tonight for decision, on
account of the intimate connection which it has both with the present and
future welfare of our happy and prosperous country, and on account of the
influence it may exert upon the cause of popular freedom all the world over,
demands our serious and hearty consideration. To the American patriot, who, regarding with gratification the
rapid strides with which this western world has advanced and is now advancing,
towards the goal of national supremacy, watches with anxiety every attempt,
which may be made to overthrow the palladium of our liberties: to the friend of
human rights, who sees in the success or failure of this experiment of self
government, happiness, or misery, entailed not only upon our own people, but
also on a large portion of the habitable globe: and to the Christian philanthropist, whose daily prayer is
raised to the
God of
nation for the preservation of our free religious institutions, this question
commends itself with peculiar force and interest.
Conscious, then, of the magnitude of the question and its issues, I
enter upon the defence of the negative, with a diffidence inspired by a
knowledge of my personal inabability, yet, at the same time, relying upon the
strength of the cause, which I espouse as sufficient of itself to determine a
correct decision in any unprejudiced mind. Regarding truth as the end, and the
good of our country as the aim of my remarks, I now proceed to examine the
arguments and methods of reasoning employed by
the Gentleman who has just addressed you
in support of the affirmative.
The Gentleman adduces his first argument
from the fact, that we have large public domain yet unpeopled, wide wastes of
wilderness untenanted, save by the tutorless savage, and would have us
encourage immigration from
Europe, in order that these wilds may be reclaimed, and
that the hum of busy life may be heard, where now resounds the savage
warhoop.
But,
Mr. President I conceive that to be a
shortsighted policy, which regards only the present, a policy suggested by
selfishness and supported by folly. That this is such an one must be evident to
all. For can anyone open his eyes, and witness the progress in Civilization,
which, as
the Gentleman very justly remarked, our
infant country has already made, observe the successive tides of population,
which, as billow follows billow, roll towards the
Pacific, and yet in view of all this
imagine that it is necessary to our prosperity, to urge the immigration of the
prison-birds and poor house tenants of
Europe, with
its long train of attendant evils? Can one be conscious of this fact, that the
original thirteen states have increased to their present numbers, within less
than three-quarters of a century, and still suppose that we must look to
Europe to
people our western lands? No sir, we need no such assistance as this to help us
onward. Our country holds within its own boundaries the elements of greatness.
She desires the help of no
European
institution, but trusting to a Divine Providence, which has hitherto watched
over and guided her glorious destinies. She hopes, and hopes rightly too, to
run her course of splendor by herself independent of foreign aid. If however
the Gentleman would urge immigration on
the scone of humanity, and colonize these unoccupied territories with
Europeans on
account of the advantage they would gain. I think it can be met by an argument
of the same kind equally strong. It is known to all that the Indians formerly inhabiting the territory, now converted
into states, have been driven westward as civilization advanced, until now they
are settled beyond
the Mississippi. If then we import cargoes of foreigners
and locate them in our western lands, however philanthropic an act we may thus
perform, and however loudly we may boast of our humanity, in thus doing, we
incur equal, yea greater censure in exterminating
the already injured aborigines, we bestow the blessings of freedom upon the one
people, but it is at the expense of the lives, liberty, and property of a far
more noble race. They have already suffered many and great wrongs at our hands,
and such an act as this would accumulate those wrongs so vastly, as possibly to
call down the vengeance of a being, who is the God of the Indian as well as of the whiteman.
But
Mr. President, we are told that it is to
foreigners that we are indebted, for all the successful efforts thus far made
in internal improvements. They have dug our canals, they have constructed our
railroads, they have reared our cities. I must confess, Sir, that I am at a
loss to determine what
the Gentleman means. He must either intend
to say that our day-laborers are composed principally of
Irishman,
Germans, "et id omni genus"
or he tells us that we are a nation of foreigners. In the first sense I agree
with him. I admit that our foreigners are usually of
that class, which, unable either naturally or accidentally to enjoy any
other kind of life is forced by necessity to earn a livelihood by daily labor,
and that they find ready employment from the directors of our public works. But
granting this I ask what does it prove? Does it show that we owe them for these
great works of internal improvement, which he has mentioned? Does it establish
beyond cavil that they are the mighty projectors of the plans of the railroads
and canals, which intersect the length and breadth of our land? Or does it
prove that they, axe in hand penetrate into the depths of the forest, fell
trees, rear cities, and then invite the American people to hold and possess them. Most certainly
not. It only tells what we already know, that they are but tools in the hands
of wealth and power, having no more ability to put these plans into execution
than mere marching has to perform its work without the aid of man. No one will
then believe that we are indebted to foreigners for doing that for which they
are paid, or that we have not asufficient number
of Native Americans to do our work, as far as physical force is concerned. The second
interpretation given to the remark — that we are a nation of foreigners,
scarcely deserves mention. How far
the Gentleman may be successful in winning
you, Sir, or this house, over to this belief I will not say, but I do say that,
disclaiming all pretensions to being aboriginals, we have ever since we became
a separate people, laid a claim, and I think not a weak one, to national
individuality.
