once, and asked him, "How many men can you carry,
and how soon can you meet me at the R. F.& P. R. R.
depot?" Capt. Cary replied, "Sixty men in sixty minutes."
The old governor, much pleased with the answer,
told him to report within two hours.
When F Company left Richmond for Fredericksburg,
each man carried his equipment of gun, etc., a knapsack,
canteen, tin cup, and haversack; most of them wore linen
gaiters and havelocks, the latter being a head covering,
a protection from the sun. Many wore around their
waists, next to their skin, a flannel belt or worsted string,
to prevent bowel complaint (?). In our knapsacks we
carried a fatigue jacket, several pairs of white gloves,
several pairs of drawers, several white shirts, undershirts,
linen collars, neckties, white vest, socks, etc., filling
our knapsack to overflowing. Strapped on the outside
were one or two blankets, an oilcloth, and extra shoes.
Most of the knapsacks weighed between thirty and forty
pounds, but some were so full that they weighed fifty
The best article carried by the soldiers was a needle
case, as it was called, containing needles of various sizes,
thread, buttons, etc. It soon became the most valuable
of our possessions, and when we went into camp we
would see the men occupied in sewing or patching their
clothing, and towards the last of the war, it was in almost
constant use. Notwithstanding this, it was hard to keep
the ragged clothing from showing a portion of the skin
of its wearer.
Every man carried a Bible, given with her blessing by
mother or sweetheart, and I suppose every man in the
Confederate army carried one. This Bible was read as
a book never was before. I read mine through the first
year. They were a blessing to many, and life savers, too,
as I heard of and saw many lives saved by bullets striking
the Bible, carried in the breast pocket.
CAMP LEE AND MUSTERED INTO SERVICE
ON our arrival at Camp Lee, we were given tents,
which we put up in regular military style near the center
of the grounds, and commenced a regular camp life;
drilling, guard mounting each morning, policing, inspections,
and evening dress parade. The latter was witnessed
daily by quite a number of our lady friends from
We were mustered into service for one year on June
28, 1861 (to date from April 21), on the Capitol Square
by Inspector General J. B. Baldwin. Each boy under 21,
and there were many, brought a written permit from
parent or guardian, and this was approved by the Governor
of Virginia before he was mustered in.
I cannot give a copy of that muster roll, as it cannot
be found, but give that of the 30th, only two days later,
which is practically the same.
"Muster Roll of Captain Richard H. Cunningham,
Jr.'s Company F of Light Infantry from the City of
Richmond, known as 'F Company,' constituting part
of the Force of Virginia Volunteers, called into the Service
of the State by the Governor, under on Ordinance
of the State Convention adopted April 17, 1861. Enrolled
for Active Service at Richmond, on the 21st of
April, 1861; Mustered into Service at Richmond on the
28th day of June, 1861, for one year from the 21st day
of April, 1861, unless sooner discharged."
I certify on honor, that this "Muster Roll" exhibits the
true state of the company therein described, for the period
mentioned; that the "Remarks" set opposite the name of
each officer and soldier are accurate and just.
(Signed) R. H. CUNNINGHAM, JR.,
Commanding the Company.
I certify on honor,
that I have at the Camp of Instruction
on this 30th day of June, 1861, carefully examined this Roll
and that I have mustered the company.
Date, June 30, 1861.
Col. and Mustering Officer.
Location, Camp of Instruction.
While in Camp Lee,
some of the company visited the
city daily, some with passes, others "ran the blockade"
on their uniform. As before stated, our uniforms gave
the impression of a first lieutenant, and when we wanted
to go to the city and could not get a pass, we would
march boldly by a sentinel on duty at some of the many
openings around the grounds, give him the salute, and
he would present arms as we passed out. So many of
our company went to the city in this way, that orders
were finally issued that every one leaving the grounds
should go out of the gate; and as some officer was always
stationed there, we were afraid to try it too often.
I cannot help telling of a good thing I heard from an
officer. One night I was particularly anxious to go to
the city, and no one was allowed to go out at night, unless
he had the countersign. This was only given to those
on duty, and in consequence none of us could go out at
night. As night approached, I walked to the guard
quarters at the gate, and took a seat among some of my
company who were on duty, hoping something would
turn up, and let me into the secret. I was there some
time, but no one would talk about it, and as it was getting
dark, I had about made up my mind to leave, and try
to dodge the sentinel by walking out, hoping he would
think me one of the guards. The captain of the guard
now made his appearance, and called by name the noncommissioned
officer who was on duty, and said, "The
countersign to-night is 'Richmond,' and the password,
'Chickahominy.' " I was so overjoyed that I came near
letting the officer know that I was not one of the guard.
As soon as he walked away I quietly left, went to our
quarters, told many of the company, and they left for
the city. About half of the company did the same.
Our company was called on suddenly about sunset, on
Monday, July 1, to "fall in," and we marched, at a double
quick, through rain and mud to the Penitentiary.
Here we found the weaving department on fire, and
much excitement; our company was put on guard duty.
After remaining several hours, the fire having been put out
and quiet restored, we were again ordered to "fall in," and
marched to the corner of Fifth and Franklin Streets in the
city and were dismissed, being allowed to go to our homes
for the remainder of the night. We were given orders to
assemble at the same point next morning at 10 o'clock, when
we marched back to Camp Lee.
Quite a stir was created in camp one day by the
announcement that a flag would be presented to Company
B. This was a very handsome silk flag, was made by the
ladies of Baltimore and "ran the blockade" into Richmond,
and was presented to the company by President Davis. He
made one of his brilliant speeches in the presence of the
regiment, and a large number of visitors from Richmond,
most of whom were ladies. The occasion passed off with
About two weeks after reaching Camp Lee, the 21st
Regiment of Virginia Infantry was formed, including the
Maryland company, two or three others, and F Company.
The following officers were appointed:
William Gilham, Colonel, from the Va. Military Institute. John M. Patton, Lt. Colonel, from Richmond. Scott Shipp, Major, from the Va. Military Institute. William H. Morgan, Adjutant, from the Va. Military Institute. Dr. Robert L. Coleman, Surgeon, from Richmond. Dr. R. Lewis, Assistant Surgeon, from Richmond. H. E. C. Baskerville, Commissary, from Richmond. Virginus Dabuey, Sergeant Major. Timothy H. Kellogg, Commissary Sergeant, from Richmond.
In a few days an order was sent to these officers to
complete the regiment at once from such companies as
were then in camp, and be ready to move as soon as
possible; as troops were very much needed in the field. This
order was complied with, and the regiment was completed.
The following is a list of companies and their captains, in
alphabetical order, as I am unable to give them in the order
of their rank:
Company "B" of Baltimore, Maryland, Captain J. Lyle Clarke. Brunswick Grays, Brunswick Co., Captain Robertson. Buckingham Leitches, Buckingham Co., Captain James Leitch. Chalk Level Grays, Pittsylvania Co., Captain -- Mustain. Cumberland Grays, Cumberland Co., Captain Francis D. Irving. "F" Company, Richmond, Captain Richard H. Cunningham, Jr. Meherrin Grays, Mecklenberg Co., Captain William R. Berkeley. Oliver Grays, Buckingham Co., Captain John Oliver. Red House Volunteers, Charlotte Co., Captain John B. Moseley. Turkey Cock Grays, Pittsylvania Co., Captain William A. Witcher.
The regiment numbered about eight hundred and fifty,
rank and file. We were soon ready, and reported to the
authorities. Our company now equipped itself with
everything that could be gotten to make us comfortable. As
we had been in the field several weeks and knew the
necessities, had marched, slept without protection, done
picket duty, been in one engagement; we thought ourselves
veterans, and as such, were going to take along
with us everything the authorities would allow. Each
mess purchased a nice chest. As our own was a fair
specimen, I will try to describe it and its contents.
The chest was made of oak, and was about three
feet long, eighteen inches deep and wide. In it were
several trays; it was strapped securely with iron, at
each end were iron handles, and its top was secured
by substantial iron hinges and a strong lock. We
had in it a dozen knives and forks, two or three
butcher knives, a dozen teacups and saucers, a dozen
plates, several dishes and bowls, a sugar dish and cream
pitcher, salt and pepper boxes, a tin box, containing a
dozen assorted boxes of spices, a dozen glasses, a sifter,
rolling pin, coffee tin, etc.; besides these, we carried outside
a frying pan, coffee pot, camp kettle, teapot, bread
oven that afterwards played such a prominent part in the
army as the "spider," two water buckets, ax, etc.
The regiment got orders to be ready to take the cars
at the Central Depot on the 18th of July, 1861, for
Staunton. Promptly on that morning we marched out
of Camp Lee into Broad Street, where we wheeled into
platoons, F Company in front, and marched to the depot.
Our friends turned out by thousands and the march was
made amidst the inspiring cheers of the multitude that
bade us good-by. The day was terribly hot, and many
of the men fell out of rank during the march, overcome
by the heat.
In addition to the usual arms of an infantryman, each
man carried a long bowie knife, and a pistol at his belt.
WE left Richmond about 11 A. M. on the 18th of
July, 1861, for Staunton, which place we reached in slow
time on the next morning about 7 o'clock. We were
marched to the Fair Grounds, and camped in a wood on
a large hill overlooking the depot and city. During the
day we made additional purchases of articles that we
thought would be of use and comfort to us, and hired
teams to carry our company baggage. The next morning
we left Staunton, marching to Buffalo Gap; the regiment
having a wagon train of thirty-five wagons, most of which
were four-horse mountain wagons. Our company had
five, having hired four of that number to carry our baggage,
knapsacks, chests, etc., the one furnished by the
government carrying our tents and cooking utensils.
When we reached Buffalo Gap, flour was issued to us as
rations, and we were promised beef as soon as some of the
regiment would kill some cattle that were in a pen in sight.
Some of the F boys volunteered to do the killing, if
others would do the dressing, etc. The force was soon
made up, the F boys quietly loading their guns, and
shooting the required number of beeves, the others dressing
them, and in a short time we had our regular supper.
This is the commencement of our rations of beef and
flour, a ration that was issued to us many years. While
the beef was being dressed, camp was laid off, tents
pitched, fires made. Some of the men took a delightful
bath, others climbed the steep mountain and viewed the
surrounding country. Guard was placed around the
camp, and as bedtime approached we went quietly to rest,
after our first regular march as a regiment.
Next morning we continued our march, and during
the day we heard firing of artillery so plainly in our
front, that our officers sent someone ahead to find out
what it meant. After waiting some time one of them
rode forward, and when he returned after several hours'
absence, he could give no account of it, saying that as
far as he went it seemed just ahead, and no one he saw
could give any information in regard to it. We went
into camp at Ryan's, and while we were eating supper a
dispatch was received by a courier, saying a great battle
had been fought and won by the Confederates at Manassas.
We must have been one hundred miles in an air
line from Manassas. The firing was as distinct that day
as any I heard afterwards that was five to six miles off.
The company's first misfortune overtook us at Ryan's;
the government took one of our company's wagons, and
the driver of another refused to go any farther. Some
of the mess chests were left, and some of the men had to
carry their knapsacks. The next day we reached McDowell
in a drizzling rain, and met the men of Garnett's
command, who had been defeated a few days before at
Carrick's Ford. They were a forlorn looking set, and
told awful tales of having nothing to eat except berries
and roasting ears! None of us believed what they said.
It was not many months before we were made to realize
that it was the truth. We now lost another of our company's
wagons and more mess chests were left behind.
The next day we marched to Monterey. We were living
high, buying as many chickens as we wanted, nearly
grown, for six pence--8 1-3 cents--each, butter and
eggs at corresponding prices per pound and dozen, and
when we could stop for a meal, the price was nine pence
--2 1-2 cents.
Continuing our march, we reached Napp's Creek Valley
on the 25th, and forded that creek seventeen times
during the day's march, the road crossing from one side
to the other every few hundred yards. Gen. Loring, the
officer in command of this expedition, passed us to-day
while we were on the march. His attention being called
to the regiment, he remarked that they were a fine looking
body of men, but no soldiers. Until they are able to
sleep in winter amidst the snow and ice without tents,
they are not soldiers! This was repeated to our company,
and the men were very indignant, and put him down
at once as an officer who knew nothing; and each man in
the company wanted to call him to account for the insinuation,
and would have told him they never expected to
sleep in snow or surrounded by ice. Alas, for our judgment!
It was not many months before we were of the
same opinion as Gen. Loring, and we then knew that we
had at this time learned nothing about the duties of soldiers
in the field. On the evening of the 26th, we reached
Huntersville, the county seat of Pocahontas.
We stayed there several days, concentrating a force
large enough to cope with the enemy in our front. We
were joined by several regiments of infantry, several
companies of cavalry, and several batteries of artillery.
During our stay there a great many of the men became
sick with measles and typhoid fever, and when we left
on the evening of the 3d of August, at least one-third
of the 21st Va. Regt. was sick in the hospitals. The
courthouse and only church had been converted into hospitals,
and some of the private houses were full of the
sick, and tents had to be erected for others. Our company's
baggage was reduced so much that we only had
one wagon when we left. The march continued until
we reached Valley Mountain on the 6th, where our regiment
pitched tents on the side of this mountain, and we
went into camp.
Gen. R. E. Lee, having been assigned to the command
of this department, joined us here, and pitched his head-quarter's
tents about one or two hundred yards from our
company. He soon won the affection of all by his politeness
and notice of the soldiers. He very often had
something to say to the men, and it soon became known
that when some of the people in the neighborhood sent
him something good to eat, as soon as the messenger got
out of sight, the articles were sent to some sick soldier.
This affection increased as the years rolled on, and I suppose
no body of men under his command had more love
and respect for our great leader than these men who
first served under him!
Here is an incident showing Gen. Lee's kindness of
heart. He was well aware of the arduous duties we had
to do at that time. On a rainy night a private of Company
E of our regiment was on guard duty. Soon after
getting to his post he took a seat on a log, thinking he
could protect himself and his gun from the rain better in
this position. While in this position he was approached
by the corporal of the guard, who accused the man of being
asleep on his post. This the man denied and stated
that the ground being so soft from rain, he did not
hear him approach. The corporal arrested him, and took
him to the guard house, turning him over to the officer
of the guard. At that time it was thought a capital offense
for a man to be caught asleep on post, and punishable
by death. In the morning the captain of the guard
consulted with the officers of the regiment as to what
should be done. All of them thought he ought to be shot.
Things began to look blue for the man, when as by inspiration
the captain said, "Well, Gen. Lee is here, and
he knows, and I'll carry you to him." As they approached
Gen. Lee's tent, they saw he was alone, and at a
table writing. On getting to the tent the general bade
them good-morning and invited them in. When they entered,
the general said, "What can I do for you, captain?"
The captain stated the case, and said the officers
of the regiment did not know what to do, so he came to
consult him. Gen. Lee at once replied, "Captain, you
know the arduous duties these men have to do daily.
Suppose the man who was found on his post asleep had
been you, or me, what do you think should be done to
him?" The captain replied that he had not thought of
it in that way. Then Gen. Lee turned to the man and
said, "My man, go back to your quarters, and never let
it be said you were found asleep on your post."
The sick became so numerous here, and the regiments
were so diminished at one time, that I suppose there were
not more than one-fourth of the men available for duty.
I know that in my own regiment we had to picket to the
front and when one picket was relieved and the men returned
to camp in the evening, most of them were detailed
immediately, and ordered to get ready with rations, etc.,
to go on duty again in the morning. We worked a great
deal on the roads. Some of the men while at work one
day under the direction of a corporal, were observed by
Gen. Loring in his rounds. He dismounted, gave some
directions as to work, and then took a seat on a log
near him. The corporal joined him, and seating himself
near the general, made some remarks about the work,
and said to Gen. Loring, "General, we officers have
a good time up here, don't we?" General Loring looked
at him, and then asked his rank. He replied: "Corporal!"
The general, who was a profane man, let some
"cuss words" loose at him, and told him to take a spade;
and it is said the corporal made the dirt fly as long as
Gen. Loring was in sight.
Gen. Lee ordered a forward movement on Sept. 9th.
The men were given thirty rounds of ammunition each,
which in a short time thereafter were increased to forty
rounds, which number was always carried by each man
to the end of the war, unless on some special occasion we
were required to carry eighty.
We met the enemy at Conrad's Mill on the 11th, when
some skirmishing and artillery firing took place. As we
advanced up the road, we passed our first dead Yankee.
He made a lasting impression, as he lay on the side of
the road, his face upturned and a fresh pool of
blood at his side, showing that his life had just passed
The enemy retired during the night. The next day a
picket from the 21st Va. Regt. was sent to the front, remaining
there until the 15th, when we fell back to Valley
Mountain, reaching there on the 17th.
The failure here was owing more to mud than anything
else. In all my experience of the war I never saw
as much mud. It seemed to rain every day and it got
to be a saying in our company that you must not halloo
loud, for if you should, we would immediately have a
hard shower, and when some of the men on their return
from picket had to shoot their guns off to get the load
out, it brought on a regular flood. Granville Gray
always said it rained thirty-
two days in August. I was
told by wagoners that it was hard for them to haul
from Milboro, a distance of sixty miles, any more than
it took to feed their teams back and forth. I saw dead
mules lying in the road, with nothing but their ears showing
above the mud.
We remained at Valley mountain until the 24th, when
Gen. Lee left us and joined Gen. Floyd on Sewell's
Mountain, taking all the troops with him but our regiment,
the Irish Battalion, a battery of artillery and a
company of cavalry. These troops were left in command
of Col. Gilham of the 21st Va. Regt. He fell
back to Middle Mountain, about two miles from Valley
Mountain, which position could be more easily defended.
We marched to the place of our encampment on Middle
Mountain, stacked arms, and returned to Valley Mountain
for our camp equipage. Having no wagon, we had
to carry everything needed on our backs, and had to make
several trips to do it. What was left at Valley Mountain
was gathered together and burned. What a fall for
F Company! You will remember that we left Staunton
with five wagons loaded with baggage belonging to the
company. We are now moving the camp of our regiment
without a single wagon.
We left Middle Mountain on the 28th, after a heavy
rain. All the creeks had become small rivers, and as
we forded them the water came up to our waists. We
had now one two-horse and one three-horse wagon to
move everything belonging to the command, and began
to think, as Gen. Loring did, that we were men, but not
soldiers. After a short march each day we reached
Elk Mountain about dark on Oct. 1. A detail of a lieutenant
and six men and a non-commissioned officer was
made from F Company, and sent back eight miles on the
road to picket. We reached our destination about midnight.
Two sentinels were posted at once, one in the road, the
other in a path that led over the mountain, headquarters of
the camp being at a spring on the road near a house, but on
the opposite side of the road. The next morning, not long
after day, the inmates of the house, a woman and her
children, commenced to stir, and soon made their
appearance. About sunrise the woman came to the yard
fence, and commenced to abuse us in the most violent
language I ever heard from a woman. It was some time
before we could tell why she was abusing us. She had quite
a large number of beehives, and the troops marching by her
house the day before molested none of them. When she
arose in the morning, and knew that one of her best hives
was gone, and a squad of men were at her spring, it was
quite natural that she should think we took it. Our lieutenant,
Edward Mayo, tried to impress on her that we did not; but
she knew better, as she had gone to bed with everything all
right, and when she awoke, we were there and the hive was
gone. This was convincing proof to her. We were ordered
not to go on her side of the road, nor have any talk with the
inmates of the house, as Lieutenant Mayo would show her
that we were gentlemen at any rate. We had no rations, as
we moved in the night, before we could get any. It is true
that some of the men had a little sugar and coffee, and some
a little raw meat and a few biscuit. After the old lady had
cooled off, as we supposed, our lieutenant went over to the
house and tried to borrow or hire a coffee pot, but the old
lady said she would see him and us in a hot place sooner. On
his return we built a small fire, boiled the meat, and divided
the bread amongst us.
The woman now, to add to our misery, commenced to bring
out her milk and carry it to the hog pen, pouring gallon after
gallon to the hogs. We did not say a word to any of the
household during the day. A little before night our lieutenant
went over again to see what he could do, and with the offer
of a little coffee, an article he found the old lady was very
fond of and had been without for some time, he got the use
of a teakettle to make some coffee in, and she baked us an
oven of corn bread. He carried the articles back, and stayed
in the porch, had quite a long chat, and returning, told us she
promised to let us have the kettle and some more bread in
the morning. In the morning we got them, with the promise
of a dinner for the party. About dinner time we were
relieved, and ordered to report back to camp. We waited for
our dinner, and the old lady certainly did try herself. She
gave us as nice a dinner as we ever had, including dessert,
which made amends for the way in which she first treated
us. She also apologized, and we left truly friends, and all
kissed the baby.
We left Elk Mountain on the 9th, for Edray, marching
amidst the most beautiful scenery I ever saw, the trees
having taken on their brilliant colors of fall. We remained in
Edray and had a picket on Elk Mountain until the 14th, when
we moved to Greenbrier river. Soon after leaving our camp
and getting into the road, we passed two men who were
sitting on the ground, facing a rail fence. Their hands and
feet were put through the rails, and tied together on the
opposite side of the fence, in such a position that they could
not move. A little further on, we passed two who were lying
on top of the fence, their hands and feet tied to some of the
rails underneath, so as to keep them from moving. These
been guilty of disobeying some order, and were punished
in that manner.
We went regularly into camp, on the banks of the beautiful
Greenbrier, on a piece of low ground that was almost
level, affording plenty of room for camp and drill.
It was a magnificent camp. The weather was fine, and
the time of year such as to make it bracing; the men
improved so much, and fattened too, that they became
better looking than when they left home. We had a
picket on the other side of Edray, about twelve miles
from camp. About fifteen men and an officer went and
stayed three days. It was my fortune to go there with
the first detail, and I went again afterwards, and I
thought it the most delightful duty of the war.
While we were in this camp we were informed that in
a few days there would be an election for President and
Vice-President of the Confederate States of America.
This had been talked about with much interest for some
time, but without the usual excitement of an election, as
there was only one ticket in the field. All the South
looked to Mr. Davis as their leader, and no other person
was even thought of. Much interest was taken by the
soldiers, as it would be the first election held in camp.
They discussed as to who were entitled to vote, and
where the voting place would be located. On a cloudy
morning in November it was announced that the eventful
day had arrived, and the precinct was open. Some of the
regiment had been appointed judges. The voting precinct
was in a tent in our camp, across the entrance of
which a pole had been placed, to mark the line between
the voters and judges. It had been decided that all enlisted
soldiers, regardless of age, that were of good standing,
could vote. The following ticket was eagerly voted:
VIRGINIA ELECTORAL TICKET
Election November 6th, 1861.
Alex. H. Stevens,
For the State at Large
John R. Edmunds, Halifax. A. T. Caperton, Monroe.
For the District
1st. Joseph Christian, Middlesex. 2nd. Cincinnatus W. Newton, Norfolk City. 3rd. R. T. Daniel, Richmond City. 4th. W. F. Thompson, Dinwiddie. 5th. Wood Bouldin, Charlotte. 6th. W. L. Goggin, Bedford. 7th. B. F. Randolph, Albemarle. 8th. James W. Walker, Madison. 9th. Asa Rogers, Loudoun. 10th. Samuel C. Williams, Shenandoah. 11th. Samuel M. D. Reid, Rockbridge. 12th. H. A. Edmundson, Roanoke. 13th. J. W. Sheffey, Smyth. 14th. H. J. Fisher, Mason. 15th. Joseph Johnson, Harrison. 16th. E. H. Fitzhugh, Ohio. Page 50
The election passed off with much enthusiasm, and at
the close of day, when it was announced that the entire
regiment had voted for Jefferson Davis and Alex. H.
Stevens, there were loud and repeated cheers for them
and the Confederacy.
One morning while we were in the camp, the guard
near the river reported a deer swimming the river, and
making for the middle of our camp. All was in commotion
in a minute. The deer came over and ran down
the middle street of our encampment, and took to the
hills in the rear. Many men took their guns and went
in pursuit, I amongst the rest; and, hoping to head
the deer off and get a shot, I ran in an oblique direction
to the top of the hill, but did not see the deer, as
it had been turned the other way by some of the men.
The exertion made me breathe rapidly, and I took my
time back to camp. One of the guard quietly approached,
told me I was arrested, and marched me to
the guard house, which was the shade of a tree on the
river side. During my absence, an order had been
issued to the guard to arrest every man found with a
gun in his hand; my comrades, being near enough,
heard the order given, dropped their guns, quietly
walked into camp, and afterwards went back for them.
I was the only man arrested. Another deer ran
through our camp before we left. We made excursions
in the neighborhood, sometimes fording
the river, sometimes mounting a log and riding
over on that, often getting a ducking by the logs turning.
We left Greenbrier river on November 11th, and
reached the Warm Springs the night of the 13th, marching
twenty-two miles that day, the last five (on Peter
Sublett's dead level) all the way up hill! The hotel
was open at that time, and the officers of F Company
treated the company to supper. I cannot tell you of
that supper. I only know none was ever enjoyed more.
After supper we took a bath in the warm pool, and as
the atmosphere was cool, we thought the water hot,
but we enjoyed it. Next morning the men of F Company
took breakfast at the hotel, and we marched to the
Bath Alum Springs, pitched tents, and went regularly
into camp. We had a good snow here. Our camp
was on the edge of a piece of land that had been recently
cleared of its wood, the wood being cut into
logs about eight feet long, and piled ready for burning.
Every day we toted enough of these logs to our tents to
make a great fire that would last about twenty-four
hours. At night we gathered around these fires, and
had a big time telling tales, singing, etc. I think the
company enjoyed this camp very much. Here a comrade,
J. E. Mayo, and I took our muskets and went out
of camp to see if we could get a deer; we cut our bullets
into slugs and loaded with them. We had not gone
more than three hundred yards when two deer sprang
up, but we thought they were too far for our slugs.
A little farther on we came to a branch that seemed to
run around a hill. It was agreed that he should go
over the hill, and I would follow the branch; and when
he got in sight of the branch, he should halloo. I
waited for the signal, and hearing it, started up the
bottom, went a short distance, jumped a doe, called out
to him to look out, and soon heard a shot which killed
the deer. We carried it at once to camp, and had a big
time over our deer. We stayed at Bath Alum Springs
until the 30th, when we marched to Milboro, staying
there until December 4th, and then took the cars for
Millboro late in the evening on flat cars, and
did not reach the camping place on the side of the railroad
near Staunton until late in the night. That was
a fearful ride at that season of the year; it was cold,
and our riding on a flat car made it more so. The
water tank at Panther Gap was literally one mass of
ice; some of the men got a small quantity of wood and
built fires in the spiders and ovens that afforded a little
warmth for a few. It was only a few minutes after
leaving the cars before we had trees cut down and
rousing fires going. Did it ever occur to the reader
how quickly soldiers could make fires? It made no
difference whether it was raining, snowing, or blowing
a great gale, in five minutes after getting into camp, a
regiment would have fifty fires burning. Wet wood
and green wood made no difference.
While we were in this camp, we elected officers to
fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of First
Lieutenant Edward Mayo. P. A. Wellford was made
first lieutenant, H. T. Miller second, and W. Granville
Gray, Junior, second.
THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
WE were encamped in Augusta County, about one and
a half miles north of Staunton. In the valley, that great
place for wheat, flour, and hogs, and democrats, the
latter could always be heard from in counting the votes
after an election.
We remained here until the 10th of December, when
we took up our march to join Jackson at Winchester.
We marched along quietly each day, until we reached Mt.
Jackson on the 20th. It was the custom, during the
war, to march with the right of the regiment in front
one day, and the left next day. On the 20th the left
was marching in front. That threw our company in
the rear, as we were the right company. During the
day the left led off several times in quick time, which
gave our company hard marching. Few know how
much easier it is to march in front of a regiment than
in the rear. That night our company decided that we
would get even next day with the left, and if the officers
did not interfere, we would give it to them.
Soon after getting into the road the next morning our
captain told Sergeant Rawlings, who was leading the
company, to step out. Now Sergeant Rawlings was
just the man to do it, as he was a powerful man physically,
with great endurance. He stepped out at quick
time, and kept that pace during the march. In six
hours and a half after leaving Mt. Jackson, we went
into camp at Strasburg, marching twenty-three and
one-half miles. It was said by some of the boys who
timed us, that we marched three miles at one time in
thirty-three minutes. This was the quickest march we
made during the war. We had a snow storm while
at Strasburg, and marched to Winchester on the 25th,
passing through the town the next day, going into camp
on the Romney Road. In marching through Winchester,
as we filed to the left at one of the cross streets, we
saw standing in the crowd on the sidewalk a man with
full dark whiskers and hair, dressed in uniform, wearing
a long dark blue overcoat with a large cape, his
coat reaching to his boots, which were worn outside of
his pants in regular military style, and on them were
bright spurs. His head was covered by a faded gray
cap, pulled down so far over his face that between cap
and whiskers one could see very little of it; but as we
passed we caught a glimpse of a pair of dark flashing
eyes from underneath the brim of his cap. That man
was Stonewall Jackson, and this was our first sight of
In our march on the third day after leaving Staunton,
we met a woman riding a horse; she had five children
on this same horse. She had large bags, fastened together
after the fashion of saddle bags, on the horse
behind the saddle, and a child's head was looking out
on each side of the horse, two children were on the
horse behind her, and a baby in her arms. When she
came into our midst, and realized that the war was
actually going on, she broke down and commenced to
cry. One of our officers rode up to her, hat in hand
and with the politeness of a Virginian, said some pleasant
word to her. This, and the respect shown her by
the passing men, soon restored her. She said her
husband was in the army, and she, fearing to stay at their
home by herself in the lower valley, was going to her
mother's higher up, where she hoped to be out of reach
of the enemy, in case the lower valley should be abandoned
by our army. She would have to travel about
fifty miles. The children seemed to be in splendid spirits
and to enjoy our passing. Although this was a sight
none of us ever saw before, every one treated her with
the respect due the first lady of the land. Here is war,
real war. Such scenes as families leaving home with
nothing but what they could carry on their person, was
witnessed many times by the writer.
In going down the valley, we had a feast all the way;
the people had just finished killing hogs, and every
house had sausage, spare ribs, chine, liver, etc., to give
us. We passed Lacy's Spring or Big Spring for the
first time, situated on the side of the pike. The volume
of water from this spring is large enough to run a large
mill, and it looked more like a small river than a spring
At that time everything in the valley had a thrifty
look, the horses and cattle were fat and sleek, the large
barns overflowing with the gathered crops, the houses
which were small in comparison with the barns, looked
comfortable, the fences, post and rail or stone, were in
splendid order; in fact everything looked well, and
showed a thriving population. It was truly a land of
milk and honey.
While in camp at Winchester, the Irish Battalion
and the 48th, 42d, and 21st Va. Regiments were formed
into a brigade, and were known as the second brigade
of Jackson's division. Col. Wm. Gilham, being the
ranking officer, took command. The marching we had
now done made all of us discard everything but necessaries,
and we began to think that Ritchie Green did a very smart
thing, when we left Richmond, to carry nothing in his
knapsack but one paper collar and a plug of tobacco!
We elected a lieutenant here, to fill the vacancy
occasioned by the resignation of Second Lieutenant Henry
T. Miller. W. Granville Gray was made second lieutenant,
and James B. Payne, junior, second lieutenant.
BATH AND ROMNEY
GEN. JACKSON having decided on a winter campaign,
marched his army from the neighborhood of Winchester
January 1, 1862, a beautiful day, the sun shining brightly and the
atmosphere bracing. The second brigade camped near
Pughtown that night, the 21st Va. Regt. in a large wood,
where gathering the fresh fallen leaves into large piles,
placing our oilcloths on them and laying down, covering with
our blankets, we enjoyed the bed as much as any we ever
We marched the next morning at early dawn, and at night
camped at Unger's X Roads. The next day, the 3d, we
met the enemy about five miles from Bath, Morgan County.
The 21st Va. Regt. was marching near the rear of the
column. Gen. Jackson sent an order for F Company to
report to the front, and we marched by our troops, who had
halted in the road. When we reached the front, we halted
and were ordered to load, which was done under fire,
as the enemy were a short distance in
front, on a hill behind a fence. As soon as we had loaded,
we were deployed as skirmishers, and ordered forward
through a wood, halting on its edge behind a fence. There
we became heavily engaged with the enemy, and kept up a
fire until it was too dark to see. Firing ceased, and returning
to our regiment, we went into camp. This was the first real
fight of the company, and the men behaved splendidly.
Exall was killed and Lieut. James B. Payne seriously
It snowed during the night and the weather became
The enemy were at Bath in force. In the morning
Gen. Jackson advanced on their position in three columns,
the second brigade moving along the road with
F Company as advance guard. We moved slowly, in
order to let a column on our left get into position on
the mountain ridge. We came in sight of the enemy,
who were in line of battle on that ridge, about one and
a half miles from Bath. Our column had marched along
the road until it got almost on the flank of their line,
before they moved. It was too far for musket firing,
but the men of each side engaged in much abuse of each
other. As soon as our skirmish line on the ridge came
within shooting distance, firing commenced, and the
enemy began to retreat. Gen. Jackson now arrived at
the front and took the lead on horseback, a few couriers
following him; as he passed our company, he ordered
us to double quick, and we soon ran. This was
a grand sight. The second brigade marching by the
flank and running down the road, the Yankees in sight
on the ridge to our left, running too, our column on
the ridge following them as fast as they could run!
In this way our column entered Bath, going through
the village, doubling back on the road which wound up
the ridge. When we reached the top of the ridge, we
could see the Yankees disappearing at the far end of a
field, going toward the Potomac river. We followed,
but the road ran through a defile, and we could not go
as fast as the enemy, because we had to look out for
their rear guard, who occasionally came in sight and
fired. The enemy went over the river during the night.
We captured some stores and a few prisoners.
I saw Col. Turner Ashby to-day for the first time; he
impressed me as being a dashing man. He passed us
with a company of cavalry, taking a road to our left.
One of our columns following on another road, had a
spirited combat with the enemy. On the next day, the
5th, Gen. Jackson moved his force towards Hancock, a
village on the Maryland side of the Potomac. He sent
for F Company to come to the front and lead the column
across the river; a high honor to come from him.
We marched out of camp singing, and kept it up until
we arrived at the front. While we were singing the
"Pirate's Glee," and were well in the chorus, every
man having joined in with a zest, and had taken up the
inspiring words, "We'll nail the black flag to the mast,"
we came suddenly on Gen. Jackson. He pulled off his
cap, and his eyes twinkled with evident delight as we
We marched to a certain point and halted, and stayed
there several hours, the Yankees throwing a shell at us
occasionally from a battery in Hancock. The ground
was covered with snow, and it was cold, and we were
not allowed to make fires. As night approached, we
marched back and with our regiment, camped for the
night. It was snowing and hailing, which continued
all night, and was intensely cold. The ground the next
morning was covered several inches with snow and
ice. Gen. Jackson gave up the advance on this road,
owing to the ice in the Potomac river, and on the 8th
we returned to Unger's X Roads. The march was a
terrible one; the road had become one sheet of ice from
frequent marching over it, and the men would march
in the side ditches and in the woods, where it was practicable;
guns were constantly being fired by the men
falling, and many accidents were occasioned thereby.
In some instances the horses had to be taken from the
cannon and wagons, and men with chains and ropes
pulled them, the horses being sent forward through the
woods; and at many hills, the pioneers had to cut small
trenches across the road, in order that the men might
have a footing. It was late in the night when we
stopped to camp. Although the men underwent great
exertion in this march, the cold was so intense that
their suffering was great. I saw Gen. Jackson marching
along the road on foot with the men several times.
Col. Gilham and Major Shipp of the 21st Va. Regt.
received an order to report to the Va. Military Institute
for duty, and they left on the 9th. The men had
become very much attached to both, and were sorry to
give them up. As a token of their respect, F Company
purchased a fine horse and presented it to Col. Gilham,
attaching to the bridle one of our F's. The next day
we had hail again; the second brigade marched only
about four miles, marching as they did the day before,
men to help cannon and wagons. The next day my
regiment marched about five hundred yards, and the
head of the brigade marched about four miles. Owing
to the terrible weather, our line was scattered over ten
miles of road. My mess was so near the camping place
of last night, that we went back to it, put the chunks
together, and in a short time were comfortable and
asleep for the night, rejoining the company in the morning
in time for roll call. The only way we could get
along at all was to have heavy details of men with
each wagon and cannon to help, and at times to pull
them. Each day was colder than the day before, and
we crossed most of the streams, cannon, wagons, and
men, on the ice.
On the 14th it snowed and hailed again. In our
march we passed for several miles along the road a
growth of flat cedar or arbor vitæ. We continued our
march in the same way, until we reached the neighborhood
of Romney on the 17th. There the head of the
column had quite a spirited combat with the enemy,
capturing their camp and some stores. The second brigade
went into camp in a wood near the town, and
picketed the road we had marched over. Here the sun
came out and shone on us, the first time for nineteen
Our mess lost its "spider" on this march, and I
thought one might be purchased in the neighborhood to
replace it. One day I took a stroll into the country to
get one, and went to several houses without success.
Finally I came to a very comfortable looking house,
and found an old lady who was very talkative. She
made many inquiries where we were from, how long
we were going to stay, etc.; she seemed particularly
pleased on learning I was from Richmond, and we had
a long chat about the city. I finally told her what I
wanted. She called a servant girl and held a consultation,
and finally decided that she would let me have a
certain oven that was too large for her family. It was
brought from one of the outhouses and a bargain was
made, after much discussion. She wished to know if it
suited me. It was an unusually large one, and had a
broken lid. It did not suit me, but was the only one
I had been able to get, and I told her that it did.
As to the price, she did not know what to say. She
finally said, "That is a good oven. I bought it in Winchester
sixteen years ago, and gave two dollars and
fifty cents for it. It's a good oven, even if the lid is
cracked (a piece was broken out of it), it's done me
good service. Well, as you want it, under the circumstances,
you may have it for two dollars and seventy-five cents."
That took all the wind out of me; I am
sure you could have knocked me down with a feather,
but I paid her the money, and the service that oven
rendered us proved it was a bargain.
The first night or two after the ground became covered
with snow. We cleaned the snow off, so as to have
the ground to lie on, but the thawing of the ground
underneath us made it muddy, and our oilcloths would
be badly soiled when we got up in the morning; we
then tried the snow, and found it made a better bed
and was equally as warm. After that, we never removed
the snow on going into camp. Some nights we
would spread our tent on the snow, put our oilcloths on
that, and a blanket on that, then the party would lie
down, a comrade cover them up with the remaining
blankets, and then throw the sides of the tent over that,
leaving nothing but the head out; he would then crawl
from the bottom into his place. In this way I managed
to sleep very comfortably several nights on this expedition.
On the 24th, the 21st Va. Regt. marched into the
town of Romney, taking up its quarters in the houses
that had been deserted. F Company had the bank
building. We lived well there; my mess employed an
old darky, about two squares off, to cook our rations,
she adding to them any good thing she could get.
There was a hotel that had buckwheat cakes in splendid
style, fine butter and syrup for breakfast, and only
charged twenty-five cents for meals. It took only three
days for us to eat it out.
Gen. Jackson left us here, going to Winchester and
taking a part of his force with him, leaving Gen. Loring
in command at Romney. We staid until the evening
of February 3d, when Romney was given up, and
Gen. Loring's force was marched towards Winchester.
We marched late in the night, and it snowed again.
Our wagons had gone ahead, and when I arrived at
their camping place, I sat down on a bucket at one of
the wagoner's fire to warm, fell asleep, and stayed
on my bucket until morning! We reached Winchester
on the 6th, and went into camp, after being away a
little over a month, undergoing the most terrible experience
during the war. Many men were frozen to death,
others frozen so badly they never recovered, and the
rheumatism contracted by many was never gotten rid
of. Many of the men were incapacitated for service,
large numbers were barefooted, having burned their
shoes while trying to warm their feet at the fires.
Do any of my readers recollect Randall Evans at
Winchester? He is the old colored man who could get
up such famous dinners. After a long time in camp,
or on a march with the usual army fare, to go to Randall
Evans, and get a meal such as he could serve,
would make one forget all about bread and beef, both
without salt! I never saw a soldier leave his place who
was not perfectly satisfied with the army and everything
else, and it was brought about by being full of
food, as Randall did not keep anything to drink. What
Tom Griffin was to Richmond, so was Randall Evans
to Winchester. After the Romney campaign, we came
very near eating Randall out.
GEN. JACKSON sent several regiments of his army to
Gen. Johnston at Manassas. We remained in our camp
on the Romney road until the 27th of February, when my
brigade marched through Winchester and camped on
the Berryville road, staying there until March 7th; at
which time we marched through Winchester, and
camped on the Staunton pike, where we stayed until the
11th. Then everything was packed, and we were
ready for a general move. These movements were occasioned
by the enemy having crossed the Potomac, and
it being reported that they would advance on Winchester.
We marched through Winchester again, this time
to the Martinsburg road, as we heard that the enemy
were advancing on this road, and were not far off.
They were commanded by Gen. Banks, afterwards
known as Jackson's commissary, who later supplied our
army so bountifully. Gen. Jackson made disposition to
meet them. A line of battle was formed across the
pike, a battery placed on Fort Hill and the 21st Va. Regt.
ordered to support it. We took our position along with
the battery and lay down awaiting the enemy. We
heard occasional guns in our front. When night came
the enemy had not made their appearance.
Gen. Jackson considered the enemy too strong for
him, and withdrew during the night, marching through
Winchester a short distance, and resting until morning.
Then we continued our march slowly up the valley,
until we reached Mt. Jackson on the 18th. The second
brigade went into camp about one mile below Mt. Jackson,
and the balance of the army marched to Rude's
Hill, about two miles above that village, where they
camped. We sent a picket down the valley pike and
on the 20th marched to Rude's Hill and joined the balance
of our little army. The enemy had followed us
slowly, but at Mt. Jackson stopped, and retired down
Gen. Jackson was a great man for saving everything
captured from the enemy. His way was to save everything
already on hand and never destroy if there was
a chance to save. It was a saying in the command
that he would carry off a wheelbarrow load, rather than
let it fall into the hands of the enemy. While we were
camped around Winchester, he was diligently at work
getting everything out of reach of the enemy, in case
he should be compelled to leave; even the locomotives
and cars, that were captured at Martinsburg, were sent
to the rear. Because the valley pike was such an excellent
road, he could do this. He sent parties of men
along the pike, who cut down trees, and used the timber
in bracing the bridges to enable them to endure great
weight. When everything was ready, large teams of
horses and mules were hitched to the locomotives and
cars at Martinsburg, and they were hauled to Strasburg,
a distance of about fifty miles, where they were put on
the Manassas Gap railroad for the use of the Confederacy.
In this way many locomotives and cars were
saved. During this movement, I saw at one time five
cars on their way to Strasburg.
GEN. JACKSON'S army was now at Rude's Hill. The
enemy had retired from our front to obtain, as we supposed,
a better camping place. On the evening of March 21st, we
received orders to cook three days' rations, and be ready to
move at early dawn the next morning. When the line was
formed in the morning, and we marched to the road, instead
of turning up the valley pike, as we supposed our course
would be, we took a quick march in the direction of the
enemy, and soon passed through Mt. Jackson.
The day was raw and blustering. We marched twenty-seven
miles, stopped near Fisher's Hill and bivouacked for
the night. Early the next morning we marched, and kept it
up, until we reached Barton's Mill, about noon, having
marched about sixteen miles. Our brigade stopped to rest
until most of the troops came up. We had heard cannon
firing in our front and knew our advance under Ashby had
overtaken the enemy. It was a surprise to the men that we
had come so far without encountering them. But it was
known to Gen. Jackson that they had fallen back to the
neighborhood of Winchester, and were sending some of
their number away to join their army at Manassas. Our
march was to find out what they were doing. It was
ascertained that they had made a stand at Kernstown.
The 21st Va. Regiment was now ordered forward, and
after going down the pike a short distance, turned
to the left, and marched across an open field towards the
hills that were covered with woods. When we were about
half way across the field, we came in sight of the Yankee
line of battle near Kernstown, and a battery posted on a hill
a little in their rear. The battery opened on us at once. We
were ordered to double quick, soon began to run, and
reached the hills without an accident. F Company were
thrown forward as skirmishers and advance, the regiment
following in line of battle a short distance, when the
company was ordered to join them, and we marched by the
flank. A gun or two of the Rockbridge battery now joined
us, we marched under a hill, and they to the right on top of
the ridge. These guns were occasionally in their march
exposed to the view of the enemy's battery, and they fired at
them, the shells passing over our regiment. One of them
struck one of the drivers of the guns, tearing his leg to
pieces, and going through the horse. Both fell; the shell
descended and passed through our ranks and struck a stump
not far off, spinning around like a top, and before it stopped
one of the company ran and jumped on it, taking it up and
carrying it along as a trophy. This is the first man of the war
I saw struck by a shell; it was witnessed by the majority of
Gen. Jackson now made his appearance, and had a talk
with our commander, Lt.-Col. Patton. We were thrown
forward into line of battle again, and marched a short
distance to the top of a hill, and in full sight of the enemy's
line of battle. They were advancing, too, at this point. I saw
five flags; we opened fire at once, and they scattered. In a
few minutes I saw only two flags, and soon after only one,
which marched in a field
on our right to a pile of rocks on which it was planted;
the regiment gathered around it. Our regiment and
the guns of the Rockbridge battery have been fighting
this force. Our line was lengthened by the arrival of
the third brigade on our left. A part of our regiment
moved to a fence on the right, and facing the enemy in
the field, fired at them. Some of F Company were
kneeling down, firing from behind the fence, some were
standing straight up; soon all were standing, and taking
deadly aim as they fired. As the excitement increased,
they mounted the fence, and many sat on it,
loading and firing until every cartridge was shot away.
A regiment was sent to the support of the Yankees, but
they never got any nearer than the party around the
flag, and they soon became intermingled with them.
All our ammunition being gone, we gradually retired,
passing through the 5th Va. Regt. that had formed in
our rear. Our artillery had taken position and were
firing on the enemy, but when we retreated they were
compelled to do so. In going through a gap in a stone
wall, one of their guns became entangled and disabled
and was left. One of our company in going to the rear
was encountered by Gen. Jackson who inquired where
he was going. He answered, that he had shot all his
ammunition away, and did not know where to get more.
Old Stonewall rose in his stirrups, and gave the command,
"Then go back and give them the bayonet," and
rode off to the front.
The remainder of the little army had been heavily
engaged, and although confronted by large odds, held its
own, and only retired after shooting all its ammunition
away. It seems to me that the 21st Va. Regt. would
have held its line indefinitely, if it had been supplied with
ammunition. It was a regular stand-up fight with us,
and as stated the men along the fence left its protection
and fought as I never saw any fighting during the war.
After this, they were glad to take advantage of anything.
We were whipped after desperate fighting, and I
think only for want of ammunition. Night found our
little army in retreat towards the valley pike, where the
stragglers were gathered up, and the men lay down on
the ground for a few hours' rest. The next morning
we took up a slow and sullen march up the valley, the
enemy following. Arriving at Middletown, I learned
that Tucker Randolph, one of my messmates, was in
one of the houses. He had been sent to the rear the
evening before, wounded. I soon found him, and seeing
the condition of my dear old comrade, I made up my
mind to stay and nurse him if I could obtain my captain's
permission. Dear old fellow! how he thanked
me when I said it. I had long ago made up my mind
never to be taken prisoner, but could not leave my messmate.
All our wagons and ambulances had long passed,
our lieutenant had promised to send an ambulance back,
the surgeon had also promised. I finally became so
uneasy, that I went to all the town folks to see if I
could get a vehicle of some kind to take him away, but
could get nothing. All the infantry had now gone,
even the stragglers had left the village. The cannon
of the horse artillery, our rear guard, were near, having
ceased its firing, and I could hear the exchange of carbine
shots. I went to the door, and looked up the
street for my long looked-for ambulance, but nothing
was in sight. I looked down the street, and saw the
horse artillery entering the village. I now made up
my mind to ask the officer in command to take my
friend on one of the caissons, and went into the street
to meet him, when, taking another look up the street,
I saw an ambulance coming on a run. We put my
comrade into it in a hurry, pitched in his knapsack,
etc., and off we went. We passed out of the village in
time to get away, but the Yanks gave us a parting shot
from a cannon as we left, the shot passing over without
damage. The horses to the ambulance received some
heavy whacks from the whip of the driver, and we were
out of all danger.
I went along with my comrade, and before night
had collected about half a dozen of the wounded of my
company. I took care of them until we arrived at
Staunton, and put them on the cars en route to their
homes. I then returned to my company.
This was the first regular battle of the regiment, and
it was said we displayed great gallantry. F Company
had six wounded, Tucker Randolph, Ned Taylor,
Charles Taylor, Henry Pecor, Charles Skinker, and Joe
This attack of Gen. Jackson on the enemy was a very
daring one, and was the means of helping our army at
Manassas, as the troops the enemy were sending away
were recalled. The enemy were far superior to us in
numbers, and although Jackson was whipped, Congress
thought it did the cause so much good that it at once
passed a resolution of thanks to Jackson and his army.
THE RETREAT FROM KERNSTOWN
ON the 24th of March our brigade moved to the
vicinity of Strasburg, where we halted about midday
and camped. The enemy were in hot pursuit, we could
hear firing in the rear all day, and from some high
points could see the enemy during the march. We
had built fires in our camp, drawn rations, and were
busy cooking, when a shell came screaming over our
heads, followed by another. In a few minutes the
woods were full of shells from the enemy, who had
driven our rear guard far enough to command our
woods from one of the neighboring hills. We loaded
our cooking utensils and baggage on the wagons, and
they went off in a run; we soon followed in a slow
march, and continued it until we reached the neighborhood
of Woodstock, where we quietly went into camp
out of hearing of the enemy. The next day we went
into camp near Mt. Jackson. On the 26th, the second
brigade was sent back to near Woodstock to meet the
enemy, with whom we skirmished till the 28th, when
we marched to Mt. Jackson; and on the 3d of April returned
to near Edinburg to meet the enemy again.
We were to coöperate with Col. Ashby in any movement
he made. F Company was ordered forward as
skirmishers through a wood, halting on its edge. A
large open field was in our front, and Edinburg in full
view, and the Yankee skirmish line on the opposite side
of the creek. We engaged them at once. Col. Ashby
came along, riding his white horse; he had the dwarf
courier with him, and told us not to fire unless the
enemy attempted to cross the creek, and if they should
make the attempt, to give it to them. He rode out in
our front to a small hillock to see what was going on,
the little courier accompanying him. The enemy immediately
shot at them; as they reached the hillock, the
courier's horse fell dead. We could hear Colonel Ashby
tell him to take off his saddle, bridle and accouterments,
and carry them to the rear, which he did as quickly as
possible. Colonel A. sat his horse as quietly as if he
had been in camp, until the courier reached the woods,
when he quietly turned his horse and walked him off
towards us, passing through our line going to the rear.
Soon afterwards he gave orders for our brigade to go
back to camp, as he would have nothing for us to do
On the 5th we marched to Rude's Hill, and went into
camp. The next morning I was ordered to report, with
arms, to the brigade quartermaster. On arriving at his
quarters I saw two large wagons, four mules hitched to
each, and learned that a detail of six men had been made
to accompany the wagons on a trip to get corn. As soon
as all the men reported, a quartermaster sergeant who
went with us, ordered us to get into the wagons, three
in each. The wagons started at once, went to the valley
pike and turned down the pike. Reaching Rude's
Hill we passed some artillerymen who had a cannon
trained on the bridge over the Shenandoah. At the foot
of the hill we passed the cavalry outpost of about thirty
or forty men, who were dismounted and waiting events,
their horses strung along and fastened to the fence each
side of the road. When they learned our destination,
all of them bade us good-by, saying they would never see
us again, as the Yankees would certainly capture us.
Going about a half a mile farther we passed the cavalry
vidette on the outpost. He said good-by too, and
pointed out to us the Yankee vidette in his front, a little
above the bridge and on the other side of the river. We
went about a fourth of a mile farther, pulled down two
panels of fence on the left of the road, entered a large
corn field, and loaded those wagons more quickly than
any were ever loaded before. When we had them about
half full a Yankee cavalryman rode to his vidette in
plain view of us, had a short talk, then rode off at full
speed. That made us pull corn faster. The wagons
were driven back to the road and headed for camp. A
countryman who was with us said that was "the slickest
job he ever saw." When we reached our vidette, he
gave us a hearty welcome, and the outpost cavalry gave
us a big cheer.
On the 7th we marched below Mt. Jackson and
camped in our old place. On the 10th all of Jackson's
force marched up the valley, and stopped near New
Market. On the 13th our brigade marched to the gap
of Massanuttin Mountain that leads into Luray Valley,
it having been rumored that the enemy were making a
demonstration from that direction. On the 17th all
the force marched up the valley to Big Spring, staying
there all night, and the next morning marched up the
valley, leaving the valley pike near Harrisonburg towards
Swift Run Gap, and crossed the Shenandoah river, going
into camp next day. We were safe from pursuit
now, with our backs to the Blue Ridge, and at this point
our little force could keep off easily thrice as many as
have been in pursuit of us.
This was the boldest retreat I ever saw. Gen. Jackson
was defeated at Kernstown on the 25th of March,
by an overwhelming force, and the next day retired up
the valley more slowly than I ever saw him march; and
when we went into camp at night we tarried as long as
possible. If the enemy did not hunt for us, Gen. Jackson
would hunt for them. The regiments had orders to
drill just as if no enemy was within a hundred miles of us.
It can be seen that our movements were slow since it
took us from March 24th to April 18th to march about
one hundred miles, although we marched about half that
distance in two days when we advanced to Kernstown.
We rested at this camp and made ourselves as comfortable
as we could in shelter of brush, oilcloths, etc.
The day we reached here Gen. Jackson ordered all the
wagons containing tents and extra baggage to the rear,
and so far that we never saw them again! This was a
hard blow to us, since we had gotten in the habit of
smuggling many articles into our tents to avoid carrying
them, and when our tents left, they had dress coats, underclothing,
etc., in them. "Old Jack" flanked us that
We had a snow storm while we were in this camp, but
as it did not turn cold, we got along very well. We first
felt in this place the strict hand of Jackson. Our regiment
and several others during the snow storm burned
some of the rail fencing. Gen. Jackson seeing it, gave
orders for each regiment to maul rails and put the fence
up again, and if we repeated the burning, he would
punish every man.
While we were in this camp the reorganization of the
army took place. This was a great misfortune to us, as
many good officers were thrown out, and men who were
popular were elected in their stead; in many instances
men utterly unfit to fill the places to which they were
F Company elected William H. Morgan, Captain; he
was adjutant of the regiment. W. Granville Gray, First
Lieutenant; G. W. Peterkin, Second Lieutenant, and E.
G. Rawlings, Jr., Second Lieutenant. The regiment
elected John M. Patton, Colonel; Richard H. Cunningham,
Jr., Lieutenant Colonel, and John B. Moseley,
In one of the regiments of our army two men carried
each a game cock. On a march they perched on the
shoulders of their owners, and seemed as well contented
as if on their roost, and their crowing and the flapping
of their wings always called forth a lusty cheer from the
men. They, like everything else in the Confederate
army, had their use. On a march passing a farmyard,
one of those men would run out of ranks when he saw a
lot of fowls, and his game cock would fly to the rooster
at their head, and a battle would take place at once. The
owner of the game cock would pick up both roosters,
and quickly join his command. That night he would
have stewed rooster for supper.
I must not forget to tell about our umbrella man. In
one of the companies of our regiment there was a sergeant,
who was an old country gentleman. When he
left home he carried an umbrella. This he kept until he
left us at this camp. During a march on a hot day
one would see the old sergeant marching along at the head
of his company with his umbrella hoisted; the boys would
call to him, "Come out of that umbrella." He took it
kindly, and would generally reply that he knew they
wanted it. During a rain when he hoisted it, he always
had numerous applications for a part of it. When it was not
in use he carried it strapped to his knapsack.
We stayed in this camp until the 23d, when we moved into
the cove, a large opening within the outer mountain, and
camped. We marched from this camp on the 30th, towards
Harrisonburg, across the Shenandoah a mile or two, returned
and took a road on the right, and marched up the river to
Port Republic, reaching it on May 2d, after one of the most
severe marches we had undergone. The road on which we
marched was an ordinary country road, and it had been
raining and snowing so much that it had become very soft,
and when the artillery and wagons came along they sank up
to their axles, and there was no way to get them out, unless
the men put their shoulders to the wheels. This Gen. Jackson
had foreseen, as details of men were sent along with the
wagons. As an evidence of Gen. Jackson's anxiety and
solicitude, I saw him personally getting rocks, and putting
them in the holes of this road.
We were now retreating and advancing at the same
time, a condition an army never undertook before. We were
retreating from Banks. In my next I will show how we were
advancing. The Great Valley Campaign is opening.