We are asked if we could not [justify] in suspecting some
unpatriotic design in the opponents of immigration, some selfishness of spirit,
which would sacrifice public good to private interests. How
the Gentleman intends to justify his
suspicions, we have not been told, and I fancy that it would require a fertile
imagination to supply sufficient data. But I see how these foreigners may
become the recipients of public patronage. I see how party spirit, which
unhappily is too excitable in our country, may one day prompt to such a use of
immigrants, as will endanger in an imminent degree the stability of our
government. Important public stations are to a goodly number of our citizens,
great desideratums, and when once in possession of them we are not to be
surprised if secret measures are taken by the occupants, especially when so
easily used, to retain their offices and their power. A thousand manoeuvres,
based upon reciprocity, are employed by candidates and voters, and thus bad men
may retain power, and the more honest be excluded. In this way I see how public
good may be sacrificed to private interests, and in this way I see how
unpatriotic designs may be charged upon the supporters of immigration.
It is thought that immigration will expel slavery from our land, and
thus rid the
South of the greatest disadvantage under which it now
labors. No one can go farther than I, in desiring the lawful abolishment of
slavery. I believe it to be an evil which affects the
South more
vitally than any other, an
evil that should never havehave been established
in this land of equal rights, a clog to the progress of society and in direct
opposition to the precepts of philanthropy. But I fear Sir that
the Gentleman has been influenced more by
his wishes than his judgement in supposing that immigration will prove an
antidote to the bane. In support of his argument, he says, that
New
England has been the great theatre of immigration and therefore
New England
is free from slavery.
The Gentleman must pardon me when I say that
he has ascribed the effect to the wrong cause.
New England
is free from slavery it is true, but the cause must be attributed to the
climate. The blacks, coming from the tropical regions, cannot endure the cold
of our Northern states. Their mortality there is so great as to make them in
the end unprofitable to their owners, and our Northern brethren with their
proverbial shrewdness, were too wise to embark in a scheme so predjudicial to
their interests. No Sir, the unalterable decree of the
Creator has gone forth, saying to slavery "thus far shall
thou go and no farther." And in obedience to that command we see the absence of
slavery in the
North. If then immigration has not been the cause of such
an effect, in the instance which
the Gentleman has cited we have yet to learn
that it will be thus effective in any other. But Sir even if
immigration has expelled
slavery at the
North, it has
not driven it from the whole country, it has only changed the locality of the
slaves form North to South, and Sir they will continue moving in that direction
so long as Southern territory continues to be annexed. They are still however
in the
United
States. None have left, and can we suppose that the price of free labour
will be ever reduced so low by immigration, as to justify in a pecuniary point
of view, the master in emancipating his slaves and paying their expenses to
Liberia! If such a state of affairs could exist it would be
more deplorable than our present system of slavery for it would substitute in
its stead one more wrecked, more revolting to our feelings.