ON May 3d we left Port Republic. This is the commencement
of that great Valley campaign, the most
brilliant of modern times, and I do not know that it was
ever surpassed. We marched across the Blue Ridge to
the Central Railroad near Meechum's Depot, and there
we took the cars and went to Staunton, arriving on the
4th. On the 5th we were joined by the 10th Va. Reg.
Inf., which was assigned to the third brigade, and by the
cadets from the Va. Military Institute. On the 6th we
left Staunton, marching towards Buffalo Gap, and about
midday joined Gen. Edward Johnson's force, that had
fallen back about six miles from Staunton. He had
been in great danger before we arrived; a force in his
front pressing him, and that of Banks threatening to
march to his rear. With Jackson's coming all was
changed. Near Buffalo Gap we went into camp for the
night. The next morning the advance was continued,
with Johnson's force in front. We encountered some
of the enemy near Ryan's, and captured some stores,
tents, etc., and a sutler's outfit. There was lying just
outside of the sutler's store door about a bucketful of
"sutler's" coin, used by him in his traffic with the soldiers,
having his name, regiment, etc., and the value of
the coin on it. The head of the column skirmished some
with the enemy. We crossed the Shenandoah Mountain
and passed through the fortifications used by Gen. Johnson
while he was there. In descending this mountain,
we could see a long line of the enemy in position on the
opposite mountain. They, however, withdrew without
firing, and we halted for the night. On the 8th we
marched in about the same order--Gen. Jackson's command
in front, the second brigade next, then the third
brigade, the Stonewall brigade in the rear, the cadets
marching, I think, in front of the Stonewall brigade.
The second brigade was ascending the Bull Pasture
Mountain in the afternoon, marching a few yards and
halting, then a few yards and another halt, a march that
fatigued men more than one in which they take an even
step and march for a length of time. We had been
marching in this way for such a long time, that evening
was approaching, and it was rumored that we could not
cross the mountain that night; that we would return to
the valley, or bottom, and camp for the night, that the
remainder of Jackson's division would join us there.
The men had begun to think that there was some truth
in the report. Soon the idea was discarded, and the 21st
Va. Regt. was hurried up, and on reaching the top of
the mountain we could hear firing, and, going a little
farther, we could hear that it was heavy. We were
hurried along the road until we reached the 31st Va.
Regt. of Johnson's command, who were ordered to join
Gen. Johnson, who was heavily engaged on our left,
and we were formed in line of battle across the pike.
Gen. Jackson now arrived and gave orders in person to
Lt. Col. Cunningham, who was in command of the regiment.
He told him to protect his men as much as possible
and to hold the position at all hazards, and ended
by saying, in that sharp way of his, "Tell your men they
must hold the road." This was the only road by which
Jackson could get his forces out if he should meet with
disaster, and the road be taken, the enemy would be directly
in his rear. This was therefore the key to Jackson's
position, and if it were lost, all was lost. The men
of the regiment now took their position behind trees and
big rocks, the bottom in which we are being filled with
them. As the men took their places it was with the
determination that no enemy should drive them away.
We were not called on for a test of our courage, a few
skirmishers only appearing in our front, the enemy attacking
us from our left, and next to the village of McDowell.
It is said that Gen. Jackson had no idea of
fighting this battle on the 8th; he and Gen. Johnson had
ridden to the front and examined the situation of the
enemy, and they decided to wait until morning to make
an attack; as Jackson had obtained information that the
enemy could be attacked in their rear, and he intended
to send a force to that point as soon as it became dark.
Some of his staff had actually gone to our rear, to direct
those troops where to camp.
Milroy, who was in command of the enemy, received
some reinforcements about noon, and thought best to
make an attack at once on Gen. Johnson, not knowing
of Jackson's presence. This was the cause of the battle.
The enemy made a gallant and spirited attack, but
were promptly met, and, after some hard fighting, were
driven back with loss. We lost a number of men and
some valuable officers. Gen. Johnson was shot through
the foot in the thickest of the fight. We had no artillery
on our side, as we could get no position on the mountain
side, and not more than two-thirds of Jackson's force
was up in time to take part in the battle. The enemy
used artillery from the other side of McDowell. When
we passed through the town the next day, we could see
the holes they made in the ground, in order to so elevate
their guns as to shoot at us on the mountain side.
During the night the enemy retreated, burning some
of their stores; some, however, falling into our hands.
They threw a large quantity of ammunition into the
creek from a bridge on the road.
We followed in hot pursuit as far as Franklin, Pendleton
Co., overtaking them on the afternoon of the 11th.
There the enemy took position in a narrow valley that
ran between the mountain hills; these hills were covered
with woods, and they had fired the woods on both sides
of the valley in their front, and as soon as we came in
sight, their artillery commenced firing at us. We could
not locate the guns because of the smoke. Gen. Jackson
sent a small force to the enemy's rear to obstruct the
road at the mountain gaps; the small force was driven
off before it accomplished the work. We remained in
front of the enemy, trying to find their position by
skirmishers, but the fire and smoke from the burning
Gen. Jackson, having other and more important plans,
abandoned the place about 10 o'clock on the morning of
the 13th, and retraced his march, going back through
McDowell, marching about eleven miles, taking a road
on the left leading to Harrisonburg. We stopped on the
15th, at Lebanon Springs, and remained there on the
16th to observe the national day of humiliation and
prayer, ordered by the President of the Confederacy.
On the 17th we resumed our march and stopped near
Mossy Creek on Sunday, the 18th, where most of the
command had religious worship. At early dawn on the
19th we resumed the march, and reaching Bridgewater
crossed the Shenandoah river on a bridge made of
wagons, that were placed in a row across the river, and
planks laid from one wagon to the other, thus making a
very good footbridge. On the 20th we passed through
Harrisonburg, and were joined by Brig. Gen. Taylor's brigade
of Louisianians, of Ewell's division. This brigade
made an unusually good appearance, as the men were
more regularly uniformed than any we had seen.
When Gen. Jackson moved from Swift Run Gap,
Gen. Ewell with his division and two regiments of cavalry
occupied a position in Culpepper Co., on the Rappahannock
river. He moved his command to Swift Run
Gap, and occupied the position just vacated by Jackson.
This was to prevent Banks from making an attack on
Jackson's rear, while he was advancing on Milroy.
After Jackson had disposed of Milroy, he turned to the
Valley, and the junction with Taylor shows that he had
reached that great country; and we went into camp on the
THE VALLEY CAMPAIGN--FRONT ROYAL, MIDDLETOWN,
WINCHESTER, CROSS KEYS, PORT REPUBLIC
ON May 21st Jackson marched down the Valley pike.
When we reached New Market we took the road leading
to the Luray valley, and formed a junction on the
22d, near Luray, with the balance of Gen. Ewell's command,
which had marched down the Luray valley from
Swift Run Gap. Jackson now had the largest army he
had ever had. He had brought Gen. Edward Johnson's
force of six regiments and some artillery with him from
the Shenandoah mountain, and had Ewell's command,
and his old command.
On the 23d Jackson's army left its bivouac near Luray,
taking the road to Front Royal, the head of the column
arriving about three or four o'clock in the afternoon.
Gen. Jackson, as usual, made an immediate attack on
the enemy, with the few men who were up. His eagerness
all through this campaign was surprising, and his
escape from death was almost a miracle. The enemy
were found drawn up in line of battle in a strong position
on the opposite side of the Shenandoah river. He
had a line of skirmishers formed under his eye, and gave
them the command to forward, and pushed them and
some advance cavalry front the start. The Yanks finding
things getting so hot, set fire to the two bridges, and
were immediately charged by our cavalry and skirmishers,
who saved the bridges in a damaged condition,
crossed and were right in the midst of the enemy, Jackson
along with them. The enemy made a bold stand and
fought well, but they could not withstand Jackson's mode
of warfare, and retreated to a farm orchard and buildings.
Here they made a gallant stand; but our two regiments
of cavalry from Ewell's command came up, were formed
under Jackson's eye, and charged the protected enemy.
The cavalry swept everything before them, and soon the
entire force was killed and captured. In the charge at
the bridge, the gallant Captain Sheets, Ashby's right hand,
was killed. A large amount of stores and several hundred
beef-cattle were captured. The second brigade did
not come up until night, having marched twenty-seven
On the next morning, as our brigade passed the prisoners
that had been captured the evening before, one of
them hallooed to us, "How are you, Tom?" Tom replied,
"What are you doing in such bad company, Bob?"
Tom, however, left ranks, and went inside the prison lines
and had a hearty shake of the hand and a few minutes'
conversation. Coming back he said it was his brother;
literally is brother against brother. We kept up our
march in the direction of Winchester until we reached
Cedarville. Jackson's division with Taylor's brigade
taking the road on the left, and the remainder of the
army under Ewell's command keeping the direct road to
Company B of Maryland, of our regiment, who were
mustered into service for one year, having served out
their term of enlistment, left us at this point; and the
21st Va. Regt. had only nine companies after that date.
The force of Jackson's command that left the road
at Cedarville marched to Middletown on the valley pike.
When we came in sight of the pike, it was filled as far
as we could see from one end to the other, with Yankees
on their way to Winchester, and we had surprised them
on the march. We attacked at once, and cut their marching
column in two; one part keeping on towards Winchester,
the other turning back towards Strasburg. This
part of their command the second brigade, was ordered
to pursue, and we followed them until they had crossed
the bridge over Cedar Creek. Then we were recalled and
joined in the general pursuit. In marching through Middletown,
we found long lines of knapsacks behind the
stone walls on the pike, as if whole regiments and brigades
had unslung them in order to make a stand, and
as soon as we attacked them, left in such a hurry as to
Near Newtown we came to a long wagon train of the
enemy's, standing on the side of the road. Some of the
wagons had been fired by them. As we passed, one thing
struck the writer about the contents of those wagons as
singular. In every one that had articles in sight, I could
see portions of women's clothing; in one wagon a bonnet,
in another a shawl, a dress in the next, and in some
all of a woman's outfit. I never saw the Yankee soldiers
wearing this kind of uniform, and why they carried it
was beyond my knowledge. Some of our men suggested
that it had been confiscated from citizens of the valley.
Marching a little farther we halted, the enemy having
some artillery on the opposite hill shelling our road. Our
advance ran out some guns, and these, with our advanced
skirmishers, soon had them retreating again. It was now
dark, and we soon came to another long train of captured
wagons and a pontoon-bridge train; the men looked
at these with much interest, as they were the first we had
seen. Marching a little farther we saw a string of fire
along a stone wall, and the crack of muskets tells it was
from the Yankee rear guard. They stopped at nearly
every cross wall and gave us a volley. Gen. Jackson,
who was always in front in an advance, came near being
shot from one of these walls.
We captured over one hundred wagons during the
night, keeping up the pursuit without intermission until
about dawn, when we halted and were allowed to rest
an hour or two in our places along the road. Soon after
daybreak on the 25th, we were on the move again, and
when we reached the mill about two miles from Winchester,
we saw that the enemy had made a stand on the hill
behind it. We were met by one of our men, wounded,
who was hatless, and had been shot in the head, the blood
streaming down his face so freely that the poor fellow
could hardly see. The second brigade took the left road
here, and marching a short distance, filed to the right,
and formed line of battle under the foothills on the left
of the Stonewall brigade, the 21st Va. Regt. supporting
the Rockbridge battery.
We could see Ewell's command on the Front Royal
road far away to our right, engaged, we locating his
line by the smoke from his artillery and musketry; and
could plainly see the Yankee shells bursting over his lines,
and see his shells bursting over the Yankees'!
The enemy in our front were behind a stone wall that
ran entirely across the open field, and a little way behind
them were two batteries of artillery. A piece of the
Rockbridge battery was run out on a knoll on our left,
where they were met by grape and minie balls. Every
man at the piece was killed or wounded. Nothing
daunted, the battery ran forward another piece, but were
more careful not to expose it, as in the case of the other
gun. The men were soon picked off by the infantry behind
the wall, and they were forced to abandon both
pieces. The pieces were safe, however, as they were in
our line, and if the enemy wanted them they must fight
for them. About this time Gen. Jackson made his appearance,
and rode to one of the hillocks in our front.
Col. Campbell, commanding our brigade, accompanied
him on horseback; Col. Patton of the 21st Va. Regt. and
Col. Grigsby of the Stonewall brigade on foot. They
were met by a hail of grape and musket balls. Campbell
was wounded, Grigsby had a hole shot through his
sleeve, and said some ugly words to the Yankees for doing
it. Gen. Jackson sat there, the enemy continuing
to fire grape and musketry at him. It is right here that
he issued his celebrated order to the commander of the
Stonewall brigade: "I expect the enemy to occupy the
hill in your front with artillery; keep your brigade well
in hand and a vigilant watch, and if such an attempt is
made,--it must not be done, sir! clamp them on the
spot." After satisfying himself as to the location of
the enemy, he quietly turned his horse and rode back in
a walk. Arriving at the road in our rear he called for
Taylor's brigade, led them in person to their position,
and gave Gen. Taylor his orders. Taylor says he replied,
and added, "You had better go to the rear; if you go
along the front in this way, some damned Yankee will
shoot you!" He says that Gen. Jackson rode back to
him at once, and said, "General, I am afraid you are a
wicked fellow, but I know you will do your duty." Taylor
formed his brigade in the road about two or three
hundred yards to our left. We were on his flank, and
could see nearly the whole of his advance. His march
was in an open field, then up the steep foothill or high
bank, then on a gentle rise to the top. Near the top
stood the same stone wall that was in our front; the enemy's
line of battle extending beyond Taylor's left. As
soon as Gen. Jackson saw that Taylor had commenced
the advance, he rode back to the hillock in our front to
watch the effect of Taylor's attack. The enemy poured
grape and musketry into Taylor's line as soon as it came
in sight. Gen. Taylor rode in front of his brigade,
drawn sword in hand, occasionally turning his horse,
at other times merely turning in his saddle to see that his
line was up. They marched up the hill in perfect order,
not firing a shot! About half way to the Yankees he
gave in a loud and commanding voice, that I am sure
the Yankees heard, the order to charge! and to and over
the stone wall they went! At the same time Gen. Jackson
gave the command in that sharp and crisp way of
his, "After the enemy, men!" Our whole line moved
forward on a run, the enemy broke and ran in all directions.
The Rockbridge artillerymen rushed to their two
abandoned pieces, and gave them a parting salute. This
charge of Taylor's was the grandest I saw during the
war. There was all the pomp and circumstance of war
about it, that was always lacking in our charges; but not
more effective than ours which were inspired by the
old rebel yell, in which most of the men raced to be foremost.
Near Winchester the advance artillery, which had been
firing from every elevation over the heads of our infantry
at the fleeing enemy, halted. A scene was witnessed
that had no parallel in history that I know of. The men
of several batteries unhitched the lead horses from cannons
and caissons, threw the traces over the horses'
backs, mounted and charged the enemy through the town,
capturing and bringing back many prisoners! As we
passed through Winchester the citizens were so glad
to see us that men, women, and children ran into the
streets to welcome us, wringing our hands with both of
theirs, some even embracing the men, all crying for joy!
The bullets from the enemy were flying through the
streets, but this made no difference to these people. It
seemed that joy had overcome fear. Such a scene I
The second brigade followed the enemy about five
miles below Winchester, where they were ordered to
halt, and go into camp, other troops following the fleeing
enemy. Some of our men followed the enemy into
Maryland, and were only stopped by Jackson, when he
received notice of the effort of other forces of the enemy
to get into his rear.
The enemy, on this occasion, was commanded by Gen.
Banks, from whom Gen. Jackson captured vast stores:
several hundred beef cattle, several hundred wagons with
their teams, eleven thousand new muskets in boxes that
had never been opened, a large amount of ammunition,
and over three thousand prisoners. Jackson lost a very
small number of men, but he had led us for three weeks
as hard as men could march. In an order issued to his
troops the next day, he thanked us for our conduct, and
referred us to the result of the campaign as justification
for our marching so hard. Every man was satisfied with
his apology; to accomplish so much with so little loss, we
would march six months! The reception at Winchester
was worth a whole lifetime of service.
On the 28th the 21st Va. Regt. was ordered to Winchester
to take charge of the prisoners; a job little relished
by the men, since we had only about two hundred
and fifty men to guard about three thousand prisoners!
The enemy had a large force in the valley of the South
Fork of the Potomac under Fremont, and another on
the Rappahanock river under McDowell. As soon as it
was known that Jackson had routed Banks, the authorities
in Washington gave these two commanders orders
to march at once to Strasburg in the valley, which was
twenty to thirty miles in Jackson's rear. There they
were to form a junction, the united force of between
thirty and thirty-five thousand to fall on Jackson, whip
him, and capture his army. McDowell ordered Shields
with his division to the valley. He moved promptly
and rapidly, and actually burst into the Luray valley at
Front Royal, before Jackson was advised of his movement!
Learning that Fremont was moving on a road
that led to Strasburg, Jackson divined their purpose,
recalled his advance, and ordered the other troops to concentrate
at Strasburg. The Stonewall brigade was the
advance of Jackson's army at that time; they were in
the neighborhood of Harper's Ferry, the Second Va.
Reg. had crossed the Shenandoah, and gone to Loudoun
Heights. They received the order on the 31st to march
above Winchester before they stopped. The brigade
marched over thirty-five miles, and the Second Regiment
over forty to accomplish it.
On the 31st Jackson sent all his captured stores and
his wagon train up the Valley pike, and our regiment
with the prisoners followed in the afternoon. We
marched to Cedar Creek, and stopped for the night; our
guard line was around a large barn, in order to allow the
prisoners to have the benefit of its shelter, as it was raining.
Some amusing scenes were witnessed the next
morning. The barn had a large quantity of hay in it;
we went to the door and ordered all out; we then called
for those that were concealed to come out, or they would
he punished when found. None came; so some of our
men were ordered to go in, and see if they could find
any. Two or three were pulled out of the hay, amidst
shouts from their comrades, as well as our men. Then
we fixed bayonets and told them we were going to
thrust the bayonets into the hay in the entire building.
One or two came out; and presently the bayonets began
to be used. A few strokes, and a man is struck, but
fortunately for him not hard enough to hurt him; he and
several others then came out.
We formed our line and commenced the march. At
Strasburg we could see Ewell's division in line of battle
on the right of the road, awaiting the advance of Fremont,
whose skirmishers had made their appearance and
were then engaged with Ewell's.
Our prisoners became very much excited by this, and
declared loudly that Jackson had met his match now,
and would be badly whipped; and it would be only a few
hours before they would be retaken. After all the wagons
and prisoners had passed, Jackson waited for
the Stonewall brigade to arrive, and as soon as it had
passed, Ewell was withdrawn and followed the column
up the valley. Fremont made a big show at one time
in Ewell's front, but hearing nothing from Shields, who
for some reason had not made his appearance, he withdrew
his men back into the mountain fastness, his skirmishers
following Ewell a short distance.
The plan to bag Jackson at Strasburg had failed;
"Old Jack" was too quick for them; besides, he had some
plans of his own.
The next day, June 2d, Fremont followed us in hot
pursuit, and so closely that our guard and the prisoners,
from the tops of some of the hills in our march, could
plainly see his advance.
Reaching the Shenandoah at Mt. Jackson, Jackson
gave Col. Ashby orders to burn the bridge across that
stream, after all our army had passed. Col. Ashby left
this to one of his officers and his men to do, but they
were driven off by the enemy before it was accomplished.
Ashby learning this, took a few men with him, went back,
drove off the Yanks, fired the bridge, and then retired;
but as he rode off his famous white horse was shot!
This beautiful and great horse, that was known by the
enemy as well as it was known in our own army, was
thought by the Yanks to be enchanted. I have heard
their prisoners repeatedly say that they have often taken
deadly aim, sometimes resting their guns on a fence or
wall, at that horse and its rider, and the ball had no effect
on either! He was a grand horse, and after being
shot, carried Col. Ashby about a mile from the bridge
before he fell dead. This was the first intimation he
had of his horse being wounded.
Shields marched up the Luray valley with the intention
of getting into Jackson's rear at New Market, but "Old
Jack" defeated that by burning the White House bridge
over the Shenandoah. Shields continued his march up
that valley, expecting to force a fight with Jackson as
soon as he and Fremont should unite, somewhere in the
neighborhood of Port Republic. Again Jackson frustrated
their plans by turning on Fremont at Cross Keys
on June 7th, and easily whipped him. In the combat
of the 6th we lost the great Ashby! He was killed
while leading some infantry, who had been sent to the
front to aid him. At this time he was the most gallant
and conspicuous cavalry officer we had. Gen. Jackson
thought a great deal of him, and said that he was a
born soldier, and also seemed to have the faculty of
knowing what the enemy were doing, and when they
were doing it. The army and the Confederacy could ill
afford to lose him, and I think his loss was never repaired.
In this short time his name was known all over
the Confederacy, and amongst the enemy just as well.
He was a tower of strength to us, as he was more feared
by the enemy than any man on our side at that time.
His remains were carried to the University of Virginia,
and buried there.
After defeating Fremont on the 7th, Jackson sent
some of his troops to Port Republic on that night, only
leaving in Fremont's front Trimble's brigade and the
Second brigade, both small, under command of Brig.
Gen. Trimble. His orders from Jackson were to hold
his position as long as he could, and at the same time
to make as big a show as possible; if he were forced back,
he should fight at every fence, wall, ditch, etc., and keep
the enemy back as long as possible. If he could do this,
until ten o'clock in the morning, Jackson would be back
to reinforce him. If he were forced back to the bridge,
he should burn it.
At the break of day on the 8th, Jackson commenced
his movement against Shields. He crossed the bridge
over Middle river with his troops, marched through the
town to the South river, over which he made a bridge of
wagons, like the one on which we crossed at Bridgewater,
a few weeks before. About the middle of the stream,
where the planks running from one wagon to the next
should have overlapped, only one of the planks did so,
the others lacking a few inches of meeting. When the
men in the front reached this place in crossing, those
planks tilted, and the men were thrown into the river.
Those who followed seeing this, refused to cross on those
planks, and waited for each other as they crossed on the
one. This caused a great delay in the crossing. When
Jackson found his troops did not come up as quickly as
they usually did, and learned the cause, he ordered the
men to ford the river. This was a serious delay for
Jackson, as time was most important to him, and there
is little doubt this little incident ruined Jackson's plans,
and saved Fremont from utter rout. After getting his
troops over this stream, he hastened them into position,
and launched them against Shields; and after a severe
battle Shields was utterly routed, Jackson taking many
of his guns and many prisoners. But time that waits
for no man had been lost!
Fremont, hearing the heavy firing in the direction of
Shields, knew that he and Jackson were engaged, and
thought that Jackson's force was divided. He made a
demonstration in his front, then made an attack on Trimble,
but could not drive him a foot. He now brought up
more troops, lengthened his lines on both sides, and in
this way forced him back. They fought all the way to
the bridge, and it was late in the morning before they
were driven to the bridge; after crossing that they burned
Jackson, recalling his troops from the pursuit of
Shields, was hurrying across the battlefield to Trimble,
whom he had not heard from, when his army was fiercely
assailed by Fremont's artillery. He was on the other
side of the river, and had placed his artillery on the high
banks that overlooked the battlefield of Shields. Jackson
withdrew his men behind the hills for protection and
there heard of Trimble's inability to keep the enemy back for
a longer time. Without the accident at the bridge of wagons,
there is not the least doubt of Jackson being able to carry
out his plan to the very letter, and Fremont would have been
off the face of the earth. As it
was, the campaign ended in
a blaze of glory that was sounded from one end of the world
to the other!
Jackson's loss with Shields was heavy, and amounted to
as much as he had previously lost in the campaign. The loss
of Shields was also heavy, and Fremont's loss was largely in
excess of Jackson's.
Jackson stayed behind the hills, in the neighborhood of
Brown's Gap, until the 12th, when he marched up the
Shenandoah to the neighborhood of Weyer's Cave, and
camped in a beautiful country. In the meantime, Fremont
had become frightened, and retreated towards Winchester.
This ended the great Valley Campaign.
One of the Yankee prisoners marched at my side daily,
talking about what he was going to do with me when they
were retaken, and how he would take care of my gun.
While we were uneasy all the time, for fear they might
make a break for liberty, we never had a thought of their
being rescued except on one occasion. On the 5th, after
marching a short distance past Port Republic, we halted, and
were told that we would camp there for the night. While our
lieutenant colonel was looking over the ground, an order
came from Gen. Jackson for us to move on, and a few
cavalry were ordered to report to Col. Cunningham. This did
not excite suspicion amongst the guard, but about nine
o'clock one of our officers came to me and whispered in my
ear that the enemy were in Port Republic, and I must keep
the strictest watch, and under no circumstances let a
prisoner escape. I did not
know what to think. The enemy in Port Republic meant that
they were between us and Jackson, and the prisoners'
expectation of release might be realized. We marched until
about midnight, and went into camp near New Hope for a
few hours' rest. The next morning we were up early, and
marched to Waynesboro.
The report of the enemy being in Port Republic on the 5th
was untrue, but the advance of Shields did enter the village
soon on the morning of the 6th, and came near capturing
Gen. Jackson. There are several versions of his escape, but
all agree that it was by the merest chance. Most of his staff,
that were with him at the time, were captured. This body of
the enemy, it is said, learned the direction the prisoners had
been sent, and part of them made an attempt to follow us,
but were driven back by some of our artillery, supported by
a small body of infantry.
We remained in Waynesboro, and heard the
cannonading at Cross Keys and Port Republic. The
prisoners were very excited, it would have taken very little
to stampede them: every man was on duty, and it was a
great strain on our men; and when more prisoners were
brought us, with the information that Jackson had defeated
Fremont, the relief was almost overpowering. Amongst a
small squad of prisoners, brought us here by some cavalry,
was an Englishman, captured on the 6th, calling himself Sir
Percy Wyndham. He was a colonel in the Yankee army,
and, it is said, requested to be sent to the valley, as he would
capture the rebel Ashby the first time he got within striking
distance of him. Ashby with some of his cavalry met Sir
Percy near Harrisonburg and almost the first man taken by
Ashby was this same Sir Percy. He was made to march
on foot with
other prisoners from the place of his capture to Waynesboro,
and when he reached us, was the most exasperated
man I had seen for a long time. He said that in his
army (the English), when an officer of his rank was
captured, he was taken charge of by an officer of like
rank, and treated accordingly, until exchanged or paroled.
Here he was marched through mud and mire, and that,
too, by a rebel private; it was enough to make a saint
swear. We treated him as other prisoners, making no
distinction in his favor as he thought we ought, as he
had come all the way across the ocean to capture Ashby!
On the evening of the 8th we conducted our prisoners
from Waynesboro, crossing the Blue Ridge at Rockfish
Gap. They did not give up hope of being retaken until
they had crossed the mountain, when they became as
meek as lambs, and gave us very little trouble. We
reached North Garden depot, on the Orange and Alexandria
R. R., on the 9th, and went into camp. Here
one of the prisoners made a break for liberty; the guard
fired at him, but missed, so he got away.
We took the cars on the 11th, and went to Lynchburg,
marched our prisoners through the town to the
fair grounds, where we guarded them until the 18th.
We turned them over to the city guard, and went by rail
to Charlottesville, leaving the train, however, about a
mile from the town. We camped on the side of the railroad,
staying there until Jackson marched by on his way
to Richmond, when we rejoined our brigade. It was the
unanimous desire of the regiment never to have charge
of prisoners again.
THE SEVEN DAYS' CAMPAIGN
ON June 17, 1862, Jackson broke camp in the valley,
and marched towards Gordonsville. As he passed
through Charlottesville on the 21st, our regiment rejoined
its brigade. We were plied with many questions
as to the destination of the army, and we made as many
inquiries of our comrades in the brigade, but all agreed
that we knew nothing. We guessed that on reaching
Gordonsville we would file to the left, and fall upon the
enemy under McDowell at Fredericksburg, or our destination
was Washington, and this circuitous route was
taken to mystify the enemy. None of us had a single
thought of Richmond. Why then send Whiting's division
to the valley to join Jackson? When we reached
Gordonsville, we kept the same road, and when we arrived
at Louisa C. H., some cars came along on the Central
R. R. and took up the troops that were marching in
the rear, and carried them to Beaver Dam depot. These
cars returned, and took up those in the rear again, and
carried them to the same place. In this way Jackson
would help his men with cars on a march.
We now decided that we were going to Richmond to
help Lee; and that the sending of Whiting to the valley
was a ruse to have two effects, one on McClellan at
Richmond, and one on the enemy in the valley; and, it
is said, that it was successful in both directions. Jackson's
men realized that we would have to do some
desperate fighting, since we knew we could not stay in Richmond;
and the only way for us to leave was to attack
McClellan, and drive him away.
We reached Ashland on the 25th, and received orders
to cook three days' rations. The next morning we
marched as soon as the column could be formed, leaving
the road we had been following, and taking one on the
left, going in the direction of the Central R. R. crossing
near Peak's turnout; marching to the neighborhood of
Pole Green Church, we stacked arms and rested for the
night. We saw the first signs of the Yankees' presence
in our march to-day: the telegraph wires were cut not far
from Ashland. In the evening, Gen. Stuart's cavalry,
which had joined us, had a brisk skirmish in our front,
killing, wounding, and capturing some of the enemy.
Those prisoners were the first of McClellan's army that
We were up and moving early the next morning. At
Pole Green Church we found that Stuart's men needed
the assistance of our infantry, in order to clear the way.
Some regiments were ordered forward, and soon captured
nearly all the Bucktail regiment of Pennsylvanians
at Hundley's corner. We did not know whether McClellan
had learned that Jackson was in the neighborhood,
or thought the column was a part of Lee's force.
We continued the march now without any obstruction,
and soon we heard the musketry and artillery of Longstreet
and Hill, commencing the attack on McClellan at
Gaines' mill; and we learned that we were about to unite
with them in an attack. We had thought until now that
they were on the south side of the Chickahominy, and
that we were to make the attack from the north side
Our march was kept up in quick time, the firing becoming
heavier in our front, and was the heaviest musketry
I heard during the war. We marched on, and
towards evening halted and retraced our steps until we
came to a road we had passed some time before. This
road was to the east, and we kept it until our division
halted, was ordered to load, and a line of battle
was formed and ordered forward through a pine thicket
so dense that a man ten yards in front could not be seen.
The Second Brigade was on the right of the division,
the Stonewall next, and the Third Brigade on the left.
The division was about the center of Gen. Lee's line of
battle, and in going through the thicket the division,
having no guides, lost its way; our orders being to press
forward to the firing in front. The division obeyed;
but, very singularly, the Stonewall Brigade crossed the
line of march, and when it reached the firing line, it was
on the left, coming up just in time to help D. H. Hill,
whose line was giving way. The united force swept
everything before it. The Third Brigade, maintaining
nearly a straight line, came up to Whiting's line as it
was falling back, and their united efforts drove the
enemy at that point. When the Second Brigade emerged
from the thicket, they had, like the Stonewall, taken a
long swing, but towards the right, and we entered an
open field. Not far ahead we saw two men on horseback,
who seemed to be in a consultation, and, as we
approached them, we recognized at once our beloved
leader, Gen. Lee, on his well remembered gray, and
President Davis. We passed them with a cheer, and
they recognized it by raising their hats. Here are two
of the most notable men of the Confederacy in close
consultation on the battlefield, and, from their appearance,
no one would imagine that the fortunes of the war were
on their shoulders.
President Davis looked calm and self-possessed, and
seemed to look on us with interest, it being the first time he
had seen our brigade.
Gen. Lee was as calm and dignified as ever in giving us
We went straight ahead, and not long afterwards we
came in sight of some of our troops, who seemed in
confusion, and giving ground. Our brigade commander, Lt.
Col. Cunningham of the 21st Regt., rode forward to the
brigade commanded by Brig. Gen. Anderson of Longstreet's
division, on the extreme right of our line. I was told he said
to Gen. Anderson that his brigade was coming, and he
would take the front. Gen. Anderson thanked him, and said,
that because of the arrival of Jackson's men, he could finish
what his brigade had commenced. He moved his men to the
right, and made an attack on the enemy's flank, while the
Second Brigade kept them busy in front; and when
Anderson's men gave the yell, we went forward on a run,
and the works were carried by Anderson in gallant style.
This was the strongest point I saw occupied by either
army during the war. In the enemy's front for half a mile
was an open field, with a hill gently sloping towards them, at
the foot of which a creek ran that had washed its banks
perpendicular, about six to eight feet deep; it was eight to
ten feet wide. When we jumped in, we could not get out
without assistance. We threw our guns on the side next the
enemy. One comrade then helped another out, and when he
had scaled the bank, he stopped or lay down and
pulled another out.
It was almost level from this creek for about fifty to one
hundred yards, where there was a steep and high hill. This
hill was covered by a large and open wood. At its foot a rail
fence ran, which had been converted into an excellent
breastwork. This was the enemy's first line of battle. About
twenty-five yards up the hill was a second line of
breastworks, made of logs and dirt, and about the same
distance in its rear, on top of the hill, was another line behind
similar breastworks, and behind this was their artillery, which
had a full sweep at us as soon as we entered the clearing in
their front. Charging this point, Anderson on the flank, we in
front, we drove the enemy out, and, on top of the hill, we
entered a field that was filled with Yanks and Confederates.
The line on the left of us having been carried too, every man
was yelling and shooting into the mass of the enemy as fast
as he could load; this was continued until it was so dark that
we could not see.
The position taken by Jackson's division in this battle is
rather remarkable. Our orders were to march right ahead to
the firing, as before stated. Not having guides, in our moving
about in the thicket, the brigades finally emerged apart, and
in going to the front, each brigade moved, as was thought, in
a straight line; but one went to the extreme right, another
near the center, and the other to the extreme left, yet each
reached its destination when assistance was greatly needed.
Thus it seems that the old division, which had such a bad
start, put itself into a better place than "Old Jack" himself
had ordered, and played no small part in the success of this
Late in the night we lay down on the hard-won field to
take some rest, but the cries and groans of the
wounded kept many of us awake all night. In the morning
we could see the result of the battle: the greatest
slaughter of the enemy in the field, the dead and
wounded numbering thousands. A large number of
cannon were captured in this field; I don't know how
many. I counted fifteen on one hill, standing just as
the enemy left them: on this same hill I saw the first
machine gun, with its handle to turn out a bullet at
every revolution. I saw another, which was captured
during the seven days' fight, the only ones seen by the
writer during the war.
During the night the enemy made good their escape
across the Chickahominy, destroying the bridge in our
front. Replacing this, so that we could cross, delayed
Jackson's command all day. The enemy sent up a large
balloon for observation during the day, and some of
our guns fired at it. Whether it had any effect towards
making its occupants retire or not, I cannot say, but they
were up only a short time.
Longstreet and A. P. Hill crossed higher up the
stream, and went in pursuit of the enemy, and
Magruder's troops made an attack on the enemy in the
evening near Savage Station.
The bridge being ready on the morning of June 30,
Jackson's command crossed early to the south side of
the stream, passing in our march the house McClellan
had used as his headquarters, and thence on to the Williamsburg
turnpike. Here we passed some of Gen. Lee's
troops, who had halted for us to take the front. We
created much excitement and enthusiasm, as we were
just from Jackson's brilliant valley campaign, and many
remarks and cheers greeted us. I remember that our
captain had a saber but no scabbard, and the remark
was made several times along the march, "See there, the
officers don't even carry scabbards for their swords."
"No wonder they march so, the men carry no baggage."
As a general thing, our knapsacks had been discarded
long ago. We passed the field on which Magruder
made the attack on the enemy the evening before, and
saw many of the enemy's dead along the road, and it
was strange that nearly every one was shot near the
heart. Reaching the toll gate, we saw a man sitting on
a box leaning against the gate post, and soon discovered
that he was dead. We passed Savage farm, and saw
hundreds of tents standing, which were used by the
enemy for hospitals, and nearly all were full of sick and
wounded of the enemy.
We marched to the vicinity of White Oak Swamp,
where skirmishers were thrown forward; some of our
artillery was brought into position, and firing commenced.
Gen. Jackson ascertained that the enemy had
made a stand here. We were moved from place to
place, looking for a place to cross; at night we lay down
on the ground for a little rest. Early in the morning
we resumed the march, as the enemy had left during
the night. Crossing the swamp on a bridge of logs, we
followed in hot pursuit, and found the enemy in position
at Malvern Hill. Gen. Jackson promptly formed his
line of battle; our division in a wood on the right of the
road, in three lines, the second brigade being in the third
line. The enemy shelled us terribly the whole time.
Just about dark the second brigade was ordered to
march by the left flank, and entering the road, we
marched towards Malvern Hill, crossed a creek, and
soon were in a field at the edge of which we halted,
staying there the remainder of the night. I sat down
in a fence corner to get a little rest, and had not been
there long before one of our men, wounded, came along,
and was begging for water. Having some in my canteen,
I stopped him and gave him a drink. He sat
down and complained very much of being weak. I gave
him something to eat from my scanty rations; he seemed
very thankful, and revived a little, but soon complained
of being cold. I unrolled my blanket, and made him
lie down, and covered him with it; a little while after
I got cold too, so crept under the blanket with the
wounded man, fell asleep, and did not wake until morning.
I then crawled from under the blanket as carefully
as I could, to avoid disturbing him, went to the
creek, took a wash, filled my canteen, and brought it to
my friend, tried to arouse him, but he was dead.
The enemy fled during the night, and my division
was ordered back, stopping at Willis' Church the remainder
of the day. It had commenced to rain, and
was very disagreeable. While we were here, I went to
the spring for water, but found a dead Yankee lying
with his face in the spring. I suppose the poor fellow
had been wounded in the fight two days before with
Longstreet's command, and going to the spring, had
leaned down to drink, and death overtook him. The
next morning we moved in pursuit of the enemy, and
found them at Harrison's Landing on James river,
busily fortifying. Jackson's command remained there,
most of the time in line of battle, until the 8th, when
our division was moved back one and one-half miles to a
creek, where Gen. Jackson said he would like all of us
to take a bath, and would give us several hours to do
it. This was much needed; because of the constant
duty and scarcity of water, some of the men had not
washed their faces and hands for five or six days.
We marched from this place to White Oak Swamp,
where we rested for the night; and the next morning
Jackson's command took up its march for Richmond,
marching around the city on its northeast side. During
this march we moved along the York River Railroad
some distance. We saw many large warehouses in
which the enemy had stores. Some were burning, others
were partially burned, and some were captured before
they were fired.
Jackson's division was marched to Morris farm on
the Mechanicsville turnpike
. and there went into camp
on the 11th. Gen. Jackson on the next day gave F
Company permission to spend the day in Richmond.
To most of the company that was a great day, many of
them not having been in the city since they left it a year
ago. What changes had taken place in one year. We
left Richmond a year ago in new uniforms, with the
fair complexion of city men, some frail and spare, none
of us with one exception having seen anything of real
war. We returned now ruddy and brown, with the
health and hardness that outdoor living creates, and
were veterans. Our welcome was an ovation, and it
made us feel our standing in public esteem. The only
thing are regretted as our time closed was that the day
did not last forever.
We stayed at Morris farm several days, taking a much
needed rest, the first we had had since April 30th. During
the time that ended now at Morris farm, Jackson's
men had marched over five hundred and fifty miles,
fought nine battles, many skirmishes, captured several
thousand prisoners, large quantities of small arms and
cannon, wagons, and stores.
At the commencement of the war, the Southern army
was as poorly armed as any body of men ever had been.
In the infantry, my own regiment as an example, one
company had Springfield muskets, one had Enfield, one
had Mississippi rifles, the remainder the old smooth bore
flint-lock musket that had been altered to a percussion
gun. The cavalry was so badly equipped that hardly a
company was uniform in that particular; some had
sabers, nothing more, some had double-barrel guns, some
had nothing but lances, while others had something of
all. One man with a saber, another with a pistol, another
with a musket, another a shotgun, not half a dozen
men in the company armed alike. The artillery was
better, but the guns were mostly smooth bore, and some
of the horses had wagon and plow harness. It did not
take long for the army of Northern Va. to arm itself
with better material. When Jackson's troops marched
from the valley for Richmond to join Lee in his attack
on McClellan, they had captured enough arms from the
enemy to replace all that were inferior, and after the
battles around Richmond, all departments of Lee's army
were as well armed. After that time, the captures from
the enemy kept us up to their standard. Our ammunition
was always inferior to theirs.
Towards the close of the war, nearly all equipments
in the army of Northern Va. were articles captured
from the Yankees. All the wagons were captured, and
to look at them on a march, one would not know that
they belonged to the Confederacy, many of them having
the name of the brigade, division and corps of the
Yankee army branded on them. Nearly all the mules
and horses had U. S. branded on them; our ambulances
were from the same generous provider, our tents also,
many of them having the name of the company, etc.,
branded on them; most of the blankets were those
marked U. S., also the rubber blankets or cloths; the
very clothing that the men wore was mostly captured,
as we were allowed to wear their pants, underclothing
and overcoats. As for myself, I purchased only one
hat, one pair of shoes, and one jacket after 1861. We
captured immense quantities of provisions, and nearly
all the "hard tack" and pork issued to us was captured.
On the 16th we received orders to march to Richmond,
where we took cars of the Richmond, Fredericksburg
and Potomac R. R., and on reaching the junction,
were transferred to the Central Railroad and conveyed
to Louisa C. H. This route was necessitated by the
enemy having destroyed a portion of the Central Railroad
between Richmond and the junction, now known
as Doswells, and it had not been repaired at that time.
WE remained at Louisa C. H. a day, and marched to
Gordonsville, then to Liberty Mills, then to Mechanicsville,
not far from Louisa C. H., staying two or three
days at each place. On August 4th we marched
again to Liberty Mills. These movements were occasioned
by reports from the enemy in our front, who had
raised a new army, "The Army of Virginia," commanded
by Gen. Pope, who said he had been doing great
things in the Western army. In his order to his troops
on taking command he said he had never seen anything
"but the backs of the rebels, his headquarters were in
the saddle, and he wanted the talk of guarding the rear
of his army stopped, as an invading army had no rear,
it was useless to make provision to look after communications
in that direction." In less than a month he
found out that his army did not have any rear, as Jackson
had quietly slipped into Manassas, and gobbled it
up. Gen. Stuart with his cavalry had previously raided
his headquarters at Catlett's Station, capturing his
official papers and his military dress coat.
On August 7th we left Liberty Mills and marched
to Orange C. H. We were up early the next morning
and on the march. During the day we were joined by
A. P. Hill's division and Stafford's Louisiana Brigade.
Our advance guard reaching Barnett's Ford on the
Rapidan river, found the enemy in their front, and
offering some resistance to our crossing. Near the ford
we passed a "Quaker cannon," which our advance had
rigged up. It was the hind part of a wagon with a black log
on it. Our men ran this out on a hill in full sight of the Yanks,
and advanced at the same time with a cheer. The enemy
left the ford in a hurry. They could not stand the sight of the
cannon. Soon after crossing the river, I saw one of our
cavalrymen with a saber wound; his ear was nearly severed
from his head.
On crossing the river, we took the direct road to Culpeper
C. H., forded Robertson river in the afternoon, and about
sunset went into camp in a wood near the road. About
midnight we were awakened by the firing of musketry, and
the ting of balls falling amongst us. Each man rose up and
took his place in ranks more quickly than I ever saw it done;
and when the order was given to "take arms," every man
had his gun ready for action. We marched to the road and
halted, to await orders from headquarters. The firing soon
ceased. It resulted from the surprise of some Yankee
cavalry on their way from Madison C. H. to Culpeper C. H.
They were ignorant of our advance, and, being halted by our
guard, they began to retreat, and after a brisk skirmish made
off as soon as they could extricate themselves. In this affair
my regiment got into ranks directly from their beds, and
when we marched back to our camp, the laugh began; and
those old Confederates made the woods ring with shouts.
Some of the men were in their shirt sleeves, some having on
them nothing but shirts, some with one shoe on, etc., hardly
one with a hat, but every man was in his place.
On the next morning, August 9th, we resumed the
march, Ewell's division in front, Jackson's next, and
Hill bringing up the rear. About one o'clock we heard
the boom of cannon in our front, and we knew that
Pope had made a stand. The column hurried up,
Ewell filing to the right, and sending the first line of
"Peace and beauty all around us, death and danger just ahead,
On our faces careless courage, in our hearts a sombre dread.
"Then the skirmish line went forward, and the only sounds we heard
Were the hum of droning insects and the carol of a bird;
Till, far off, a flash of fire, and a little cloud went by,
Like all angel's mantle floating down from out an azure sky.
"Then a shell went screaming o'er us, and the air at once was rife
With a million whispering hornets, swiftly searching for a life;
And the birds and insects fled away before the 'rebel yell,'
The thunder of the battle, and the furious flames of hell."
Our division was hurried along the road some distance,
the Second Brigade marched to the front of the
column and halted, the roll was called, we were ordered
to load, and, after a few minutes of rest, we resumed
the hurried march. Going a short distance, the men on
the left of the road cleared the way for a cannon ball
that came bounding along like a boy's ball. The force
with which it was traveling is indicated by its striking
the stump of a tree, glancing up, and going out of sight.
A little farther on we came to four of our men lying
in the road dead, killed by this same ball. The road
was fairly alive now with shot and shell from the enemy,
and we filed to the left into the wood, went about one
hundred yards, filed to the right, and continued our
march, parallel to the road. We passed an old Confederate
standing beside a small sapling, with one hand
resting on it, and we asked him, "What is the matter?"
He said, "I don't want to fight. I ain't mad with anybody."
This put all in a good humor, and amidst
laughter and cheers we continued the march. After
going several hundred yards we halted and were ordered
to lie down. The enemy were shelling this wood terribly,
and our Captain Morgan was killed by them.
After a short stay we were ordered forward, and halted
on the edge of the wood, beside the main road that ran
north and south. The woods we occupied extended
north about one hundred and fifty yards to a field. This
field continued along the road for about two hundred
yards to another wood.
The Second Brigade formed a line of battle in the
corner or angle of the wood, the 21st Va. Regt. on the
right, the 48th Va. next, both facing east, the 42d Va.
next, and, at right angles to the road and facing north,
the Irish battalion next, forming the left. The brigade
thus formed a right angle. In front of the 21st and
48th there was a large field surrounded by a rail fence,
the road running between the wood and fence. In the
open about three or four hundred yards obliquely on our
left there was a corn field, full of Yankees, well concealed.
Another line had formed at right angles to the
main road and across it, its right concealed in the second
wood, which was beyond the small field in front of the
42d Regt. and the Irish battalion. As soon as we
reached the road, we saw a line of Yankees advancing
from the corn field, the 21st and 48th opened fire on
them at once; and the battle of Cedar Run had commenced
in earnest. We caused the advancing line to
halt, and the fighting was terrific. The Second Brigade
was alone at this point, since Jackson had not had time
to extend his line. The Yankees now made an advance
with the line that had been concealed, in front of the
Irish battalion and the 42d Regt. Their line being
longer than ours, they swung around the Irish battalion
in our rear, and occupied the position from which we
had advanced only a few minutes before. The first and
48th were fighting the force at and near the corn field,
although it had been strengthened by the second line;
still we were fighting with such effect that we kept this
force back. A part of the force, advancing against the
left of the brigade, were firing directly into the flank of
the 48th and 21st Regiments, and were making terrible
havoc in their ranks. Col. Cunningham of the 21st,
who was sick, came along the line, walking and leading
his horse, and said to the men as he passed that the
enemy were in our rear and he desired to get us out of
the position we were in, and we must follow him. His
voice was one of loud compass and great command, but
he could hardly speak, and as he passed me he said,
"John, help me get the men out of this, I can't talk
loudly." I induced all the men near me to face down
(southward) the road, and we started. After a few
steps, I saw a Yankee sergeant step into the road about
fifty or seventy-five yards ahead (south) of us, and at
the same time heard the firing of rapidly approaching
enemy in our rear. A great dread filled me for Jackson,
because I had seen him at this spot only a moment
before. The sergeant, having his gun in his left hand,
his drawn sword in his right, turned up the road towards
us, and approached. A Yankee private stepped
into the road just ahead of him; this being the road on
which we marched to get to our position, it showed that
the enemy were not only in our front, flank, and rear,
but actually had the second brigade surrounded. The
Yankee sergeant did not stop his advance towards us
until he actually took hold of one of the men of our
regiment and pulled him out of ranks, and started towards
the rear with his prisoner. One of our men, who
was in the act of capping his gun, raised it to his
shoulder, fired, and the sergeant fell dead not ten feet
away. By this time the road was full of Yankees, and
there was such a fight as was not witnessed during the
war; guns, bayonets, swords, pistols, fence rails, rocks,
etc., were used all along the line. I have heard of a
"hell spot" in some battles, this surely was one. Our
color bearer knocked down a Yankee with his flag staff,
and was shot to death at once. One of the color guard
took the flag, and he also was killed; another, Roswell
S. Lindsay of F Company, bayoneted a Yankee, and was
immediately riddled with balls, three going through him.
Four color bearers were killed with the colors in their
hands, the fifth man flung the riddled flag to the breeze,
and went through the terrible battle unhurt. Col. Cunningham
had crossed the road leading his horse, pulled
down the fence, passed through the gap into the field,
started to mount his horse, his foot in the stirrup, when
he was struck by a bullet, and fell back dead, his horse
receiving his death wound at the same time. It was
a terrible time, the Second Brigade was overwhelmed,
nearly half of the 21st Va. Regt. lay on the ground,
dead and wounded. F Company of Richmond carried
eighteen men into action, twelve of them were lying on
the ground, six dead and six wounded, and many of the
regiment were prisoners. The remnant was still fighting
hand to hand. Jackson hurried men to our relief,
the Stonewall Brigade coming in on our left, and the
Third Brigade on the right. They succeeded in surrounding
a part of the command who had surrounded
us, and took nearly all of them prisoners, including their
brigadier general; and released those of our men who
had been captured in time for them to join the little
band in the advance. Just at this moment the enemy
hurled a line of cavalry against us, from the corn field,
but our fire on them was so hot that those not unhorsed,
wheeled, and off to the rear they went on a run.
Our whole line now advanced, and the enemy were in
full retreat. We could plainly see Ewell, with a part
of his division on Slaughter Mountain, way off to the
right of our line, advancing too; as the mountain at this
point was free of woods, we could see his skirmish line
in front advancing down the mountain, his line of battle
following, and his cannon belching forth fire and smoke,
and we could see the enemy's shell bursting on the mountain
side. It was a magnificent and inspiring sight.
We kept up the pursuit until 9 or 10 o'clock at night,
when we halted, and were allowed to rest for the night.
The battle was fought and won, the 21st Va. Regt.
had written its name high on the scroll of honor, but
at what cost. They went into battle with two hundred
and eighty-four men; thirty-nine of them lay dead on
the field, and ninety-two were wounded. Old F Company
of Richmond lost Capt. Morgan, shot through the
body by a piece of shell. He was a splendid soldier,
and the best informed man on military matters that I
knew during the war. Henry Anderson, Joe Nunnally,
John Powell, William Pollard, and Roswell Lindsay
were killed, Bob Gilliam was shot through the leg,
Clarence Redd through both wrists, Ned Tompkins
through one arm and in the body, Porter Wren in the
arm, Harrison Watkins through the body, and Clarence
Taylor through the hip.
Nearly half of Jackson's loss in this battle was in the
Second Brigade. Amongst the killed were Brig. Gen.
Charles Winder of the Stonewall Brigade, who commanded
the division, and Lieut. Col. Richard H. Cunningham
(an old F), who commanded the 21st Va.
Regt., two as gallant men as the cause ever lost, a great
loss to our command and the army. Both were conspicuous
on every battlefield for brave deeds, and they
gave promise of being great soldiers. I have always
thought there was a similarity in their deaths. Both
were on the sick list, each had been riding in an ambulance
during the day, but, at the sound of the guns, each
mounted his horse, came to the front, and took command
of his men. Winder was posting his advance
artillery in the open field just to our right when he was
killed, and Cunningham was killed a few minutes later
near the same place. I also think if they had lived each
would have been promoted, Winder to be a major general,
and Cunningham to be a brigadier general, both
commissions dating from this battle.
Here is what Major Dabney, on Jackson's staff, says
in his life of Stonewall Jackson. After describing the
position of the brigades that were already in line of
battle to our right, he comes to that occupied by the
Second Brigade and says:
"The whole angle of forest was now filled with
clamor and horrid rout. The left regiments of the
Second Brigade were taken in reverse, intermingled with
the enemy, broken and massacred from front to rear.
The regiments of the right and especially the 21st Virginia,
commanded by that brave Christian soldier,
Colonel Cunningham, stood firm, and fought the enemy
before them like lions, until the invading line had penetrated
within twenty yards of their rear, for the terrific
din of the musketry, the smoke, and the dense foliage
concealed friend from foe, until they were separated
from each other by this narrow interval. Their heroic
colonel was slain, the orders of officers was unheard
amidst the shouts of the assailants, and all the vast uproar;
yet the remnant of the Second Brigade fought on,
man to man, without rank or method, with bayonet
thrust and musket clubbed, but borne back like the angry
foam on a mighty wave, towards the high road."
Lt. Col. Garnett, commanding the Second Brigade,
gives the 21st Virginia special mention in his report of
this battle. Likewise does Brig. Gen. Taliaferro of the
Third Brigade. Brig. Gen. Early of Ewell's division
says in his report that his attention was directed, especially
in the general advance, towards a small band of
the 21st Virginia with their colors; as every few minutes
the color bearer would shake out his colors, seemingly
in defiance to the enemy.
We remained on the battlefield all the next day, gathering
the wounded and burying the dead. Gen. Jackson
was joined during the day by Gen. J. E. B. Stuart, whom
he ordered to take command of a reconnoitering expedition.
On Stuart's return, he reported to Jackson that
Pope had been heavily reinforced. In consequence,
Jackson would not renew the advance, and Pope, being so
much surprised at seeing the
front of a rebel, had not
recovered sufficiently to attack Jackson.
About midday, Pope asked permission of Gen. Jackson to
succor such of his wounded as had not already been treated
by us, and to bury his dead; this Gen. Jackson granted, and
put the field of battle under the command of Brig. Gen.
Early. Soon the Yank and Confederate were engaged in
friendly converse, trading papers, tobacco, etc.
When night came on, Gen. Jackson thought it best to fall
back behind the Rapidan, and we crossed that stream the
next day, and went into camp between that river and
Gordonsville. While we were there, Stark's Louisiana
Brigade was added to Jackson's division; the division
consisting of the First (Stonewall), Second, Third, Fourth, or
Louisiana, brigades. We remained in this camp until August
16th, when we marched a few miles, and prepared for
another advance against Pope.
LONGSTREET having joined Jackson and Gen. Lee
having completed his plans, the army broke camp on
August 20th and marched in the direction of Pope's
army. Jackson crossed the Rapidan river at Summerville
Ford. Pope had retreated behind the Rappahannock
river, and we made that river our objective point.
After trying several fords with the seeming intention of
crossing, the morning of the 25th found us near the village
of Jeffersonton in Culpeper county. Here we received
orders to cook three days' rations, and be ready
to move as soon as possible. Soon afterwards, orders
were given to fall in; but many of the men had not prepared
their rations for want of time,--the half baked
biscuit and the raw dough were left. This for many
was nothing to eat for some time, probably days! The
wagon train having remained behind, and everything
being in light marching trim, indicated that something
of importance was on hand.
As soon as the column was formed, we were hurried
off on the march, passing through the village of Amissville,
and crossing the Rappahannock at Hinson's mill;
thence several miles right through the country, through
fields, over ditches and fences, through woods until we
came to a public road. This we took, passing the village
of Orleans and marching steadily until we passed
Salem, about 8 or 9 o'clock at night. Here we halted
in the road, stacked arms, and were told we could lie
down and rest, having marched about twenty-six miles.
Early the next morning we were up and on the march
again, passing through Bull Run Mountain at Thoroughfare
Gap, thence through Hay Market and Gainsville,
not stopping until ten or eleven o'clock at night; marching
about the same distance as the day before, and again
stopping in the road. Many of the men lay down right
where they stopped in the road, being so completely
used up from the march and heat as not to have energy
to move to one side. We were near Bristow Station,
and not far from Manassas Junction, and far in Pope's
rear, "the man that had no rear." (?) Gen. Jackson now
sent a force ahead to capture Manassas, which was done
during the night with small loss to us. Immense quantities
of stores were captured with several trains of railroad
cars, eight pieces of artillery with caissons and
horses, etc., complete, a number of wagons, several hundred
prisoners, and several hundred negroes, who had
been persuaded to run away from their owners. Early
the next morning Ewell's division marched in the direction
of Bristow, the remainder of the corps to Manassas
Junction, which place our division reached about 7 or 8
o'clock in the morning. The Second Brigade was filed
by regiments to the right of the road, in an open field
and near the storehouses, where arms were stacked, and
we were ordered to rest and remain near our guns.
Not long after this it was rumored that a force from
Washington was approaching to drive us away. A. P.