No Sir, the tide of immigration may swell more and more, and
finally, may deluge our whole land, yet the philanthropist will have to look to
some other power to rid us of this curse. Thus far I have endeavored to reply
to the arguments advanced by
the Gentleman in support of the
affirmative it now remains to notice some farther objections which may be urged
against immigration. The condition of the immigrant when he arrives in our
seaport towns is at the same time the most unfortunate and dangerous to which
man can be subjected. Fresh from the workhouses, manufactories, or it may be
prisons of
Europe when his
daily pittance was scarcely able to support him he lands upon our shores with
the most erroneous ideas respecting the nature of the change which he is just
accomplishing. He conceives the crossing the
Atlantic to be the greatest obstacle in the road to wealth
and power. He runs mad with the idea of freedom and having from his earlier
education no ability to understand and properly appreciate the blessings of
"liberty protected by law," he is ready to run into any kind of licentious
excess, and is easily made the tool in the hands of the designing to perform
the most nefarious deeds and carry out the most incendiary purposes. He is
willing to listen to no explanation of equal rights unless it be defined equal
condition and acting on this principle he takes his stand against the rich and
opposes their every interest. That this is not a fancy picture of the great
majority of those who seek their homes in our land, I will show by noticing an
institution, which has been imported with them,
one which already obtains in our Northern cities, which has already infused
some of our Northern manufactories and threatens yet to prove the cause of
great disturbance in the community. I speak of the Trade Unions. It is only
necessary to remark that they are the nurseries of these "strikes for higher wages," and their
consequent riots to condemn them in the eyes of all good men. It is an
institution imported from
Europe, and
supported by people imported from
Europe, and
although it is productive of harmful effects there
it will become more injurious here. The operatives
on the different factories fancying that they are not sufficiently well paid
and aware of the power of associated actions enter into a bargain with one
another to do no more work until they are paid whatever price for labor they
may think proper to exact and not only so but they take coercive measures to
prevent others from supplying their place and frequently go so far as to cause
loss of life. From the common fund of the association they are supported until
their employers come to terms. This
Mr. President is a general outline of the
institution. I will not attempt to portray the evils that must inevitably flow
from this system. The cripling effect which it will have on the manufacturing
and through it upon the agricultural interests of the country the debasing
tendency which this warfare of the poor upon the rich will exert upon the
morals of the people at large. The injurious issues are more easily imagined
than described they must appear to you, Sir, yes to every one, as alone
sufficient to render immigration not only not desirable but also greatly to be
feared, and yet we are told in the face of all this that it is the "largest
aspiration of the son of
Erin to work
for the public good."
Another objection to immigration worthy of your serious attention
arises from the religion of a majority of those who find new homes in the
western Continent. The late famine has driven countless numbers of Irish to our
shores, and every one is aware that their prevailing religion is Roman Catholicism. They are subjected to papal
bondage the same in kind though not in degree as were most of the
European
Countries during the dark ages. Let us not deceive ourselves with the visionary
opinion that his Holiness the
Pope will remain careless and unconcerned
when such great advantages for extending his spiritual perhaps temporal power
are offered to him in this our Republican land. Read the history of
Europe and tell
me at what time the Roman pontiff did not aim at universal dominion? When such
an event was at all to be expected! Never is he idle when anything is to be
gained by action, never careless when his attention is required. Like the lion
crouched before his prey he only awaits a favorable moment to leap and devour.
How pitiable is that country which is completely in his power, in which every
one from "the head that wears a crown" to the humble beggar can be made to
tremble by his threatening Bulls. See
Henry 4th of
Germany with
base head and feet at the threshold of
Hildebrand waiting for absolution. Behold
John of
England intimidated into submission and on bended knee
solemnly surrendering his kingdom to
Innocent 3rd and tell
me if we desire such a state of things in
America.
Witness the fires of
Smithfield which were kindled by a bloody
Mary. Hear the shrieks of
St. Bartholomew's day
when seventy thousand fell victims to papal persecution and tellme if we wish such scenes enacted here. If popery
should even become the established religion of our land, I ask what assurance
have we that such a state of things will not exist! If we consult that "plulos
oplry which teaches by example" what do we learn! We learn every thing which
tends to increase our fear, nothing to allay them. That this generation will
witness
Romanism as the prevailing religion in the
United
States I do not say, but Sir if immigration continues as it has begun,
not many generations will have been numbered with the dead, ere the world will
see papal power oppressing our State and religious slavery fastening its
shakles upon our people. And if there be oppressive tyrany it is the tyrany of
the pope if there be abject slavery it is the thraldom of the mind.
In conclusion
Mr. President if it is desirable that our
offices should become corrupted and our officers demagogues, that the elective
franchise should be but a empty name that anarchy should raise her haggard head
in our land, that the simoom of ignorance and vice should sweep over us
blasting with its fetid breath all vegetative virtue and inteligence and
finally that we should present to the world the mournful spectacle of a wrecked
empire in cause immigration, but if on the other hand we wish to hand down to
succeeding people the rights and privileges which have been bequeathed to us,
to keep the escutcheon of our liberties bright and unsullied, and to be to the
world an example of a free and happy people, a people in the full enjoyment of
the largest liberty protected by law, then let us hand in hand oppose it.
Thomas J. Robinson