Hills division was sent forward to meet them, and soon
put them to rout. They consisted of a brigade of infantry
with some artillery, sent down to brush away a
small raiding force, as they supposed us to be.
A scene around the storehouses was now witnessed,
but cannot be described. Were you, when a boy, on
some special occasion allowed to eat as much of everything
you wanted? Were you ever a soldier, who had
eaten nothing but roasting ears for two days? Well,
if you have ever been either, you may probably have
some conception of what followed. Only those who participated
can ever appreciate it. Remember, that many
of those men were hurried off on the march on the
morning of the 25th with nothing to eat, that it was now
the 27th, add we had marched in this time about sixty
miles. The men who had prepared their rations did
not have enough for two days, much less for three, and,
after dividing with such comrades as had none, everything
had long been eaten. Now here are vast storehouses
filled with everything to eat, and sutler's stores
filled with all the delicacies, potted ham, lobster, tongue,
candy, cakes, nuts, oranges, lemons, pickles, catsup, mustard,
etc. It makes an old soldier's mouth water now,
to think of the good things captured there. A guard
was placed over everything in the early part of the day,
rations were issued to the men, but not by weight and
measure to each man. A package or two of each article
was given to each company. These are some of the
articles issued to F Company. The first thing brought
us was a barrel of cakes, next, a bag of hams. We secured
a camp kettle, made a fire, and put a ham on to
boil; and we had hardly gotten it underway before a
barrel of sugar and coffee, the Yanks had it mixed, and
a bag of beans were sent us. After a consultation, we
decided to empty the ham out of the kettle, as we could
take that along raw, and in its place put the beans on
the fire, as they were something we were fond of and
had not had for a long time. About the time they
commenced to get warm, a bag of potatoes was brought us;
--over the kettle goes, and the potatoes take the place
of the beans. We now think our kettle is all right, as
potatoes cook in a short time, but here comes a package
of desiccated vegetables, and the kettle is again emptied,
and the vegetables are placed on the fire, as soup is so
good. We were also given a barrel of syrup. This
was a liberal and varied bill of fare for our company,
which was small then.
Gen. Jackson's idea was that he could care for the
stores until Gen. Lee came up, and turn the remainder
over to him, hence he placed the guard over them. The
enemy began to make such demonstrations that he decided
he could not hold the place, therefore the houses
were thrown open, and every man was told to help himself.
Our kettle of soup was left to take care of itself.
Men who were starving a few hours before, and did not
know when they would get another mouthful, were told
to help themselves. Well, what do you think they did?
Begin to eat. Oh, no. They discussed what they
should eat, and what they should take with them, as
orders were issued for us to take four days' rations
with us. It was hard to decide what to take, some filled
their haversacks with cakes, some with candy, others
oranges, lemons, canned goods, etc. I know one who
took nothing but French mustard, filled his haversack
and was so greedy that he put one more bottle in his
pocket. This was his four days' rations, and it turned
out to be the best thing taken, because he traded it for
meat and bread, and it lasted him until we reached
Frederick City. All good times have an end, and, as
night approached, preparations were made to burn everything
that we could not carry; and not long after sunset
the stores were set on fire. Our division, taking up our
march as soon as the fires got well under way, marched
several hours, when our brigade was ordered to a road
on our left for picket duty. At daybreak we found
ourselves on the Warrenton and Alexander pike near
There was only one field officer in our brigade at this
time, and Gen. Jackson had assigned Col. Bradley T.
Johnson temporarily to command it. The Irish battalion
was commanded by a major, the 48th Va. Regt.
by a lieutenant, the 42d by a captain, and the 21st by a
captain. The Second Brigade remained about Groveton
until late in the evening. Col. Johnson had orders to
make demonstrations and the biggest show he could, so
as to delay the enemy as long as possible from any advance
in this direction; and well did he do it. At one
time he had one regiment on top of a hill, with its colors
under the next hill, just high enough to show over its
top; a regiment with its colors on the next hill, etc.,
thus making the appearance of a long line of battle.
We had two pieces of artillery, and as one body of the
enemy was seen, one or both pieces of artillery were
brought into view, and when the enemy moved, the cannons
were limbered up and moved also to some far hill,
and the movement was repeated.
Early in the morning, while the 21st Va. Regt. was on
one of these hills lying down in line, the enemy ran a
cannon out on a hill, unlimbered, and fired a shot at us,
hitting one of the men of Company K, tearing the heel
of his shoe off, but not injuring him. This was the first
cannon shot from either side at Second Manassas, and
the only one fired at that time, as the piece limbered up
and withdrew in a trot. When the 21st regiment soon
afterwards was deployed as skirmishers, and stationed
across the Warrenton pike, a Yankee artilleryman rode
into our line, thinking it was his. He was the first
The inmates of the Groveton house now abandoned
it,--a lady, bareheaded, and her servant woman, running
out of the front door, having a little girl between
them, each holding her by one of her hands, the child
crying loudly. They crossed the pike, climbed over the
fence, and went directly south through the fields, and
were soon lost to sight. In their excitement they did
not even close the door to their deserted home.
The Yankee wagon train was seen on a road south of
us, on its way to Washington; the two pieces of artillery
were run out and commenced to fire at them, causing a
big stampede. It was now about eleven or twelve
o'clock, and we retired to a wood north of the pike,
formed the brigade into line of battle, stacked arms, and
lay down in position.
None of the men had seen or heard anything of the
remainder of our corps, and we had no idea as to where
they were, and it was singular that "Old Jack" had not
made his accustomed appearance along the front, the
artillery fire not even bringing him. The men were
much puzzled and mystified by this. Col. Johnson sent
to the 21st Va. Regt. for a lieutenant and six men to report
with arms. etc., at once to him; one of the men
from F Company, the writer, was designated by name.
On reporting, they were ordered to drive a squad of
Yankees away from a house in sight. This they did in
quick order, although they had to cross an open field
and get over three fences before reaching the house.
We remained at the house a while, and seeing that we
were about to be cut off, we retired to the brigade without
loss. This was the first musket fire of Second Manassas,
and it may be said that the battle had commenced,
the enemy being seen in several directions towards our
front. The officer returning to Col. Johnson made his
report, when the colonel retained the "F" man, the
writer, and ordered him to go out to the front as far
as possible without being seen by the enemy, and keep
a lookout, reporting to him any body of the enemy seen
approaching, and, in order to get along the better, to
leave his arms. I crept to the front until I reached a
bush on top of a slight elevation, where I lay down for
several hours, observing the movements of several small
bodies of the enemy, mostly cavalry. While I was
lying down behind the bush, an incident occurred that
has always puzzled me. I heard the quick step of a
horse to my right and rear, and looking around I saw
a horseman in full gallop, coming from the north and
going along a small country road that joined the Warrenton
pike at Groveton house. Arriving at the gap in
the fence along the road, he wheeled his horse and rode
directly towards me as I lay down in the field; and it
was done in such a deliberate way as to impress the
vidette that his presence was known before the horseman
came along the road. He did not draw rein until
he was almost on the vidette, when he asked if the
vidette knew where Gen. Jackson was. Receiving a
negative reply, he wheeled his horse and rode back to
the gap, turned into the road, and was off at full gallop
towards Groveton house. This man was riding a black
mare, and wore a long linen duster and dark pants;
there was something so suspicious about his movements
and dress, that the vidette would have taken him to
Col. Johnson if he had had his gun. There was a squad
of Yankees at the Groveton house, and when the rider
reached it, several of them ran from the front of the
house and surrounded him. He dismounted and went
with them to the front of the house while one of their
number led the horse into the back yard and tied him.
This was hardly done before a body of our cavalry
charged up the Warrenton pike, and captured the party.
The vidette had seen that detachment coming along the
road a few minutes before, and could have warned the
man riding the horse of the Yankees' presence, but a
distrust came over him as soon as I saw him.
About 4 o'clock in the afternoon the vidette was
startled by a long line of skirmishers stepping out of the
wood in his front and advancing. Jumping to my feet,
I started towards Col. Johnson and having gone only a
short distance, I saw their line of battle following. Now
that fellow just "dusted" made his report to Col. Johnson,
who called the line to attention, and gave the command,
"Right face! double quick! march!" and away we
went northward through the woods. All of us were
wondering what had become of Jackson, but when we
were through the woods, the first man we saw was "Old
Jack," and looking beyond, we could see that his command
was massed in a large field, arms stacked, batteries
parked, and everything resting. Col. Johnson rode up
to him and made his report. Gen. Jackson turned at
once to his staff, gave each an order, and, in a minute,
the field was in a perfect hubbub,--men riding in all
directions, infantry rushing to arms, cannoneers to their
guns and the drivers mounting. We saw the master
hand now. In the time I am taking to tell this, one
heard the sharp command of an officer, "Right face,
forward march," and saw a body of skirmishers march out
of that confused mass right up to "Old Jack," where the
officer gave the command, "File right," and the next instant
the command to deploy. The movement was done in the
twinkling of an eye. Forward they went to meet the enemy.
Gen. Jackson had waited to see this; he now turned to Col.
Johnson and told him to let his men stack arms and rest, as
they had been on duty since the day before; he would not
call on them if he could avoid it; and off he went with the
advance skirmishers. Another body of them had, in the
meantime, marched out and filed to the left, and gone
forward. A column of infantry unwound itself out of that
mass, marched up to the point where the skirmishers had
been filed to the right, fronted, and went forward. Another
was now filing to the left, while the third column moved
straight ahead, a part of the artillery following each column
of infantry. This was the most perfect movement of troops I
saw during the war. The crack of muskets and the bang of
artillery told us that the lines had met, and the fire in a few
minutes was terrific. An officer soon came, however,
ordering the Second Brigade to report on the extreme left of
Jackson's line, where the whole brigade was formed as
skirmishers, ordered forward and, after going a certain
distance, halted, and ordered to lie down. We stayed there
all night, sleeping on our arms. The enemy did not appear in
our front; but our right had a hard fight, in which the enemy
were defeated, retreating during the night. Brig. Gen.
Taliaferro, commanding Jackson's division, and Maj. Gen.
Ewell were amongst our wounded.
The next morning, August 29th, the Second Brigade
marched to the right of Jackson's line, on top of a large
hill, where there were several pieces of artillery. We stayed
there about an hour, and were shelled severely by the
enemy, who had made their appearance from another
direction than that of the evening before.
Jackson now took position behind an unfinished railroad,
which ran parallel to and north of the Warrenton pike, and, I
suppose, about a mile from it. Jackson's division was on the
right, Ewell's next, and A. P. Hill's on the left. The Second
Brigade marched from the hill to the left about half a mile,
where we joined our division and formed two lines of battle,
in a wood and near its edge, facing south. In our front there
was a narrow neck of open land, about three hundred
yards wide; on the west, the wood ran along this field
about three hundred yards to a point where the field joined a
larger field. A short distance around the angle of the wood
was the hill which we occupied early in the morning, and
Jackson had now several batteries of artillery on it. On the
east, the woods ran along the field for six hundred yards to a
point where the field joined a large field; this large field ran
east and west and at its far side the Warrenton pike ran.
About two hundred yards in our front was a part of the
abandoned railroad, running across the open neck from the
wood on the east to near that of the west. The eastern end
of the road was in a valley, where there was a fill for about
one hundred yards, extending to a hill through which a cut
ran out on the level ground just before it reached the west
wood. The reader will notice now that in front of the
railroad there was a short strip of wood on the west side
and a long strip on the east. Our skirmishers were stationed
at the railroad; we were ordered to lie down in line, guns in
hand, and directed to rush for the railroad
as soon as an order to forward should be given. Col.
Johnson came along the line, stopped about ten yards in
front of F Company, took out his pipe, filled it and lighted
it, and quietly sat on the ground, leaning against a small
Everything was perfectly quiet, but this did not last long.
The stillness in our front was broken by a shot, and almost in
the same instant a shell went crashing through the trees
overhead. This was the signal for a severe shelling of our
woods; a man was wounded. Col. Johnson immediately
arose, went to him, sent him to the rear, and stopped long
enough to talk to the men around him, and quiet their
uneasiness. He came back and resumed his seat. This was
repeated several times. The enemy now advanced and
engaged our skirmishers at the railroad, some of the balls
aimed at them occasionally reached our line, and wounded
some of the men. Col. Johnson invited several of the men
who were becoming uneasy to come and sit by him, and he
had about a dozen around him, talking and laughing. Our
skirmishers were now being driven from the railroad, and
soon they retired to the line of battle. The enemy were now
some distance north of the railroad in our front. The brigade
being called to attention, instantly was on its feet, and when
the order was given to forward, it rushed to the front.
Reaching the field, we emptied our guns into the enemy, and
charged them with empty guns. They turned and ran, leaving
many dead and wounded on our side of the railroad.
Approaching these men, lying on the ground about one
hundred yards from us, I noticed one of them on his back,
gesticulating with his hands, raising them up, moving them
violently backward and forward. I thought he was trying to
attract our attention, so that we might not injure him in our
advance. When I reached him, I recognized by his shoulder
straps that he was a Yankee captain, and one of our
captains, who was running on my left, said he was making
the masonic sign of distress. Arriving at the railroad, the 21st
Va. Regt. occupied the bank, and the remainder of the
Second Brigade occupied the cut on our right. We loaded
and fired at the retreating enemy, and soon cleared the field.
Expecting a renewal of the attack by the enemy, we
remained at the railroad, and, after a short halt, the
announcement "Here they come!" was heard. A line of
battle marched out of the far end of the east wood into the
field, halted, dressed the line, and moved forward. They
were allowed to come within about one hundred yards of us,
when we opened fire. We could see them stagger, halt,
stand a short time, break, and run. At this time, another line
made its appearance, coming from the same point. It came
a little nearer. They, too, broke and ran. Still another line
came nearer, broke and ran. The whole field seemed to be
full of Yankees and some of them advanced nearly to the
railroad. We went over the bank at them, the remainder of
the brigade following our example. The enemy now broke
and ran, and we pursued, firing as fast as we could. We
followed them into the woods, and drove them out on the
other side, where we halted and were ordered back to the
railroad. We captured two pieces of artillery in the woods,
and carried them back with us. As we returned a Yankee
battery of eight guns had full play on us in the field, and our
line became a little confused; we halted, every man
instantly turned and faced the battery. As we did so, I
heard a thud on my
right, as if one had been struck with a heavy fist. Looking
around I saw a man at my side standing erect, with
his head off, a stream of blood spurting a foot or more
from his neck. As I turned farther around, I saw three
others lying on the ground, all killed by this cannon
shot. The man standing was a captain in the 42d Va.
Regt., and his brains and blood bespattered the face and
clothing of one of my company, who was standing in
my rear. This was the second time I saw four men
killed by one shot. The other occurred in the battle
of Cedar Run, a few weeks earlier. Each time the shot
struck as it was descending,--the first man had his head
taken off, the next was shot through the breast, the next
through the stomach, and the fourth had all his bowels
We went back to our position in the woods, formed
our old line of battle in two lines, and lay down as before.
Immediately our attention was called to a line of battle
filing into position in our front, but nearly at right angles
to us. What did this mean? Were the enemy making
preparations to storm us again? General Starke, our
division commander, arrived, his attention was called to
the line, he used his glass, and, after a careful survey,
called a courier, and directed him to go to the right
around the hill in our front, and find out who they were.
The Yankees were shelling our woods heavily, but the
excitement was so great that the men, who had orders
to lie down for protection, were all standing up watching
the line form, which grew longer each moment. Our
courier, after a short stay, was seen coming as fast as
his horse could run, and before he reached General
Starke, cried out, "It is Longstreet!" A great cry that
Longstreet had come was taken up by the men all down
the line. The courier now told General Starke that the
man sitting on a stump, whom we had noticed before,
was General Lee; and that Longstreet said he had gotten
up in time to witness our charge, which, he said, was
This put new life into Jackson's men, who had heard
nothing of Longstreet. They knew that if Pope with
his large army would put forth energy, he could greatly
damage us; but every thought was changed now. We
only wished for a renewal of the attack, but were afraid
he would not attack us after his repulse on the morning
and the presence of Longstreet! He did attack A. P.
Hill's division on the left, and met with the same kind
of repulse that we had given him. A part of Longstreet's
command became heavily engaged also. This
ended the second day's fighting, and the Second Brigade
was jubilant over its share of Second Manassas so far.
The cannonading commenced early on the morning of
the 30th with skirmishing in front that at times became
active. About noon, expecting an attack, the Second
Brigade moved to the railroad, taking position as on
the day before. About 2 or 3 o'clock we heard on our
right, the sound of "Here they come!" and almost instantly
we saw a column of the enemy march into the
field from the point at which they appeared the day before,
dressing the line and advancing on us. Every man
in our line shifted his cartridge box to the front, unstrapped
it and his cap box, gave his gun a second look,
and took his position to meet the coming enemy, who
were rapidly approaching. We allowed them to come
about the same distance as on the day before, and then
opened fire, with about the same result. Other lines advanced,
each getting nearer us; the field was filled with
Yanks as on the day before, but in much greater numbers,
and their advance continued. Every man in the
Second Brigade at this moment remembered Cedar Run,
each one loaded his gun with care, raised it deliberately
to his shoulder, took deadly aim, and pulled the trigger!
We were fighting now as I never saw it done, we behind
the railroad bank and in the cut, which made a splendid
breastwork, the enemy crowded in the field, their men falling
fast, as we could plainly see. Our ammunition was
failing, our men taking it from the boxes of dead and
wounded comrades. The advance of the enemy continued;
by this time they were at the bank, they mounting
it, our men mounting too, some with guns loaded, some
with bayonets fixed, some with muskets clubbed, and
some with large rocks in their hands. (Col. Johnson in
his official report says he saw a man's skull crushed by
a rock in the hands of one of his brigade.) A short
struggle on top of the bank, and in front of the cut, and
the battle was ours! The enemy were running! and then
went up that yell that only Confederates could make!
Some men were wild with excitement, hats were off,
some up in the air! It was right here that Lieut. Rawlings,
commanding F Company, was killed!--his hat
in one hand, his sword in the other, cheering his men to
victory! He was struck in the head by a rifle ball, and
After the flying enemy we went, through the field in
our front, to the woods on the left, through that into
the next field, where we could see our line advancing in
all directions, our artillery firing over our heads! Some
of the artillery following in the pursuit, and nearing a
hill, ran up, unlimbered, and fired rapidly through openings
in our advancing line, thousands of muskets fired,
the men giving the old yell! It was one of those inspiring
scenes, which its actors will never forget, and made
a staunch soldier of a recruit!
We kept up the pursuit until eight or nine o'clock in
the night, when we halted, and were allowed to rest until
morning. The man, "with headquarters in the saddle,"
who "had no rear," was taught the second lesson of
Jackson's tactics. He wished now that he had a rear,
as he was putting forth all his efforts to find Washington
with its fortifications, which was forty-five or fifty
miles in his rear, when we commenced our movement.
The loss in our brigade was small. Among the killed
was Lieut. Edward G. Rawlings, commanding F Company.
He was as good a soldier as the war produced, a
magnificent specimen of manhood, tall and erect, over six
feet in his stockings, weighing about two hundred pounds,
with endurance in proportion to his size. I have often
heard him say he could march forever, if his feet would
not become sore. He was kind and gentle, always at his
post doing his duty.
To Jackson belongs the chief honor of Second Manassas,
as in the first battle of Manassas, and the position
held by the Second Brigade was one of the points on
which the enemy made many desperate and repeated assaults;
in all of which they were repulsed with great loss.
I saw more of their dead lying on the ground in
our front than I saw in the same space during the
One of our company wrote home that he was shot all
to pieces, having twenty-seven holes shot through his
blanket. In his next letter he explained that his blanket
was folded, and one shot going through it, made the twenty-seven
I take pleasure in adding my mite of praise to our division
and brigade commanders. Brig. Gen. Taliaferro,
commanding the division the first evening, was wounded.
Brig. Gen. Starke of the Louisiana Brigade succeeded him.
This was his first experience in handling a division, but he
did it with great skill; he was conspicuous for gallantry, and
seemed to be at the right spot at the right moment! His
conduct was such as to endear him to this old command,
and when he was killed at its head, a few weeks later, many
an eye was dimmed by a tear!
It was the unanimous sentiment of the Second Brigade
that they were never handled as well as they were by
Colonel Bradley T. Johnson, during this battle and the rest of
the time he was with us. His personal interest in the men
went right to their hearts, and they showed their appreciation
by obeying every order with cheerfulness and alacrity. And
we made him a Brigadier General. Here is an extract from a
letter written to the Secretary of War by Lieut. Gen.
Jackson, in which he speaks of Col. Johnson and the Second
Brigade at Second Manassas: "The heroism with which the
brigade fought, and its success in battle, but brightened my
opinion of its commander."
It is not generally known that the ground occupied by the
enemy in the battle of First and Second Manassas was
almost the same. The junction of the Warrenton pike and
the Sudley road was an important point in both battles. In
the first battle, they marched southward along the Sudley
road to the Stone House at the junction of the Warrenton
pike and thence moved to the Southeast. In the second
battle, they marched Northward
along the same road to the Stone House, and from that point
Northwest. Some of their guns occupied the same hills
during both battles. In the first, firing to the Southeast, and in
the second, reversing and firing to the Northwest.
THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN--HARPER'S FERRY AND
THE morning after the battle of Second Manassas,
the pursuit of the enemy was resumed, and continued all
day. The next morning, Sept. 1st, Jackson advanced by
the Little River Turnpike, and about noon learned that
the enemy had made a stand near Chantily, or Ox Hill.
He immediately made arrangements to attack them.
When we were ready to advance, it commenced to rain,
lasting a short time, but coming down in torrents! At
its height, the Yanks made an attack on us, which was as
sudden and almost as furious as the rainstorm! We
repulsed this attack and advanced, but night came on and
put a stop to the fight. The enemy lost two generals
killed in this battle; one of them being Phil Kearney. It
is said that Gen. Jackson was told by one of his officers
that the rain had wet and ruined all the ammunition of
his men, and the officer desired to know what he must
do about it. Gen. Jackson replied that the rain had
ruined the enemy's, too! We lay down in our wet clothes
on the wet ground for rest, and arose early in the morning,
feeling stiff and sore. We marched in pursuit of
the enemy a short distance, and heard that during the
night they had retreated, and sought protection in their
fortifications around Washington. As night approached
we made preparations for a good rest, as it was the first
we had had for a week out of sight of the enemy, and
we made good use of it, feeling the next morning like new
men. We started on the march early in the morning.
Soon it was passed from lip to lip along the line that we
were going into Maryland. This created great excitement
among the men, and they stepped off so briskly as
to give no suggestion that these men had had only one
night's rest and none during the day, for more than a
week! At night we halted, and were allowed another
good rest. Our wagons joined us during the night, and
the next morning we were given time to cook rations,
the first that the men had cooked since Aug. 25th. It
would have done one good to sit down by one of the
fires and watch the men! As one "spider" of biscuits
and one frying pan of meat was cooked, it was immediately
divided and eaten, then another was cooked and
eaten, most of the rations for the twenty-four hours
being thus disposed of. After the cooking was done and
wagons were loaded, we resumed our march, and halted
at night in the neighborhood of Leesburg. The next
morning, Sept. 5th, we marched again, and about 9 or
10 o'clock in the morning the Second Brigade reached
the Potomac river, and forded it at White's Ford, with
great enthusiasm,--bands playing, men singing and
cheering! Reaching Maryland, we marched up the tow
path of the Washington Canal a short distance to the
locks, where we crossed the canal on a bridge, then took
a road and continued our march until night; camping in
the neighborhood of the Three Springs, resuming the
march the next morning. The Second Brigade, Col.
Bradley T. Johnson commanding, was given the advance
of the army, and late in the evening we came to the Baltimore
& Ohio R. R. depot near Frederick City, and saw
several cars loaded with watermelons. The men broke
ranks as they passed and many secured a melon, and
hurried back to his place. Soon afterwards we entered
Frederick City, many of the men having watermelons in
their arms. We marched to the Fair Grounds, which
had been fitted up as a large hospital for the enemy. Our
brigade stacked arms, and were told to make themselves
comfortable for the night. A guard was placed around
our camp, in order to prevent the men from straggling
through the town. A friend and I succeeded in passing
the guard, and took a stroll through the town. We were
invited into several houses and entertained handsomely
at supper, eating enough for half a dozen men. After
being absent for some time, we returned to our quarters.
Reaching my company I was told to report to brigade
headquarters at once. I thought something terrible was
to pay now, did not know whether I was to be shot or
sent to prison, but I knew something was to be done with
me. I was soon ready, found headquarters, and reported
to the adjutant general. He greeted me cheerfully, and
told me to go at once to the enemy's hospital, ask for
the surgeon in charge, get a list from him of the names
of all the inmates, and write a parole for each, according
to a copy he furnished me. He said the surgeon in charge
would give me all the information wanted, and render
me any assistance that was needed.
I went back to my company with a light heart, made
disposition of my gun and ammunition, and took my baggage
with me. I will take occasion to tell what that
consisted of, and at same time will say that it was rather
above the average in our army, as to quality as well as
quantity. I had a very good oilcloth haversack to carry
my rations in, a tin cup, a splendid rubber cloth, a blanket,
a pair of jeans drawers, and a pair of woolen socks; every
article captured from the enemy! The socks and
drawers were placed in the blanket, the blanket was rolled
up with the rubber cloth on the outside, the ends drawn
together and fastened with a short strap. To carry this
we put it over the head and let it hang from the shoulder.
Thus equipped, I reported to the surgeon. He treated
me very politely, gave me a list of about seven hundred
men who were in the hospital, conducted me into one of
the dining-rooms, gave me a lamp, pen, ink, and paper,
and told me to use one of the tables. He thought it the
best place, because I would have plenty of room, and no
one to disturb me. I cleaned the table and prepared for
action, sat down and commenced to write at once. I
tell you it was a job, as I had to write every word of the
paroles for those men in duplicate, one for the prisoner
and one for us. I wrote until about twelve at night,
when the doctor came in and brought me a nice lunch.
He sat down, and we had a pleasant talk for about an
hour, he leaving and I continuing my writing until nearly
day, when I lay down on one of the benches, and had a
good nap. I arose, went to the pump, washed myself,
looked up my company, had a little chat with them, and
went back to my dining-room, keeping at my work until
it was finished, the doctor sending me my meals. After
I had finished, I reported at headquarters to the adjutant
general, who told me to stay there, that I was wanted for
special duty, as Col. Johnson was in command of the
town, and had the Second Brigade on guard duty. I
stayed at headquarters until Sept. 10th, when Jackson's
corps left the city, taking the road to Hagerstown, and
camping that night near Boonsboro.
I was marching at the head of the column, and reaching
Boonsboro the next morning, saw the advance cavalry
enter and pass through the village. Gen. Jackson followed
a short distance after them, and at a house near the
corner of a cross street, dismounted, and tying his horse,
entered the house. He had hardly entered the house before
a body of cavalry charged through the village on the cross
street, in full sight of the head of our column. When we
reached the village, we learned that they were a body of
Yanks, who had made a dash through our line. This was a
narrow escape for Jackson, as he surely would have been
captured if he had ridden on, or delayed his going into the
house! The god of battle took care of him; it was not
destined that the Yanks should get him!
We turned to the left and marched to Williamsport,
crossing the Potomac into Virginia. I made a big speculation
at Williamsport; my messmates asked me to get some soda,
as we needed it to make our biscuits. I went to a drug store
to get it, asked the salesman for a pound, and the price was
only eight cents. I gave him a Confederate note, which he
took without hesitation, and gave me change. I then asked
what he would sell a keg for; his reply, six cents per pound. I
paid him at once, shouldered the keg, one hundred and
twenty pounds, carried it to the river, where I induced a
wagon to carry it to camp for me. I sold it that night for
twenty-five cents per pound! We marched to the
neighborhood of North Mountain depot on the B.& O. R. R.,
and camped for the night.
The next morning we continued our march, passing
through Martinsburg, where we captured from the enemy a
good lot of stores, they retreating to Harper's Ferry, and we
going into camp for the night not far from Martinsburg.
In the morning we marched to Harper's Ferry, where
the enemy were fortified, and were awaiting us. We
skirmished some, driving the enemy in, and locating their
position, we rested in our places for the night, and the next
morning a line of battle was formed, Jackson's division on
the left, its left resting on the Potomac river, Ewell's division
next, and A. P. Hill's on the right, and their right resting on
the Shenandoah river. Our skirmishers drove those of the
enemy all along the line, and the artillery from each side
commenced firing. We were joined in the afternoon by
artillery from Maryland and Shenandoah Heights and
learned, through this, that we had help from McLaws, who
occupied the former, and Walker the latter position. Both of
these commands were sending shot into the doomed enemy.
Firing was kept up in this way until late in the evening, when
we made several attacks on different positions of the
enemy, capturing them, gaining much advantage, and
bringing our line closer to their fortifications. Night coming
on, we rested in our places. Early the next morning the guns
all along our line opened, and the infantry was preparing for
a general charge, when the white flag was seen in several
places along the enemy's fortifications. In a little while firing
ceased and soon after it was announced that the enemy had
Some of the headquarters folks had offered to feed a
horse for me, if I would get one. My opportunity had come.
Making my way to the fortifications, I clambered over them,
saw the Yankees had stacked their arms, and were parking
their artillery and wagons. I was surrounded at once and
plied with all kinds of questions as to what Jackson would do
with them. Since I did not know anything about the terms of
surrender, I could tell them nothing. I took a Colt's army
pistol from one
of them, and buckling it around my waist, went on my
way looking for a horse. McLaws had not ceased firing;
every now and then a shot from his guns would drop near
me. A Yankee major rode up to me and in a very rough
manner wanted to know "why your people kept firing
on us, after we had surrendered?" I told him very politely
to ask Gen. Jackson. I approached a line of tents
that looked as if they were abandoned; going among
these, I was delighted by the sight of as fine a horse with
equipment as I had ever seen. He was tied to a stake
near a tent, and my heart fairly leaped to my throat as
I went to him, untied and mounted him! As I started off
a Yankee colonel came from a tent, spoke to me very politely,
and inquired what I intended to do with his horse.
I replied that I was very much obliged to him and would
take good care of him for Harper's Ferry's sake. He
asked me to stop, which I did, and he came forward and
told me that probably I did not know the terms of the
surrender; then he told me that Gen. Jackson had allowed
the officers to retain their arms, horses, equipments
and private baggage, and added that he had no fear of
my taking his horse after learning the terms. I sadly
turned the horse's head toward the stake, rode him to it,
and fastened him. The colonel invited me into his tent to
take a lunch, as he called it, which was a big dinner for
an old Confederate; he also placed several bottles on the
table, from which I might help myself. I disliked the
losing of the horse, but could not take him after the
terms were made known to me; indeed, the behavior of
the officer so impressed me, that it would have saved the
horse to him, if the terms had not been known!
I walked around and looked at the long lines of stacked
muskets, the park of artillery and wagons, gave up my
notion of a horse, and soon wended my way back to our
line over the route I had come. While I was inside of
the enemy's fortification, I did not see a Confederate.
We captured over eleven thousand prisoners, seventy-two
pieces of artillery with caissons, horses, etc., about
ten thousand muskets, several hundred wagons with
mules, and a large quantity of stores. Gen. A. P. Hill
and his division attended to the surrender. Jackson's
and Ewell's divisions were withdrawn from the line, and,
stacking arms, were allowed to rest. In the afternoon
we were ordered to cook rations, and be ready to move
as soon as possible; and, as night approached, we were
under arms and marched, taking the road to Shepherdstown.
Jackson's division marched all night, passed through
Shepherdstown the next morning, and forded the Potomac
at Boteler's Ford, a little below the town. We were
in Maryland the second time. Marching a short distance
from the river, we came to the town of Sharpsburg, and
passing through it, marched about a mile, halted near the
Tunker or Dunkard church, stacked arms, and were told
that we could rest. We remained there several hours
and were much refreshed. We marched up the Hagerstown
road about half a mile, when, in passing through
a field, we were heavily assailed by shot and shell from
the enemy. We marched a short distance and formed a
line of battle; Jackson's division occupied the left of our
line of battle, and was formed in two lines on the left
or west of the Hagerstown road, and at nearly right
angles to the road. The Second and Stonewall Brigades
were formed in the front line, in a field, the Stonewall
Brigade resting on the Hagerstown road and connecting
with Ewell's division, the line under the command of Lt. Col.
A. J. Grigsby of the Stonewall Brigade. Starke's and the
Third Brigade were formed in a wood about two or three
hundred yards in our rear, and were commanded by Brig.
Gen. Starke. We had been in position only a short time,
when the enemy opened a heavy fire on us from guns in
front and on our right. This was continued until late in the
night. We went to sleep in line!
On the morning of the 17th we saw that McClellan had
decidedly the advantage in position. His artillery in our front
was on higher ground, and on the right his guns on high hills
beyond the Antietam could enfilade us, and farther up the
mountain side we saw his signal flags at work. They seemed
to overlook our entire line. We were not allowed to make
much of an observation before the enemy's shells dropped in
our midst from batteries in front and flank, and this soon
became the fiercest artillery fire of the war. It seemed that
the air was alive with shells! This fire continued a short time,
when their infantry in dense masses attacked us. After
stubborn fighting, they were driven back with heavy loss, and
the artillery commenced again, a fiercer fusilade than before!
Gen. Jones, commanding the division, left the field on
account of injuries received from this fire! Brig. Gen. Starke,
our commander in battle of Second Manassas, assumed
command of the division, and ordered a charge by the entire
division, which was promptly obeyed; and while he was
leading the division received three musket balls, and fell
dead! We retired to a lane on the edge of the field, where
the fighting was terrific! We were finally forced back by
overwhelming numbers into the woods, and here succeeded
the enemy back; we finally retired through the woods into a
field, and were allowed by the enemy to rest a short time.
Old F Company had reached low water mark! After
Second Manassas there were only three men to answer roll
call,--Malcolm L. Hudgins, Reuben J. Jordan, and John H.
Worsham. As we had no officer, we were ordered to report
to Capt. Page of Company D, and when we did so, he called
us young gentlemen, and told us we might march and camp
anywhere we chose in the regiment, reporting to him once
daily, and in the event of a fight, reporting at once; and ended
by saying we might call the roll as often as we chose! This
gallant and good man had to pay the penalty of commanding
F Company, losing a leg in this battle. We were known
during the Maryland campaign as the guerrillas of the 21st.
At Harper's Ferry the company had Hudgins and Jordan to
stand up for them, and at Sharpsburg Hudgins got sick, and
Jordan was the only man with the company in that terrible
battle. By a singular circumstance, Jordan was detailed as a
skirmisher, sent out to the front and, when the line was
deployed, was on the left of that line, and was the soldier that
held the left of Gen. Lee's line of battle. His position was on
the edge of a wood, and when the line on his right in the field
was driven back, Jordan gathered a few of his comrades
from the right, and held back the line until he found he was
outflanked on his left; and that the enemy's line was far in his
rear. He made a run for safety, going back to our line of
battle, and found that it had retired, and that he and his few
comrades had been left! Hurrah for Jordan! Hurrah for F
Company! in having such a representative! He passed along
the lane and saw the great slaughter
of friend and foe, then to the woods and through them to
a field. Here he noticed a body of men in the
field to his right, but kept on until he reached the other
side of the field where he found Gen. Jackson and staff.
Inquiring of one of the staff for his division, he was told
that the body of men he had passed was the remnant.
At this moment Jackson was in the most critical position
of his military career! His entire line had been
driven back beyond the Dunkard church, and they were
holding on now by a mere thread, but succor was at hand!
Brig. Gen. Early with his brigade which had been detached
to assist Gen. J. E. B. Stuart's cavalry on the extreme
left, arrived, and McLaws' division was expected
Jordan, who had been retracing his steps in order to
get to his command, now saw the first brigade of McLaws
arrive on the field, and heard the commanding officer
give his sharp command, "On the right by file into
line! Double quick! March!" In a run and under
fire the line was formed. Jordan stopped long enough
to inquire who they were and to see the line grow every
moment, and then hurried to his command with the good
news. Arriving, he saw Gen. Early and Col. Grigsby,
commander of our division, in consultation. It is said
that Early directed Grigsby with his division to make an
attack on the enemy who were again advancing with a
large force. That he would take his brigade to the left,
pass swiftly around the brow of a hill and attack the
enemy in flank and rear. This attack was a great success,
in which McLaws' troops joined, and the enemy
were driven back at this point with great slaughter!
Old Jack, who had been riding along his line, got his
mettle up with this success, and ordered an advance along
his entire line; the men replied with the old yell, and the
bayonet! The enemy were hurriedly driven out of the
woods and across the Hagerstown road; and Jackson's
old line was reëstablished. The firing soon was confined
to that of the sharpshooters; the enemy having suffered
so much that they made no more attacks on Jackson's
Oh, for a few more men! With one good division
we could have routed the enemy; but alas! Gen. Lee had
fought every man he had, except one division on his
right! This was soon attacked and driven back, but A. P.
Hill, who had just marched upon the field from Harper's
Ferry, seeing the situation, wheeled his division into
line, and attacked the enemy with such vigor that they
were driven across the Antietam!
At night we lay down on our arms, and the next morning
were up bright and early, expecting a renewal of the
battle, but the enemy were badly whipped, and did not
make any demonstration during the day. The skirmish
fire, which was feeble, and occasionally a shelling from
his far off guns, were all he attempted.
The loss in Jackson's command was larger, in proportion
to the men he had engaged, than in any battle he
fought during the war.
Col. Penn, commanding the Second Brigade, lost a leg;
Capt. Page of the 21st Va. Regt., commanding the
skirmishers of the brigade, lost a leg also; men and officers
were killed and wounded by hundreds! Our brigade
came out of the fight in command of Lieut. John
A. Booker, of the 21st Va. Regt., and the division under
command of Lieut. Col. Grigsby. It was no larger than
a good regiment!
The little Tunker or Dunkard church, situated in
the nice grove on the Hagerstown road, had become famous.
Around this church some of the fiercest fighting
of the war had just taken place. Dead and wounded
men lay in sight of it by thousands.
During the night of the 18th we marched from our
position towards the Potomac river, which all of Lee's
army forded into Virginia, my brigade crossing after
sunrise on the morning of the 19th.
All our army crossed in safety, and without molestation.
The enemy, however, attempted to follow us on
the 20th. After a corps had crossed, Gen. Jackson ordered
A. P. Hill to attack them, and drive them back.
Hill attacked with his division and drove them back with
great slaughter; driving them into the river, where most
of them were drowned, very few reaching the Maryland
shore. This ended the Maryland campaign.
AFTER leaving Maryland, Jackson's Corps marched to
the neighborhood of Martinsburg; here they were busy
several days in the work of destroying the B.& O. R. R.,
tearing up the track for about forty miles. We took
up the rails, laid them aside, pulled up and stacked the ties,
then set them on fire, and placed the rails on them. When
the rails became hot they bent. Whenever there were
trees or telegraph poles convenient, we twisted the rails
around them, while they were hot in the center, which
could easily be done.
We stayed several weeks in the lower valley, mostly
in Jefferson County, every few days moving our camp;
sometimes because of an alarm from the enemy, sometimes
merely to be in a fresh place. Gen. Jackson did
not allow his men to camp in one place too long. New
camps were more healthy, in consequence of which, we
rarely stayed two weeks in the same place. It was very
easy for the men to move, because by this time we had
learned to live without tents. The only shelter the men
had was oil or rubber cloths and cotton flies. The latter
were pieces of cotton about four by six feet in size,
hemmed around the borders. Button holes were worked
around these borders and buttons sewed on at certain
places; they were so arranged that three of them buttoned
together made a very comfortable shelter for three men.
We were dependent on the Yankees for them, as I never
heard of our quartermaster issuing any. The men who
could not get these, made a "shebang," by putting two
forked sticks in the ground, about six feet apart, laying
a pole in the forks, placing bushes with one end on the
ground, the other inclined to the pole, enclosing in this
way one side and the ends, and leaving the other side
open. This would accommodate three or four men.
The men with care could make them impervious to rain.
They were very comfortable in warm weather. In moving,
all that was needed was to roll up our fly or oilcloth
and take it with us, put our small lot of cooking utensils
in the wagons, put on our accouterments, and take
arms. Then we were ready for a march to another
camp, or to meet the enemy.
While we were in one of these camps, one evening at
regimental dress parade, one of the soldiers was conducted
under guard along the front of the regiment with
a large placard attached to him, on which "Thief " was
written, two soldiers marching behind him with guns at
charge bayonet! This was the first and only man I saw
punished in that way during the war. We punished
some by making them ride a wooden horse, by standing
on a stump, or by putting a barrel over them, with the
inscription on it, showing what they had been guilty of.
On Nov. 21st we took up our march to join Gen. Lee
at Fredericksburg, it being reported that he thought he
would soon need us. We marched up the valley pike
to New Market, left the valley pike, crossed the Massanutta
Mountain, and crossed the Blue Ridge at
Fisher's Gap. My brigade was in front while
we were crossing the Blue Ridge, and we enjoyed one of
the most inspiring views I saw during the war. It is said
that the road leading over the mountain at this gap is
six miles long from the valley to the top, and seven miles
from the top to the foot in Madison County. Near the
top, as we were marching, there was a large rock on the
side of the road. Stepping on this rock, and looking
back and down the road, we could see six lines of our
army; in one place infantry, in another artillery, in another
ambulances and wagons. Some seemed to be coming
towards us, some going to the right, some to the left,
and some going away from us. They were all, however,
climbing the winding mountain road, and following us.
We passed Madison C. H., Orange C. H., through the
Wilderness and by Chancellorsville,--which became famous
and full of grief before we left it!--and on to the
neighborhood of Guinea's Station on the R. F.& P. R. R.
There we went into camp on Dec. 2d, having
marched from fifteen to twenty-three miles each day since
we left Winchester.
Winter had come, and many of the men were shoeless.
They could not obtain them, and finally orders were issued
in Jackson's division, that the men should get the
hides of the cattle we daily killed, and make moccasins
of them. It became such a serious matter that a list of
shoemakers in the division was made, a member of F
Company was sent to Richmond to get leather, etc., in
order to enable these men to make shoes in camp for their
comrades! This man went to Richmond, attending to
his orders, and on the morning of Dec. 11th read a telegram
that the enemy, now under Gen. Burnside, were
crossing at Fredericksburg. He, at once, went to the
Provost Marshal's office to get a pass to leave the city
(no one could leave without this permission) by the first
train, but was told that he must report to Sergeant Crow,
who would carry him up under guard, and turn him over
to his proper command. This indignity he did not intend
to submit to, and so informed the officer, explaining
to him how he was sent to Richmond, and showing him
his papers. He did not ask for transportation, as he
was willing to pay his railroad fare; he only wanted the
necessary permission to leave the city, in order to join
his command and take his post in the expected battle!
The only answer he received was, "You must report to
Sergeant Crow." He left, and went back three times
during the day, with hope that he would find another man
in command, who would be more civil and accommodating;
but without success. The next morning he went
again very early, and one of the men there threatened
to take him into custody; but he left very quickly. He
returned about an hour later, when an old comrade, who
had witnessed the way in which his friend was treated
the day before, quietly slipped a pass into his hand. This
comrade was an old member of our regiment, who had
lost a leg in battle, when he was with us, and was at this
time employed in the provost office. This is mentioned
to show how far red tape goes!
Going at once to the depot, he boarded a train that was
pulling out, and reached Guinea's about one or two
o'clock on the 12th. Making inquiries, he learned that
Jackson's corps had gone to the front, and after tiresome
walking found his command at Hamilton's Crossing,
awaiting orders to take its place in line of battle. On
the morning of Dec. 13th, Jackson's division was assigned
to Jackson's second line of battle and was lying down
on the ground, awaiting the movements of the enemy.
Gen. Jackson soon made his appearance along the line
with a cavalcade of officers following him. He was
dressed in a brand-new uniform, with the usual gold
lace trimmings for a lieutenant general. He even had
exchanged the old gray cap for a new bespangled one,
and looked so unlike our "Old Jack" that very few
noticed him, and none recognized him until after he had
passed. Then the old accustomed cheer to him went up
with unusual vigor! About ten o'clock the fog lifted, and
the cannonading from the enemy commenced; it was awfully
terrific, as, it is said, they had two hundred and
fifty or three hundred guns, sending shot and shell at
us! Soon afterwards the Yankees in our front made
their advance. We were in the woods on a slight hill,
that overlooked an immense open field. The number of
the enemy visible to us gave the impression that the
whole of the Yankee army was in our front! A battery
to our right and front was pouring shot and shell into
them as they advanced. We learned after the fight that
it was Pelham's! What a grand and heroic stand he
maintained during the battle! Jackson's artillery was
posted along our front, but did not fire a shot at the advancing
lines until they got within easy range, when all
of it opened at once, and sent its hail of iron into the
dense masses, making them stagger, then stop, and then
retreat to a road, where they were protected by its banks
and fences! An hour or so afterwards they made another
advance, and this time with so much determination
that they broke the first of our lines, and commenced the
advance more vigorously; when our second line was ordered
forward, and charged! After some stubborn
fighting at several points, they were driven back along
their entire line with great loss. They continued their
retreat to the road and river bank. Their skirmishers
and batteries kept up a fire during the whole day.
A splendid line of breastworks had been made around
Marye's Hill, extending along the line of Generals Hill and
Longstreet. They did not extend as far east as the position
occupied by Jackson during the battle of Fredericksburg on
Dec. 13. The fight in Jackson's front was a regular stand-up
one; the only protection we had was such as the woods
afforded. As evening advanced, Jackson arranged his lines;
the second brigade occupying the railroad in the first line of
battle. Here we awaited the expected advance of the enemy,
and only wished they would come. Skirmish fire and fire
from their far guns was kept up at intervals during the 14th.
The next day the enemy asked permission to look after their
wounded, who were in the field in Jackson's front. This was
granted, and the pickets or sharpshooters of each army
ceased firing, and entered into friendly converse, traded
tobacco, coffee, and sugar. Night approached, and put a stop
to this; and each man took his place in line, ready to shoot
the man in his front on sight! The next morning we learned
that the enemy had taken advantage of the night, and had
crossed the Rappahannock. The fight on the left of Lee's
line, at Marye's Hill, had been terrific, and the enemy had
been slaughtered by thousands. The loss in Jackson's corps
was not large, Brig. Gen. Gregg being amongst the killed.
There was a larger number of cannon used in this battle than
in any previous battle, the situation being such as to give
them fine positions.
WINTER QUARTERS 1862-3
ON Dec. 17 Jackson's Corps left the battle field of
Fredericksburg, and marched down the Rappahannock river
to be better located for protection against the weather and
observation of the enemy. About this time the First Va., or
Irish Battalion, was detached from our brigade and made
provost guard for the Army of Northern Virginia, and the
44th and 50th Va. regiments were added to our brigade.
About Jan. 1st, 1863, Maj. Gen. J. R. Trimble was
assigned to the command of Jackson's division. He
remained with us until about March 1st, when he was
ordered to another command. About this time Brig. Gen. J.
R. Jones left the Second Brigade.
Jackson's division went into camp at Moss Neck, where
we made our winter quarters. These were huts made of any
material that could be gotten, and in any way the architect of
the party thought best. The greater number were of logs. A
few men had tents. The men soon made themselves very
comfortable. A large picket was required along the river,
which was several miles from our camp; a brigade was sent,
staying there several days. The picket guard was sent to the
front from the brigade by companies, and, as each company
arrived at its destination, it was divided into squads. These
squads stationed themselves near the picket post, erected a
shelter of cloth, brush, etc., built a fire in front of the shelter,
and tried to be comfortable while not on duty as sentinels
on the picket line. But in snow and cold rains, the
weather tried men's souls! While they were on this outpost
picket duty, a soldier's nerves, too, were tried! Far
to the front he stood on his lonely beat, only occasionally
moving because he feared he might attract the attention
of the enemy's sentinel on similar duty, who might shoot
him from a distance, or creep up later and shoot him!
A party of the enemy may steal up on him, and take
him prisoner! Knowledge of this created an uneasy feeling
that could not be gotten rid of, and the man on outpost
guard was uneasy until he was again in camp with
Occasionally some of the men went down to the river's
edge, and had a talk with the Yanks on the other side.
Sometimes a little boat was made of bark or a piece of
rail, which, with the assistance of the wind and tide, now
and then crossed to the other shore; and in this manner
papers and tobacco were exchanged.
After getting back to camp, the brigade had its daily
drills, camp guard duty, inspections, etc. The daily roll
calls and cooking left very little idle time for the Confederate
soldier. Notwithstanding this, one could always
hear someone singing, laughing, whistling, or in some
way indicating that the camp was not dead. We indulged
in games of all kinds, ball, marbles, drafts, chess, cards
etc., and when the snow was on the ground we had great
fun snowballing! I have seen several times more than
twenty-five hundred men engaged in a game of snowball!
No one who has not had the experience, knows what
a soldier undergoes on a march. We start off on a march
some beautiful morning in spring, at midday slight clouds
are seen floating about, which thicken with the appearance
of a heavy storm soon to come; the instinct of
home comes over us, and, instead of the merry chatter
of the morning, stillness pervades the ranks. Each man
is thinking of home and some place to shelter himself
from the storm. The command, "Close up!" awakens
him from his reverie, and he is made to think of his
place in ranks. A flash of lightning and a loud peal of
thunder, causes him to realize his position all the more,
and now the rain commences and soon pours down!
Poor fellow! he pulls down his hat, buttons up his jacket,
pulls up his collar, and tries to protect his gun. In a
short while he feels the water running down his arms
and legs, but he is defiant yet, and the same good old
Confederate! Now the water is slowly feeling its way
down his back, and, as it gradually covers him, the courage
goes out, and when his back gets
completely wet, he,
for a few minutes, forgets that he is a Confederate soldier!
The thought only lasts a few minutes, and the
storm within him breaks loose, resulting in his cursing
the Confederacy, the generals, and everything in the
army, and even himself! Then, with a new inspiration,
he commences on the Yankees, is himself carried away,
and is once more the good old Confederate soldier, marching
along at a brisk rate, in the pelting rain! He is all
right now, conversation commences, and when he reaches
camp he builds his fire, and has something to eat. It
makes very little difference, when he lies down to rest,
whether it is raining or not!
We went through equal trials in very
when our eyes, our noses, our mouths, our ears, and, in
fact, our whole person became soiled with dirt, and dust
finding its way all over one. Besides, we had muddy
days to march in! We soon got our shoes full, our
pants wet to the knees, and some comrade, stepping into
a mud hole, would throw it all over one! Ask Tom
Ellett what he thinks of marching in the mud, and be
sure to do so when he is in a good humor! Then think
of the marches in hot weather, when we became so hot
and tired that we could hardly put one foot before
the other, but on we went, the word, "Close up!" being
always in our ears! In winter, too, amid sleet and snow
and sometimes when it was so cold that with an overcoat
on we could not keep warm, indeed, any season, makes
no difference to the soldier; when he is ordered to fall in,
he takes his place in ranks, ready to face whatever may
At the commencement of the war, soon after starting
on a march we were given the route step, on passing
a village or town we were called to attention, and
marched through with military precision; but towards
the close of the war, we generally kept the route step
throughout the march, as all had learned that the men
got along so much better and could march much farther
by being allowed to carry their guns as they chose, and
take their natural step.
One thing the government managed well, and that
was the mail for the soldiers. In my brigade we had
a man who was the mail carrier, the government furnishing
a horse for this purpose. The letters written by the
soldiers were delivered at regimental headquarters, where
our carrier came for them, taking all that were handed
him by the soldiers, too, whence he would start for the
nearest post office at some depot or village. There he
delivered his mail, and if he found there any mail directed
to the men of his command, he brought it to us
at once. If there were none, he would go to the next
place, and to the next, until he found it; and brought
it to us. His arrival was a great event in camp. Because
he had no regular hour for returning, some of the
men were always on the lookout for him, both day and
night, and heralded his coming. On his arrival, there
was a gathering of men from each company at regimental
headquarters, who got their company's mail, took it to
company's quarters, looked over it, and called out the
names of the men to whom it was addressed. It made
no difference as to hour, whether it was day, or one or
two o'clock at night, when a man's name was called for
a letter, he was generally on hand to get it in person,
unless on duty. It was interesting to watch those fellows
as they gathered for their mail. Those who received
letters went off with radiant countenances, and, if
it was night, each built a fire to himself, for light, and,
sitting down on the ground, read his letter over and over;
while those unfortunates who got none, went off looking
as if they had not a friend on earth! In the beginning
of the war, postage was not required to be prepaid on
letters from soldiers in the field, the postage being collected
on the delivery of the mail. In directing the letter
to soldiers it was only necessary to write name, company,
regiment, brigade, division and command. This was
the rule in Jackson's command, and I suppose in the
army generally. There was no post office or location
mentioned, because we moved about so much our post
office was continually changing. Notwithstanding this
roundabout way for letters to travel, I never heard of
one being lost either going to or from the army! Regularly
sometimes for two or three weeks, we would receive
a mail daily, then it would be several days, and
sometimes a week before another came, but the letters
always turned up. If the carrier overtook us while we
were on a march, the mail was distributed and collected.
I have seen it delivered in this way just before a battle.
It is surprising how the Confederacy got along with
such a small variety of medicines, which consisted, in the
field, almost entirely of blue powders, one kind of pills,
and quinine. Go with me to the "sick or doctor's call,"
this morning. Reaching the surgeon's quarters, the
sick were lined up, and the surgeon with the hospital
steward passed along. The first man accosted was asked,
"What is the matter with you?" The answer is something
like this: "I don't know, doctor, but I have a
terrible misery here," designating the locality by placing
his hands on his stomach. "Put out your tongue," says
the doctor. After an examination, the doctor says to
Blunt, the hospital steward of my regiment, "Give him
a blue powder." The next is examined in about the
same manner, with instructions to Blunt to give him two
pills; the next is given 10 grains of quinine. Then the
treatment is varied by giving to the next one pill and
5 grains of quinine, to the next a blue powder and quinine,
the treatment varying as the supply of pills, blue
powder and quinine holds out. Occasionally some favored
one was given a gill of whiskey; nearly every man
thereafter developed the same symptoms! Probably one
of the men has an aching tooth; the doctor tells him
to take a seat on some log near by, that he will make an
examination presently. The poor fellow seats himself
and waits his turn. When the doctor comes to
him, he looks his mouth over and says, "It must come
out," goes to his tent, gets a pair of forceps, and, on his
return, straddles the log, inserts the instrument in the
man's mouth, takes holds of a tooth, and by main
strength, after a lengthy struggle, succeeds in pulling an
excellent tooth!--but he cures the ache.
This was about the daily routine in camp, and it was
surprising how many cures were effected with this limited
supply of medicines. The surgeon and hospital steward
of my regiment were always kind and considerate to
the sick, and did all in their power for them. I will mention
the treatment used on the first man of my company,
whom I saw after he was wounded. The surgeon gave
the nurse a bottle of whiskey, with instructions to put
a spoonful in the water used, each time he dressed the
Old "F" Company of Richmond had become so
small, that the three or four men with it were ordered,
in January, 1863, to Camp Lee, Richmond, to recruit.
They enlisted a few men as soon as they reached the
camp, and commenced squad drill; and subsequently,
company drill, as soon as they enlisted enough to call it
a company, entering upon camp guard duty, policing,
and other duties at once. The old members of the company
did all in their power to make efficient soldiers of
the recruits, who were conscripts of boyhood and middle
age and some old substitutes. On June 21st we
received orders to get ready to leave Camp Lee the next
day, to join our regiment which was with Lee's army.
All the old members were allowed to go into the city
to bid family and friends good-by, and to take a last
look at some bright eyes, it somehow taking longer to
bid that pair of eyes farewell than it did to take leave
of a whole family. This consumed the larger part of
the day; the remainder we diligently devoted to preparations
for moving promptly the next morning. As night
came on, instead of going to bed, each man stole off
quietly to the city to look once again into those eyes
to which he had already bidden farewell, returning in
time to get a short nap before day. After breakfast
we marched out of Camp Lee to the Central depot,
where we took the cars for Staunton.
The following are the names of the members of F
Company who left for Staunton, June 22, 1863:
Captain, William A. Pegram. * Second Lieut., Reuben J. Jordan. * Jr. Second Lieut., Malcolm L. Hudgins. * First Sergeant, William S. Archer. * Second Sergeant, John H. Worsham. * Third Sergeant, J. Porter Wren. * Fourth
Sergeant, T. Walker. First Corporal, E. Gouldman. Second Corporal,
W. C. Tiney. Third Corporal, George J. Floyd. Fourth Corporal,
Henry F. Munt.
Anderson, Joseph H. Barber, N. Bates, W. Bowe, H.
C. Brown, A. D. Brown, A. H. Brown, George W. Brown,
Henry. Brown, James R. Callis, G. Coleman, N. Couch, J.
M. Cumbia, W. S. Dillard, R. H. Divers, W. H. Dowdy,
Nathaniel A. Fox, Henry C. Gentry, M. G. Griffin, J. Hawkins,
L. A. Houston, George W. Johnston, J. W. Kayton, P. W. Kidd,
J. A. Mason, J. M. Merriman, J. T. Nance, J. L. Richeson, P.
S. Richeson, William R.
* Old members.
Rutledge, William. Searles, S. Seay, M. Simpson, F. J. Smith, J. T. Smith, Thomas. Soles, P. D. Trainum, C. Tyree, William C. Wallace, R. H. Wilkins, J. M. Wood, S. E.
We were joined
afterwards by a few of the old members
and the following new ones:
Bates, Edward. Legg, A. C. Seay, W. C. Smith, Henry.
And W. E. Cumbie, who
was transferred to our company
from the 24th Va. Battalion in exchange for R.
During the summer of 1862, Col. John M. Patton of
the 21st Regt. had been transferred to Maj. Gen. Anderson's
division of Longstreet's corps. Lt.-Col. Cunningham
had been killed, and during the fall Major John
B. Moseley left the regiment. This left the regiment
without a field officer. While the regiment was in camp
at Moss Neck, the following appointments were made
to fill vacancies:
William A. Witcher, Colonel William R. Berkeley, Lt. Col. William P. Moseley, Major
Lt.-Col. Berkeley remained with the regiment only a
short time, when Major William P. Moseley was made
lieutenant-colonel, and A. D. Kelley, major. Those
three remained with the regiment until the surrender.
THE battle of Chancellorsville was fought May 2d,
1863. Gen. Jackson's great flank movement against
Hooker was managed with skill and success. Jackson
was wounded and unfortunately by his own men, and
died on the 10th, in the height of his fame. It was soon
known in the army of Northern Virginia. The men of
his old division were prostrated with grief, nearly every
man in it shedding tears.
Gen. Lee's conduct when he heard of the wounding
of Jackson and afterwards at his death, caused the old
division to love him more than ever. What a loss to
the Confederacy. What a loss to the army of Northern
Virginia, and to Lee, its commander, who said he had
"lost his right arm," and what a loss to his corps.
Never more will his sword flash in the enemy's rear, nor
will he see his banner floating in one of his fierce attacks
on their flank, nor will he hear the wild cheers of
his men as they drive everything before them. In my
humble opinion, the army never recovered from the loss
There was something about Jackson that always attracted
his men. It must have been faith. He was the
idol of his old soldiers, and they would follow him anywhere;
the very sight of him was the signal for cheers.
It made no difference where he was, in camp, on the
battlefield, or on a march, when the men were so thoroughly
used up that they could hardly put one foot
before the other, or they were lying down resting on
the roadside, when he came riding by each man jumped
to his feet, pulled off his hat and cheered him. This
was always done with one exception. While we were
marching around Pope, to get into his rear at Manassas,
one evening, we came upon Gen. Jackson and his staff
dismounted and standing in a field a few yards from the
road, and the little sorrel lying down nibbling at the
grass. As soon as the men recognized "Old Jack," hats
came off and the usual cheer was about to break forth,
when one of his staff standing near the road said to
them, "No cheering, men; the enemy will hear you, and
Gen. Jackson requests that you will not cheer." This
was repeated by the men all down the marching column,
and, as the men passed their beloved commander, they
took off their hats, some waving them at the general,
others flinging them in the air. Not one cheer was
given, but some of the fellows nearly "busted" keeping
it back. It was here that Gen. Jackson said, "With
such soldiers, who could keep from winning battles."
What shall I say of Jackson's wonderful marches?
His men have long since been known as "Jackson's Foot
Cavalry," from his long and rapid marches. We have
often marched daily for a week, and on some occasions
for three weeks, and on many days twenty-five miles.
I do not think my brigade ever marched over thirty
miles without stopping for a rest of several hours; but
some of the regiments of the old division have marched
over forty miles, only stopping occasionally for a ten
minutes' rest. We have often marched and fought all
day, and in case of a pursuit of the enemy, kept the
march up all night, and a part of the next day.
It was in battle that the men showed their great love
for and confidence in Gen. Jackson, his old soldiers having
implicit confidence in him. How many times his
old command wished him back, to lead in one of his
furious attacks on the enemy.
The South produced
many generals of great ability,
but for brilliancy and dash, the world never saw Stonewall
us pass over the river, and rest under the shade of the trees."
ON the arrival of our company at Staunton on June
22, 1863, we met orders to take charge of about one
hundred stragglers of Lee's army, who had been collected
there, in order to march with us to the army of
Northern Virginia, and be delivered to the provost
We left Staunton on the 24th with stragglers and
nothing else; no baggage wagon, no cooking utensils,
no rations, as the men expressed it, "No nothing." On
account of those stragglers, who gave us a great deal of
trouble, we made short marches, and stopped at a barn
on the way at night. It was necessary to guard our
stragglers, and the company could do it better by having
them in a house. We induced someone in the neighborhood
of our stopping place to let us have rations,
generally to cook them also; and in this manner we
reached the Potomac river opposite Williamsport, Md.,
on the morning of July 4, without rations or cooking
utensils. After a visit to Williamsport by some of the
officers who found no rations there, a detail was made
and sent to a mill not far off to "press" flour, if it could
not be gotten otherwise. This detail went to the mill
and seized two barrels of flour, secured a wagon to haul
it, and then went to a hog pen in the neighborhood for
a hog. They were told by its owner that bacon could
be gotten at a certain store in Williamsport, where they
found as much as they wanted. Having no cooking
utensils, and having a baker in the company, they decided to
bring into service one of the "Dutch ovens" found in that
part of the country at nearly all the houses. It was now late
in the evening; we decided to do the best we could for the
night, and use the oven in the morning. A sergeant with a
file of men went into town early the next morning, took
possession of an excellent oven, and went to work. During
the day of the 5th F Company disposed of the stragglers,
and crossed the Potomac into Williamsport, marched
through the town to the northeast side, stacked arms, and
there received the cooked rations.
An officer was found in the town who said he had
orders from Gen. Lee to stop all men here, as the battle of
Gettysburg had been fought, and Gen. Lee intended to fall
back into Virginia by this route. Many of his wagons had
already arrived, and others were coming in every moment in
large numbers. As the river was too high to be forded,
because of recent rains, they were being parked along the
river under the bluff near the town. This officer asked our
captain to remain with his company, as it was thought that a
raiding party of the Yankees might make an attempt to
capture or destroy the train; and, as there was only one
organized regiment at the place, he thought it the duty of our
company to stay. During the afternoon and night of the 5th
there was much talk of Yankee cavalry coming.
On the morning of the 6th of July, the company formed a
line, and stacked arms in a field overlooking two roads that
ran into the town. The men were ordered to stay near their
arms, a picket under a sergeant was sent out on the road
that the enemy would use, with orders to allow no one to go
outside. Soon after the
picket was posted, a young lady and a boy on horseback
passed the picket going into the town. She was
a fine looking woman, and, as she passed, gave me a bow
and a smile. She stayed in town an hour or two, then
started to go out, but was stopped by the sentinel. I
was called, and she stated that she was returning home,
and had no idea we would prevent her return; that she
had been in town on business, and told me what it was.
Although I told her my orders, she tried to induce me
to let her pass, but without success. I told her I would
go with her to see our captain, and probably he might
let her pass. I did this, and the officers consulted and
agreed to it; but a little Georgian, who overheard the
conversation, said to the captain, "You ain't going to
let that woman pass, are you? She is a spy, come in
here to find out all she can, and now she is going back
to tell the Yankees." It was then decided not to let her
pass. She asked me where the commanding officer was.
I told her who he was and where his office was located
in town, and she asked me to go with her to see the
officer. I could not leave my picket post, and turned the
duty over to our handsome orderly sergeant, Willie
Archer. She did not get the permission, and from what
we heard afterwards, it was well she did not.
The day passed quietly. The wheat and hay recently
cut was shocked in the fields around the town, most of
it, however, on the two roads in our front and beyond
our picket post. The teamsters were quietly getting
both for feed, some in wagons and others on the backs
of mules. About four or five o'clock in the afternoon
a pistol shot was heard and a great commotion was seen
amongst the teamsters farthest from us. Soon the field
was full of Yankee cavalry, whooping, yelling and firing
pistols; riding up to the wagons that had hay or wheat,
ordering them to halt, and, instead of injuring or detaining
them, quietly pulling out matches and firing the
provender, and then letting them go. Mules were seen
flying across the field with a flame of fire leaping from
them, which would last only a few seconds before the
rider would have it off, and in many instances himself
off too, in his efforts to remove the burning hay or wheat.
Many wagons were burned.
During the day all the broken down artillery that
had been sent along with the wagon train was placed
on some prominent place around the town, the guns
making a formidable appearance. I have been told
there were twenty-two pieces, and all in view; that some
had no ammunition, some had no chests, some a few
shot, and some of the pieces were disabled, but they
made a show.
The enemy had now brought out of the woods into
the field in full view of us, eight pieces of artillery and
a large body of mounted cavalry, which had formed a
line of battle. A body of dismounted men with mounted
officers were busy leveling fences. The dismounted men
had approached a lot of farm buildings about four hundred
yards from our company. Our picket post had
been called in, guns loaded, and our company formed as
skirmishers. Captain Pegram took in the situation at
once, and acted promptly. He knew we could not hold
our position in the open field against these large odds,
and remarked to some of the old members of the company
that there were only two things for him to do:
attack or retreat; and that he was going to charge the
enemy. He gave the order, "Forward! double quick!"
and to the farm buildings we went in a run.
We had fifty-two men present in our company, nearly
all of whom were substitutes and conscripts; one of
them even fainted when he saw the enemy, another had
a terrible ache and had to lie down on the ground, where
we could hear him groaning after firing commenced.
This reduced us to fifty. A few stragglers, including the
little Georgian, named Ward, of Wright's brigade, wearing
a red Zouave cap, volunteered to go with us. This
made about sixty, all told, who went into action.
About fifty yards in our front it was necessary to
climb over the first fence, and there the Yankees opened
fire on us. About half way to the farm buildings we
encountered the second fence. There was a lane from
the buildings towards the town, with a fence on each
side of it, and at its end a gate that opened into the
barn yard. Our advance was oblique to this lane. Soon
after we passed the second fence, the left of our line
came to the lane fence. I was on the left and went over
the fence into the lane, requiring three or four men to
follow me, amongst whom was the little Georgian. We
ran up the lane to the gate which I threw open, and
rushed into the barn yard, the little Georgian following,
and I think old man Callis next. A mounted officer was
in the yard, "cursing" and flourishing a pistol. As I
entered the yard, I told the men to shoot him, but he
leveled his pistol at us and fired, and the little Georgian
fell dead--as gallant a little fellow as I ever saw. I
cannot say that the officer killed him, since the enemy
were firing briskly from several points in the yard at us.
My men fired at the officer, who rode off bowed down
on his horse. I was told a few days afterwards by a
citizen, that he was a major and was wounded. I can
truly say he was a gallant man. A small house in the
barn yard and on the right of the lane, with its rear towards
us, was occupied by some of the enemy, who were firing at
us. As I ran around to the door, I met some of my company
who had by this time gotten into the yard from the other
side, and we brought out five Yankee cavalrymen, and sent
them to the rear.
We had now cleared the yard and buildings of all
opponents; but the fight was on in earnest, the enemy having
opened with their artillery, some firing at us, others at our
guns on the hills. We took up a position along a rail fence
beyond the buildings, and about half way between the two
roads before mentioned and parallel to them, keeping up our
fire on any of the enemy we could see to be within range.
Our right had suffered more than the left. Inside the barn
yard were lying Sergeant Walker and Corporal Tinney, both
dead, and both splendid soldiers--in all, three of our men
killed, including the Georgian. We captured, wounded, and
killed fifteen of the enemy in the barn yard. We now found
that the enemy were advancing on the road in our rear, and
we fell back to that road, and were joined there by a
company of about thirty, mostly stragglers. Placing a few of
our company along a cross fence to protect our flank, we
kept up a fierce fire in front. Soon Capt. Pegram was killed,
another one of old F to join Jackson "under the shade of the
trees." The Yankees were shelling us very heavily, and, their
dismounted men largely increased, had possession of the
fence which we had relinquished, and were firing heavily at
us. A regiment of our men, that was at the river with our
train, now made its appearance, drove the Yanks from the
fence. Our line was lengthened on the left by a large body of
armed wagoners, so that our
company moved farther to the right. We kept up our fire
until night, when the enemy disappeared.
This I consider the best fight of F Company during the
war. With nearly all new men, only six or eight of the old
company, we attacked and drove the enemy and held the
position against tremendous odds. Buford, who made the
attack, had present twelve regiments of cavalry and twelve
pieces of artillery. When he made his appearance in front of
our company, there was no armed body of men between
him and Gen. Lee's entire wagon train, except this small
company. We had been fighting nearly half an hour before
the company of thirty men, and three-quarters of an hour
before the regiment, came to our assistance; and I repeat, it
was the best fight the company ever made, and, in its
results, one of the best of the war. The new men, except
those noted, behaved like veterans, and every one did his
duty, and they covered themselves with glory.
Our loss as before stated was four killed, including the
Georgian. One of the substitutes became frightened when
the enemy opened their artillery, and ran towards the
wagons. As he approached a fence, one of the enemy's
shells burst in front of him, tearing the fence to pieces; this
so "conflumuxed" him that he ran back to us saying, "No
whar was safe." He stayed with us during the remainder of
the fight, and with the loss of a piece of skin knocked from
his shin, was the only one wounded.
In the death of Capt. William A. Pegram we suffered a
great loss. Young, unassuming, but a true soldier, by his
gallantry he was notable on many a battlefield. We buried
him the next day in the cemetery at Williamsport, and the
three men on the field, which they
gave their lives to win. We marched in the afternoon
to Hagerstown, sleeping that night on the brick pavement
at the market house, resuming our march early
the next morning, July 8, 1863, and joining our regiment
in their bivouac two miles from Hagerstown.
During the absence of F Company from the army,
several changes were made in officers. Lt.-Gen. Richard
S. Ewell was made commander of the Second Corps,
Maj.-Gen. Edward Johnson was made commander of
Jackson's Division, and Brig.-Gen. J. M. Jones commander
of the Second Brigade. The battles of Chancellorsville,
Winchester and Gettysburg had been fought,
and on our uniting with our regiment they told us of
those battles and we told them of Williamsport.
When Gen. Lee arrived in the neighborhood of Williamsport
and found that his army could not cross the
Potomac on account of a rise in the river, he promptly
turned his army back, and formed a line of battle near
Hagerstown. Here he awaited an attack from Meade,
who marched his army up in front of Lee's, had some
skirmishing, and began to fortify; we following his
example. Gen. Lee had thrown a pontoon bridge across
the Potomac at Falling Waters, about four or five miles
below Williamsport. This had been partially destroyed
after Gettysburg by a raiding party of the enemy's from
Harper's Ferry. While we were in line at Hagerstown,
Gen. Lee had this bridge repaired, and the wagons
passed over it; in the meantime the river had fallen
enough for the men to ford it. Gen. Ewell withdrew
his corps from the line on the night of the 13th, marching
all night, and reaching the Potomac a short distance
above Williamsport about daybreak. We marched
at once into the river and forded, the water
taking us up to our breasts. It was necessary that a
comrade and myself should help little Bates, and every
time we stumbled on some of the large rocks at the
bottom of the stream, his head went under the water.
The remainder of our army crossed at the same time on
the pontoon bridge.
Our army at this time was in a sad plight as to clothing.
Hundreds had no shoes, thousands were as ragged
as they could be, some with the bottom of their pants
in long frazzles, others with their knees out, others out
at their elbows, and their hair sticking through holes
in their hats. Some of the men patched their clothing,
and it was usually done with any material they could
get; one man having the seat of his pants patched with
bright red, his knees patched with black; another with
a piece of gray or brown blanket; in fact, with anything
one could get. There were so few patches, however,
and so many holes, that it was not surprising that
one of the Pennsylvania girls in a party on the side of
the road looking at us pass, when she was asked by her
mother how the officers were distinguished from the
privates, replied that it was easy enough, because the
officers' pants were patched, and the privates' pants
CAMP MONTPELIER--THE GREAT RELIGIOUS REVIVAL
REVIEW OF SECOND CORPS--THE ADVANCE
THE 14th of July found the army of Northern Virginia
back in Virginia from the Pennsylvania campaign.
Gen. Lee crossed the Blue Ridge into Orange County
with all his troops except Ewell's Corps, which was left
in the valley, engaged in destroying the B.& O. R. R.
On the 20th Ewell's corps took up our march to join
Gen. Lee, and marched through Winchester to Manassas
Gap. Here we learned that the enemy had advanced
into the Gap from the other side of the Blue Ridge, and
were trying to effect an entrance into the Luray Valley.
We had some heavy skirmishing with them, which lasted
until late in the night, when they withdrew. In the
morning we marched up the Luray Valley to Thornton's
Gap, where we crossed the mountain and marched to
Orange County, joined Gen. Lee on August 1st, and
went into camp at Montpelier, the old home of President
Madison. This last day's march was the hottest
I ever experienced; more than half the men falling out
of ranks on the march, overcome by the heat. Every
tree we came to along the road side had a squad of men
under its shade, officers as well as privates. While in
this camp that splendid regiment, the 25th Va., was
added to our brigade. We remained in camp at Montpelier
until the 14th, when we marched to Liberty Mills
to meet some movement of the enemy; remained there
until the 16th, at which time we returned to Montpelier.
It was reported one evening, while we were at Liberty
Mills, that a small body of Yankees was at the Madison
County poor house. A detail of men and an officer were
sent there to capture them. I was one of the party.
We started as soon as we could get ready, which was a
little after sunset. Soon after we left camp a severe
thunder storm arose. I do not know that I ever saw
one more severe. It rained in torrents, the thunder
roared, the lightning flashed, and in the midst of it all
we trudged along an unknown road without a guide.
No one in the party had ever been over the road before.
It was at times so dark that we could not see our hands
before us. We halted several times to let a passing
cloud empty itself on us, and the sky clear up some, so
that we might see how to march. The dogs along the
road proved to be great friends that night, it being so
dark that we could not see the houses. When we heard
a dog bark, someone would go towards him, and thus
find the house, awake the inmates, and get directions for
our march. The little branches and creeks running
across the road had by this time become small rivers,
and the water of some came up to our waists as we
forded. Just before reaching the poor house village,
the moon came out, and we entered the village about
midnight; no lights were visible and not a soul was stirring.
We, however, surrounded the largest and best
looking house, and knocked at the door. After some
delay, an old man with a veritable nightcap on, poked
his head out of an upper window and informed us that
a squad of Yankee cavalry had been there that afternoon,
and left about sunset. We then marched to the
church which was open, went in, and, after posting a
sentinel, lay down on the benches in our wet clothes,
thoroughly broken down, and slept the rest of the night.
On our return next morning, one of the streams we
crossed the night before had risen so high that we could
not cross; while we were waiting, an old gentleman in
the neighborhood gave us a breakfast which was so
good that it paid us for our trip. This march, during
the night, was as trying an experience as I had during
the war. We reached camp about ten in the morning,
having marched about twenty-four miles.
Soon after we returned to Montpelier a detail of
men was made to make soap. These men gathered the
ashes from our fires, put them into several barrels, and
commenced making lye; they also gathered the offal
from the slaughter pens, and with the use of several old-fashioned
dinner pots, in which the soap was made, they
soon had some excellent and pure soap. This was issued
at once, and the men of our brigade soon presented a
very clean appearance. All the work of these men was
done out of doors. They were so successful in their
work, that we carried a large quantity with us when we
This was a very busy week: first, our regiment, the
21st Va. Inft., was presented with a battle flag; the next
day, we had a brigade inspection; the next day, a brigade
review; and the next day, a division review.
Quite a charming story is connected with this flag.
At the battle of Chancellorsville our color bearer was
shot down; one of the color guard caught the flag, and
waving it aloft, was in a few minutes shot, taken off the
field, and his left arm amputated above the elbow.
When he recovered, he reported at this camp for duty,
saying he could carry the flag with one arm as well as
before. Gen. Johnson, our division commander, hearing
this, determined to present the flag in person to our one-armed
color bearer. It was received at division headquarters,
and Friday, the 20th of August, was the day
announced for the presentation. On that day the Second
Brigade was drawn up in line, and in the presence
of many spectators, including a number of ladies, Gen.
Johnson, in patriotic and thrilling words, presented to
our regiment its first battle flag. The occasion was very
impressive and enthusiastic. Our flag had the following
battles inscribed on it: Kernstown, McDowell, Winchester,
Second Manassas, Harper's Ferry, Sharpsburg,
Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, and Gettysburg.
Through an oversight these were omitted, viz.: Cold
Harbor, Malvern Hill, and Cedar Run. This flag was
carried with distinction in all our battles to the end.
On September 3d we received orders to clean our arms
and accouterments and cook one day's rations, and be
ready to march early the next morning, when a grand
review of the Second Corps would take place. This
created a great stir in our regiment, since we had never
been to a review on such a grand scale, and all wanted
to participate in it. We were up betimes on the morning
of the 4th, and soon had our breakfast, and were
ordered to fall in. We marched through Orange C. H.
to a large field about one mile east of that village, reaching
it about 10 A. M. Our division formed a line facing
east, about midway of this field, stacked arms, and
rested. We were soon joined by Early's and Rode's
divisions, the former taking position about two hundred
yards in our front, and the latter about the same distance
in our rear, making three lines each about half a
About a quarter of a mile in our front was the
reviewing stand, where the corps headquarters' flag was
waving. As the officers, who were to witness the review,
and the visitors arrived, they took their positions near
that flag. Many ladies were present on horseback and
carriages, among whom were two of Gen. Lee's daughters,
who received much attention from every one. The
scene was very gay and brilliant around the flag.
We were to be reviewed by Gen. Lee in person; and
about noon he made his appearance mounted on Traveler,
and joined the throng around the flag, where he
seemed to enjoy himself highly with the visitors. Soon
the bugle sounded, and announced that all was ready.
Gen. Lee rode to the front, accompanied by his staff,
then Gen. Dwell and staff, followed by the generals of
the several divisions and their staffs, in their respective
order of rank. Gen. Lee rode to the right of the front
division, which had taken its place, and, with bands
playing and drums beating, the general dashed along the
front of the line, followed by the large cavalcade of
generals and their staffs. The men presented arms, flags
were lowered, the officers saluted with their swords,
and all the pomp of war that could be shown by these
old Confederates was brought into view. Reaching the
left of the line, the generals wheeled to the left and
passed in rear of the same line, until they reached its
end; when they wheeled to the right, going to the second
line, reviewing them in same manner as the first; and
then to the third line; and back to the flag, and took
their respective positions near it. The three lines now
marched forward several hundred yards, with bands
playing, then left-wheeled into column of regiments, the
regiment at the head guiding us to a line with the flag,
where the corps marched past the stand in column of
regiments. As each regiment arrived in front of Gen.
Lee, the men came to a shoulder arms, the flags dipped,
the officers saluted, the bands played; Gen. Lee raised
his hat in recognition, the ladies waved their handkerchiefs
and clapped their hands and cheered us, we answering
with a Confederate yell. The regiments after
passing the reviewing stand some distance, filed to the
right, and again forming line, waited until the review
was ended. We then took up our march for camp,
which we reached about nine or ten o'clock at night.
This was said to be the grandest review of our troops
during the war, the movements of the men were excellent
and our marching splendid. Johnson's (Jackson's
old division) attracted special attention, and the one-armed
color bearer of the 21st Va. Regt. was loudly
cheered by all the officers and visitors as he passed the
It was at Montpelier that the great religious revival
commenced, which spread so rapidly over the entire
army; and the converts were so numerous that they
were numbered not by tens and hundreds, but by
thousands. The place selected for preaching in our
camp was on a hillside, in a large wood, the road
running on one side of the place, and a small branch on
the other. The ground was slightly inclined; trees were
cut from the adjoining woods, rolled to this spot, and
arranged for seating at least two thousand people. At
the lower end, a platform was raised with logs, rough
boards were placed on them, and a bench was made at
the far side for the seating of the preachers. In front
was a pulpit or desk, made of a box. Around this platform
and around the seats, stakes or poles were driven
in the ground about ten or fifteen feet apart, on top of
which were baskets made of iron wire, iron hoops, etc.
In these baskets chunks of lightwood were placed, and
at night they were lighted, throwing a red glare far
beyond the confines of the place of worship. The gathering,
each night, of the bronzed and grizzly warriors,
devoutly worshiping, was a wonderful picture in the
army; and when some old familiar hymn was given out,
those thousands of warriors would make hill and dell
ring. In this rude place of worship thousands gathered
several weeks. The interest manifested was so great
that the seats were taken in the afternoon by such men
as were not on duty; and when night relieved from duty
those who had been drilling, etc., the men stood up in
immense numbers around those who were seated. I
think I can say that the order was perfect, no disturbance
of any kind was ever known to occur, and the
attention to the words of the preacher was never more
We enjoyed in this camp the longest rest of the war;
and it was much needed. After the review we were
disturbed only by regular drills and the usual camp
duties. The men enjoyed this rest more than any we
ever had. The camp was located in one of the healthiest
sites to be found. In full view of the Blue Ridge and
Monticello, it was a beautiful place and it was, too, a
Our rest ended on September 16th, when we commenced
a series of marches and movements, which culminated
in Gen. Lee's crossing the Rapidan river, and
offering battle to the enemy. They, however, preferred
to retire; and we followed as far as Bristow Station,
where their rear guard was overtaken and promptly attacked
by a part of A. P. Hill's division, which suffered
some loss. When our division arrived on the field, the
Second Brigade was formed in line of battle near the
railroad, and perpendicular to it, and skirmishers thrown
forward, and we were ordered forward about half a
mile through a thin pine thicket. The men were cautioned
to keep perfectly quiet, as the enemy were supposed
to be in this thicket. We halted, and were ordered
to lie down in place, with guns in hand. Everything so
far had been done very quietly; but when an old hare
came running to our line, the boys could not restrain
themselves--some sprang to their feet, catching at the
hare as it went by the line of battle. It was captured
by one of the men who was lying down. A wild yell
burst from the men, and the silence for that day was
broken. Our skirmishers pushed on to Broad Run, and
it was soon reported that Meade had taken refuge in the
fortifications around Centreville. We quietly took up
our march and returned to camp. The Second Corps
followed the Orange& Alexander R. R., destroying the
track from the bridge over Broad Run to the Rappahannock
river, and, crossing that river, Johnson's division
went into camp about three miles from it, a part of the
corps staying at the river. We remained in this camp
until the night of November 7th, when we marched to
Kelly's Ford, to meet the enemy, who, it was reported,
had crossed there. Near the ford, about two or three
o'clock in the night, we halted and sent scouts ahead,
who learned that a large body of the enemy had crossed,
staying only a short time and recrossing about night.
One of our regiment captured a prisoner, who was the
only enemy seen by my corps as far as I know. This
man stayed with the regiment two or three days before
he was turned over to the provost guard. On the following
morning we marched to Culpeper C. H., going
around the town to the Rapidan river, which we crossed
at Raccoon Ford about eight or nine o'clock at night.
It was the coldest water I ever forded. Oh, how cold!
I can feel it now. As the water at this time was about
knee deep, we were ordered to take off our shoes and
roll up our breeches; and, as we stepped into the water,
it was so cold it felt as if a knife had taken one's foot
off; and at each step the depth of the water increased.
This feeling continued until we reached the middle of
the river, where the water came to the knee, and one
felt as if the leg was off from the knee down. Reaching
the shore and halting to put on shoes and let pants
down, many of the men were so cold they could not
do it. This was true of myself: I had put on one shoe,
but could not tie it, nor could I roll my pants down.
In this way we marched about a mile, when we halted
in a large wood, where we soon built immense fires and
became warm. The next morning we marched and went
into camp at Mt. Pisgah Church in Orange County.
Thence our division went on picket at Morton's Ford
on the Rappahannock, a distance of eight miles; a brigade
going to the ford, staying three days, and relieved
by another brigade, returning to camp at Mt. Pisgah.
During the winter of 1863-4 the subject of taking care
of the widows and orphans of the soldiers who were
killed, was agitated by some of the prominent citizens
of the Confederacy; an organization was formed for
that purpose, committees were appointed to make collections,
etc., and agents of the society were sent to the
armies in the field, to ask assistance from the soldiers.
One of these agents visited our company while we were
in this camp. He was received most cordially, as the
cause was one that appealed to the sympathy of every
soldier. When the company was assembled, the following
sums were subscribed by its members, to be paid at
the next pay day, or as soon thereafter as the collector
could visit us:
Lt. R. J. Jordan . . . . . $20.00 Sergt. J. H. Worsham . . . . . 10.00 Sergt. W. S. Robertson . . . . . 10.00 Sergt. E. Gouldman . . . . . 2.00 Corporal H. F. Munt . . . . . 5.00 Corporal N. A. Dowdy . . . . . 2.00 Corporal H. C. Tyree . . . . . 5.00 Privates: N. Barber . . . . . 2.50 A. D. Brown . . . . . 2.00 G. W. Brown . . . . . 2.50 J. R. Brown . . . . . 2.50 J. M. Couch . . . . . 2.00 W. E. Cumbia . . . . . 5.00 W. S. Cumbia . . . . . 1.00 W. B. Edmonds . . . . . 5.00 H. C. Fox . . . . . 5.00 J. Griffin . . . . . 2.00 J. W. Johnston . . . . . 2.00 P. W. Kayton . . . . . 5.00 A. C. Legg . . . . . 2.00 J. M. Mason . . . . . 2.00 J. T. Merriman . . . . . 2.00 H. Peaster . . . . . 5.00 P. S. Richeson . . . . . 2.00 W. R. Richeson . . . . . 2.00 S. Searles . . . . . 5.00 W. C. Seay . . . . . 2.00 J. T. Smith . . . . . 5.00 S. E. Wood . . . . . 5.00 J. A. Kidd . . . . . 5.00 _______
This was a liberal contribution from men whose pay
was eleven dollars a month, the majority of whom had
families who needed all their income. It is a pleasure
to me to add that when the collector came, every one
present paid his subscription; and some who were absent
left the amount with me, which was duly handed over.
Every man present at the first visit subscribed, and a
few who were not present then but were present when
the collector came, gave him what they could spare; they
are included in the list.
Gen. Bradley T. Johnson was commanding our brigade
again and his wife visited him here. The first day
of her arrival she visited the camp of the brigade, and
went to each company asking after the health of the
men, and how we were getting along, etc. This she continued
to do daily as long as we were in this camp.
She was a beautiful woman with charming manners and
always had a pleasant word and good cheer for the sick.
The personal interest she took in us, so impressed the
men that they looked forward to her daily visits with
great pleasure. The good she did in this camp was
PAYNE'S FARM AND MINE RUN
ON November 27th it was reported that Meade had
crossed the Rappahannock and was advancing. We
broke camp, and Johnson's division marched towards
Mine Run on a road north of that taken by the remainder
of the Second Corps. We were quietly marching along
a road which runs through a wood, listening to the distant
cannon in our front and speculating as to the location
of the expected battle. Suddenly a part of our
column was assailed on the flank by a Yankee skirmish
line. It was a complete surprise to us, since no one
thought the enemy was in the vicinity. Regimental officers
cut off companies from their regiments, formed
them as skirmishers right in the road, and ordered them
forward. I must say this was the promptest movement
I saw during the war. Our skirmishers drove the enemy
back on their line of battle, and by this time Gen. Johnson
had formed the division in line of battle, and it was
moving forward. The left of our line became heavily
engaged at once. The Second Brigade was on the right,
and swung around until we came to a field, where we
could see the enemy behind a rail fence on the edge of
a wood at the far side of this field. Continuing our
wheeling, we soon came to a swamp in a bottom, the
most miry place I ever entered. How the men crossed
it I don't know. Many left one or both shoes in the
mud, the horses could not cross, the officers were compelled
to dismount and take the mud too. We, however
crossed, halted a few moments under the hill, reformed
our line, and went forward. As soon as we advanced
up the hill sufficiently for the enemy to see us, the action
became general and heavy; we fought until night put
an end to the battle.
I will mention a gallant action which I saw here.
Capt. Johnson of the 50th Va. Regt., a man about fifty
years of age, large and stout, thinking that some of his
men were not doing as well as they ought, walked out
to the brow of the hill, lay down on its top, broadside
to the enemy, and then called to some of his men to
come up; and if they were afraid, they could use him
as a breastwork. Several of them very promptly accepted
his challenge, lying down behind him, resting their
guns on him, firing steadily from this position until the
fight was over. I am happy to say that the gallant
captain was not injured. The division suffered greatly;
of F Company, L. M. Couch, J. A. Kidd, Henry Peaster
and Porter Wren were wounded.
This action was known as the battle of Payne's Farm;
it was fought by Johnson's division alone, against one of
the wings of the Army of the Potomac that had crossed
the river at a small ford to make the flank attack on
Lee's army, and, but for the promptness with which the
attack was met, it might have been very disastrous to
his army. During the night we withdrew across Mine
On the next morning we joined Lee, and took our
position in line of battle with our corps, along the hills
of Mine Run, and threw up breastworks. Meade occupied
the hills in our front. Skirmishers had been thrown
out in our front all along the run, we heard the continuous
crack of their guns, occasionally a brisk
cannonade would be indulged in; and thus matters went on
all day. At night all became still, and we lay down in
the breastworks to rest. When we arose the next morning
we saw that the hills in our front had a line of
fortifications from one end to the other of the enemy's
line, and more formidable than our own. The skirmishing
was as heavy as on the day before, and at one
time we endured heavy cannonading from the enemy.
Night put an end to the firing. In the morning we saw
that Meade had strengthened his works and brought up
additional cannon. I went back of our fortifications a
few yards, built a small fire of twigs, put my cup on it
to warm something for breakfast, and quietly took a
seat on the ground near by to wait until it was heated.
Two of the regiment joined me and put their cups beside
mine, the enemy's shells from a battery on our right
occasionally dropping in our vicinity. Soon after my
friends put their cups on the fire, a shell dropped in it,
burst, wounding one of them on the head, and when
the smoke and ashes cleared up, our cups and fire too
had disappeared. I sadly went back and took my place
in line, without breakfast. Once during this day the
cannonading from the enemy was the most severe we
had from them. Anticipating an attack, a sergeant from
F Company and two men were detailed from the 21st
Va. Regt., ordered to go back to our rear, find the ammunition
wagon, get two boxes of ammunition, bring
them to the line of battle, keep them within one hundred
yards of the regiment, and, if attacked, issue them to
the men as fast as they might need them.
At night A. P. Hill's corps, which occupied the right
of Lee's line, moved out of the breastworks and took
a position on the flank and rear of Meade, in order to
attack him at daybreak. Our corps remained in the
breastworks, and extended its line so as to occupy the
whole fortification, and in my regiment the men were
not much closer together than in a skirmish line. Orders
were given the men in case of an attack to hold the line
at all hazards.
About midnight the men lay down in their places for
some rest, and were aroused at break of day, sprang
to their feet promptly, and listened for the expected
attack by Hill. Not a gun was heard, so we became
very anxious because we had no tidings from him.
Soon after sunrise, Johnson's division formed in column
and marched along the breastworks until we reached a
country road, where we filed to the left, and marched
over the run into the Yankee fortifications. Everything
was perfectly still, not a Yankee to be seen, they having
left during the night. We followed till we knew they
had crossed the Rapidan.
Johnson's division then marched to Morton's Ford,
and, on the next day, to Raccoon Ford, where we remained
until December 19th, when we marched to the
neighborhood of Orange C. H., and then back to our
old camp near Mt. Pisgah Church on December 24th.
The next day we had a regular old-time Christmas, since
a good many boxes had been received from home, in
some of which were the ingredients for egg-nog.
The men suffered a great deal at Mine Run from the
cold winds. We were on a high hill, and were kept in
the breastworks all the time, and not allowed to make
WINTER 1863-4--CAMP NEAR MT. PISGAH CHURCH
BEFORE leaving our camp near Mt. Pisgah Church to
march to Mine Run, some of the men had built huts.
When we returned to camp huts were built for all, and
soon we were comfortable. The Second Brigade also
built of logs a commodious church. There we gathered
every Sunday for regular religious services, sometimes
having a preacher to expound the gospel, and at other
times a soldier would lead the meetings, which were
largely attended and much enjoyed by the men.
The whole division was ordered out one afternoon to
witness the execution of three Confederate soldiers from
another division, who were to die by being shot for some
violation of the laws of the army. The division was
formed on three sides of a hollow square, the fourth side
being open. Three stakes were fixed in the ground
about the center of this open side, and soon after our
formation an officer and a guard with the prisoners appeared.
The prisoners were made to kneel with their
backs to the stakes, to which they were securely tied and
a cloth was fastened over their eyes. Twelve men were
ordered to take up the twelve guns lying on the ground
in front of the prisoners. The guns had already been
loaded, it is said six with and six without balls, so that
no man would know that he killed one of the prisoners.
The twelve men took their places about thirty feet in
front of each man, the order to fire was given, and, at
the report of the guns, two men were killed, the balls
going through each; the third man, while shot, was not killed.
One of the detail was ordered to place another gun against
the man's breast and fire; this killed him instantly. This was
the only execution I witnessed, and, if I live a thousand
years, I will never be willing to see another.
We remained in this camp a long time, drilling, etc., during
good weather, and going regularly on picket to Morton's
Ford. On February 5th the whole corps was called to the
ford, the indications being that the enemy were moving and
were marching a column to the ford with the intention of
crossing. They did not make their appearance on the other
side of the river, but sent skirmishers to the ford, who
became engaged with ours, and some of their artillery was
in action and shelled our lines. We remained at the ford until
the 8th, and then returned to camp, leaving a brigade as
usual on picket. The enemy had disappeared and gone back
to their camps before we moved. This was known in the
Yankee army as the "Mud Campaign," and they said that if
their artillery and wagons had not stuck in the mud they
would have made things lively for us.
On March 1st the enemy made a movement in our front
and sent a body of cavalry on a raid in our rear. About
sunset of the 2nd the long roll was sounded in the camp of
Johnson's division, we were ordered to fall in, and, as soon
as we did so, we were ordered to march to the stone road.
There the division was formed, and we marched at a quick
step in the direction of Fredericksburg. Arriving at Mine
Run, we camped for the remainder of the night. The roads
were full of mud and the marching was bad; at one place
we forded a branch and the road ascended a steep clay hill,
shoes of the soldier after coming out of the branch and
treading on the clay had made it perfectly slick, and many a
fall was the consequence. We had a boy recruit just from
his home and this was his first march. He wore wooden
bottom shoes, and, poor fellow, he slipped back into the
branch, getting out a step or two, so often that some of his
comrades finally undertook to help him. Frequently they
went with him two or three yards from the branch, when he
would commence to slip, pulling them all back together into
the water. He was finally told to sit down on the road side
until daybreak, when he would be able to see his way, and
could then join us. This he did; but some of the boys, to have
a little fun, told him that the Yankee cavalry were marching
behind us, and as soon as we got a little way from him, they
would come along and take him prisoner. Poor little fellow,
he commenced to cry as if his heart would break. This little
fellow, however, made his mark at the Wilderness battle a
few weeks later. I saw him blow a hole through a Yankee,
who was at the muzzle of his gun, during the attack they
made on us.
Early the next morning we continued the march, halted at
the crossing of the Germania Road, formed a line of battle
across the road, stacked arms, and were told that we might
rest; but must remain near our guns. It was rumored that
the Yankee cavalry raiders were expected to return this
way to their army, and we were there to intercept them.
We remained several hours, marched to Chancellorsville,
and, forming a line across a road leading to one of the fords,
stayed there several hours; we marched back to the
Germania Road, where we remained all night. The next
morning we again marched to Chancellorsville, remaining
there all day and night.
We were called out of camp very suddenly on the afternoon
of the 2nd on this expedition, and we did not carry
any rations with us. (Some of the men were left behind
in camp to cook them and then bring them to us.)
We had eaten up everything in camp during the day,
and were drawing rations for supper when we were
ordered off on the march, and we left without it. The
men with the cooked rations joined us at Chancellorsville
on the morning of the 4th, and during all this time
very few of us had anything to eat. I had nothing, and
it was the longest time I went without eating during the
war. As soon as we finished eating what the men
brought, we took our places in line, and the next morning
returned to Mt. Pisgah; the raiders having returned
to their army by another route. We saw at Chancellorsville
that a year's time had not healed the scars of the
bloody battle fought there, the ground where we were
being literally covered with human bones that had been
scattered about since the shallow burial of those who
fell there. It was an awful experience, even for soldiers,
to lie down for rest at night, after scraping the
The night of the 5th found us back in our old quarters,
and we were glad, very glad, to return to them,
and were soon comfortable.
For a long time short rations were issued to us, and
it being hard to divide them equally among the members
of the messes, the majority of the messes adopted
a system that gave general satisfaction. After the rations
were cooked, they were divided into as many parts
as there were members of the mess. Each of these
parts was piled on a log or on the ground in a row,
and one member of the mess was selected to turn his
back to the piles of rations, while another member
pointed his finger towards one of the piles and asked,
"Who has this?" The man with his back towards the
piles designated one of the mess by name, who immediately
took it; and then another pile was disposed of in
a similar way, until all the piles were taken. Coffee
was not included in this method of distribution, because
it was given us in the grain and in quantity so small
that the grains were counted out to each man. None
but the Confederate soldier knows how they lived. For
months we had not had a full ration, and the rations
became more scanty as the war continued, and after this
time we never received as much as we wanted to eat,
unless we captured it from the enemy.
The regular rations allowed by army regulations were
not sufficient, but we did not get the regular allowance
even at the beginning of the war, when everything was
plentiful. Here is the allowance of rations for men in
the field--for each man:
1/2 lb. bacon or beef--daily. 1 1/2 lbs. flour or corn meal--daily, or 1 lb. hard bread.
For one hundred men:
8 qts. of pease or 10 lbs. of rice. 4 qts. of vinegar. 1 1/2 lbs. tallow candles. 4 lbs. soap. 2 qts. salt. 6 lbs. sugar.
While we were in this camp we received some of the
Telescope rifles, which were entrusted to a select body
of men. On suitable occasions the men practiced shooting
with them. At one of those practices they stood on
one hill and shot at a target about half a mile off on
another hill. The bottom between those hills was used
as a grazing place for horses and mules belonging to
our wagon train, and during the shooting, they accidentally
killed one of the mules. That mule was very
fat, and not long after it was killed some of the men
cut chunks of meat from him and carried them into
camp to be cooked and eaten. Some officer learning of
this, had a guard stationed during the day near the mule
to prevent it. That night many had mule steak for supper.
We are now in a bad plight for cooking utensils;
spiders are scarce, also frying pans; hardly a boiler and
all the pans to make the bread in are gone; we make the
bread in the spiders and frying pans, oilcloths, and during
the time of year that the bark of the trees would
slip we get an excellent tray by peeling the bark from
We enjoyed this camp, as the quarters were the most
comfortable we had during the war. The men really
enjoyed the rest and the longest ever spent. There was
more sociability here than I ever saw in camp. I enjoyed
visiting Clark's Mountain, a mound rising several
hundred feet above the surrounding country, and immediately
on the Rapidan River. From its top, which
was about three miles from our camp, I could see the
camps of many of the enemy in Culpeper County; also
I had an extensive view of the surrounding country.
We had a signal station on its top, and sometimes I had
an opportunity to look through the glass at the Yankee
One of the incidents I witnessed while in this camp
was changing the clothing of one of our men confined
in the guard house, who was handcuffed. He desired
to put on a clean shirt, and as he was not allowed to
take off the cuffs, he went to work, took off his soiled
shirt, and then put on the clean one, the handcuffs not
being removed. It, however, took him about two hours
to do it.
The negroes who accompanied their masters during
the war were a source of much merriment as well as
comfort to us. I recollect the experience of two of our
negro cooks in battle. On one occasion we were in
line of battle when Archer, a cook in one of our companies,
came to the front with his master's haversack
of rations. We were taking things easy at the time,
some lying on the ground, others sitting or standing up
engaged in talking over the impending battle, and at the
sight of Archer we gave him a hurrah as a welcome.
He had been with us only a few minutes, when the enemy
made an advance along our front and turned our
flank. Fighting became warm, and we had a hot time
before we succeeded in driving them back; but following
up our success, we drove the enemy from the field
of battle. Archer was caught in the fight, and when
night came and we were joined by the cooks, he had a
splendid account to tell his companions of the part he
took in the battle. He told them he took the gun of
one of our dead, and fought side by side with "Marse
Jim," and he "knows I killed a dozen Yankees. Oh, you
ought just to have see me in the charge! Me and 'Marse
Jim' just whipped them clean out!" This account of
Archer's made a hero of him in the estimation of his
friends, and so impressed them that one of their number,
Ned, made up his mind then and there to go into
the next battle, and see if he could eclipse Archer's account!
Ned did not have long to wait, as we met our
old enemy again some weeks later, when a line of battle
was formed in a wood. Ned was in it, with gun in
hand. He had a large knapsack strapped to his back,
filled to overflowing with articles from many a battlefield,
which he had been carrying for a month or more
with the hope of sending it to his wife by some soldier
who was going to his neighborhood. Besides the knapsack
he had one or more haversacks filled in same manner,
and his canteen!
When wee received orders to move forward, Ned
marched boldly in our midst, and when we reached the
edge of the woods the enemy opened on us,--a
spent ball hitting Ned squarely in the forehead, raising
a knot as large as a hen's egg in a few minutes! As
soon as Ned was struck he was seen to halt, his mouth
flew open, his eyes bulged, and he made a movement as
if he was going to run, but the men steadied him by telling
him that Archer was knocked down several times by
balls, and he got up and killed the man who had shot him!
In our advance we crossed a fence and started across
a field. A man at Ned's side was shot down. Ned
started and stopped at the sight, his gun fell from his
hand, a ball went over his shoulder, cut the strap on
his knapsack, and, as it turned, Ned slipped out of it
letting it fall to the ground; at the same time disengaging
his haversack and canteen, pulled off his coat, dropped
it, too, brushed off his hat, wheeled and broke for the
rear like a quarter horse, amidst the yells of our men!
This was a sore subject ever after for Ned. Not that he
ran away,--but losing all those things he had been saving
to send to Sally! And he would not believe a word
of Archer's tale!
Here is another tale of the negro, showing the feeling
the southerner had for him. My mess, of about half a
dozen, had built for winter quarters a log pen about two
feet high; on this they erected their tent, and at one
end we had an excellent log chimney. This made us
very comfortable. We had a negro slave as cook, who
stayed about our tent during the day, but slept in a cabin
with other negroes. He was taken sick with measles;
we made him leave his quarters and come and stay in
our tent, where we cooked for him and nursed him until
he was well.
I tried to keep clean while in the army, and made it a
rule to take a bath once a week and oftener when convenient;
this included winter as well as summer. It
looked very formidable to take a bath on some of those
cold and stormy days which we had in the army, but it
was more in looks than in the reality. Here is a winter's
day experience in this camp. One day about noon the
sun shining brightly and little wind stirring, I thought
I would take my bath. I walked over to Madison Run,
a large stream about half a mile from camp. I found
the stream frozen over solid. I got a large rock, walked
to the middle of the stream, raised the rock over my
head, and hurled it with all my force on the ice, but it
made no impression. I repeated this eight or ten times
without breaking the ice. I then returned to camp, got
an ax, went back to the run, cut a large hole in the
ice, which was about seven inches thick, cleared the hole
of all floating ice, undressed, took a good bath, dressed,
and when I returned to camp was in fine condition.
It had been rumored in camp for several weeks that
Gen. Grant had command of the army of the Potomac,
our old enemy, and from indications in his camp it was
supposed he intended to make a move soon. In anticipation
of this, Johnson's division broke up winter quarters
on May 2, and marched to Bartley's Mill on the
Rapidan for better observation, and to be in better place
to guard our line.
ON the morning of May 4th, 1864, Johnson's division
left Bartley's Mill and marched to Locust Grove
and proceeded along the Stone road towards Fredericksburg
nearly all night, then halted, and rested
on the side of the road. Gen. Ewell, who had been
riding at the head of the column, lay down beside a log
not more than ten yards from me.
As the streaks of day were just beginning to show
themselves, we were ordered to fall in, and resumed our
march. We had gone only a short distance when the
stillness in our front was broken by the sound of a drum,
and the sweet notes of music from a band. Every man
clutched his gun more tightly, as the direction of the
music told him that the enemy were in front. There
was no need of urging us to hurry, no need to inquire
what it meant. All knew now that Grant had crossed
the Rapidan, and soon the tumult of battle would begin.
The march continued, the command was "Close
up," soon the order, "Halt! Load your guns!" then
"Shoulder arms! March!" Soon a line of battle was
formed by the Second Brigade which was in front, the
21st Va. Regt. on the left of the Stone road, the remainder
of the brigade on the right of that road. The
order "Forward!" was given,--we moved forward
through wood and brush! We were in the wilderness!
with a tumult that seemed to come from the infernal
regions, we were assailed by the enemy! As soon as the
lifting of the smoke enabled us to see, we discovered
that the portion of our brigade which was on the right
of the road had been swept away; there were no Confederates
in sight except our regiment. We broke the
enemy's line in our front, and made no halt in our advance,--
on we went, shooting as fast as we could load!
Suddenly I was confronted by a gun, resting on a big
stump, and behind the stump we saw a Yank! We hallooed
to him to throw his gun down, several of us took
aim at him; he started to rise, but before he could do
so, a little boy on my left who had also taken aim at him,
pulled the trigger, and at the crack of his gun the Yankee
fell dead! This was the little fellow who was wearing
wooden bottom shoes, whom we left on the road
one night a few weeks before crying, because he could not
keep up with us on the march. We captured many
prisoners; behind every tree and stump were several who
seemed to remain there in preference to running the
gauntlet of our fire. We advanced to a dense pine
thicket and halted, every man falling flat on the ground
at once for protection! We could see troops coming to
our assistance, and the line on our left was extended
by the Third Brigade, one of its regiments halting directly
in our rear, where they lay down, too! On our
right the woods were large and open, and for some reason
the enemy had disappeared from it. An explanation
of this was given in the report of Maj. Meret C. Walsh,
"7 Indiana Inf., in Vol. 34, page 617, War Records."
He says, "We charged the rebel line, capturing the colors
of the 50th Va. Regt., and nearly two hundred prisoners,
but being flanked on the right, were forced to retire
from the field, and return to the breastworks."
The force on the right was the 21st Va. Regt! It
will be seen that we not only drove those in front, but
cleared the enemy from the field on the right of the road.
The pine thicket in our front was so dense that we
could not see into it twenty feet, but we heard the enemy
talking. My company was near the road and I, wishing
to see what was going on in front, ran across the
road to the top of the elevation, and to the front. What
a sight met my gaze! Obliquely across the road and
just behind the pine thicket, the enemy was massed in
a small field. I looked down the road and saw two
pieces of artillery coming up in a run, and at this time
I perceived that I in turn was seen, and guns were leveled
at me! I took shelter behind a big tree, just as
Cumbia of our company came running to me! They
fired a hundred shots, and Cumbia fell shot through the
body! He was as gallant a soldier as any in our army.
I ran back to my company, and seeing the colonel of
the regiment of the Third Brigade who was with us, I
informed him of the position of affairs in front. He
gave the order at once, "Forward, men!"--the two regiments
jumped to their feet and advanced, the whole of
the Third Brigade taking part. Through the thicket
we went, coming upon the mass of the enemy, the battle
raging again more fiercely than before! With a yell
we were on them, front and flank! They gave ground
and then ran! Such a yell then went up as fairly shook
the ground! Hurrah! the cannon are ours, we capturing
both pieces. The enemy in their flight had crossed to
the right of the road, and we followed through the field
about two hundred yards into the woods; here we halted
and were ordered back. In retiring through the field,
we discovered a body of the enemy in the woods on our
left; the 21st Va. Regt. immediately wheeled and poured
a hot fire into them! They disappeared in great disorder,
we resuming our march across the field, and
halting as soon as we reached the wood on the east side.
The 21st Va. Regt. taking position there and on the right
of the Stone road, commenced to fire slowly at the enemy,
who had taken position on the west side of this field.
Here we were joined by the remainder of the Second
We were then treated to a rare sight! Running midway
across the little field was a gully that had been
washed by the rains. In their retreat, many of the enemy
went into this gully for a protection from our fire,
and when we advanced to it, we ordered them out and to
the rear; all came out except one, who had hidden under
an overhanging bank, and was overlooked. When we
fell back across the field the Yankees, who followed us
to the edge of the woods, shot at us as we crossed. One
of our men, thinking the fire too warm, dropped into the
gully for protection. It will be noticed that there were
then a Yankee and a Confederate in the gully, and each
was ignorant of the presence of the other! After a
while they commenced to move about in the gully, there
being no danger as long as they did not show themselves.
Soon they came in view of each other, and commenced to
banter one another. Then they decided that they would
go into the road and have a regular fist and skull fight,
the best man to have the other as his prisoner. When
the two men came into the road about midway between
the lines of battle, in full view of both sides around the
field, one a Yankee, the other "a Johnny," while both
sides were firing, they surely created a commotion! This
was true in our line and I suppose in the enemy's line,
because both sides ceased firing! When the two men
took off their coats and commenced to fight with their
fists, a yell went up along each line, and men rushed to
the edge of the opening for a better view! The
"Johnny" soon had the "Yank" down, who surrendered,
and both quietly rolled into the gully, where they
remained until night, when "the Johnny" brought "the
Yank" into our line. The disappearance of the two
men was the signal for the resumption of firing! Such
We remained in this position two or three hours, and
marched across the road and took position immediately
on its left, and about two hundred yards in the rear of
the line of breastworks that was occupied by the Third
Brigade. Slight firing continued all day, and as night
approached everything became quiet. We were ordered
to rest for the night on our arms.
I was aroused about midnight to take a verbal order
to the officer in our front on the skirmish line, which was
on the outskirts of the pine thicket. I was instructed
to leave my arms, etc., take my time, and make as little
noise as possible. The night was dark and the pine
thicket so dark that I could almost feel the darkness.
Moving carefully, and thinking that I was getting on
splendidly in perfect silence, I was thrown down with
such a rattling noise as to awaken everybody in the
neighborhood! Shooting commenced from the Yankees
at once! They fired hundreds of shots in the thicket,
and I lay perfectly still until quiet was restored. When
I sat up and felt around to see what caused me to fall
my hand came into contact with a saber which I found
belted to a dead man; this saber caught between my legs
threw me; it rattling against the man's canteen as well as
my falling amongst the pine twigs, was the big noise in
the night. Fully reassured I proceeded, found the officer,
and delivered the order. He was an old friend and inquired
what I made so much noise for! My explanation,
a laugh, a caution to me not to repeat it, a good-night
were given, and I started to our line, shaping my course
as well as I could, so as to find my dead man again.
Fortune favored me. I found him, took his sword, and
then felt in his pockets for what he had! I found a
knife, a pipe and a piece of string, and in every pocket,
even to the one in his shirt, he had smoking tobacco! I
had to take an order to the front again at daybreak, and
on my return, looked for my man again and saw that he
was a Yankee lieutenant. Soon after this the enemy
assailed our position furiously with shot and shell for a
short time, and then quiet was restored, lasting in our
front the remainder of the day, with now and then a
On the morning of the 7th the Second Brigade
marched by the flank to the extreme left of Gen. Lee's
line, and there took a small country road through the
woods towards one of the fords at which Grant crossed
the Rapidan. After going some distance we halted,
formed a line of battle, a few pieces of artillery that accompanied
us unlimbered, loaded and were ordered to
fire through the woods in the direction of the ford. The
firing was fast for a short time. The artillery then limbered
up, we returned by the same road, and resumed our
place in line with our division. We did not know what
this movement was for, until a few days later when we
learned that it was a feint on Grant's communications.
It is said that it made a great commotion in his army.
The giants had met and Grant was badly worsted in
his first encounter! His loss was great. All along Lee's
line he had been repulsed! In the little field in our front
the ground was literally covered with his dead! Our
loss was severe, nearly all of that splendid regiment, the
25th Va. of our brigade, having been captured. F. Company
had amongst the wounded G. W. Brown, L. M. Couch,
N. A. Dowdy, A. C. Legg and H. Smith, and W. D. Cumbia
was killed. Among the killed in the division were those
splendid soldiers, Brigadier General Stafford of the Louisiana
brigade, and Brig. Gen. J. M. Jones of our brigade. Gen.
Jones was a strict disciplinarian, and inaugurated several
plans for the benefit of his men. According to my
information, he was the only officer who made the men take
care of themselves as far as they could. He allowed no
straggling, even the musicians had to march in their places,
and if he saw the men becoming weary or fagged, he
ordered every musician to the head of the brigade. One of
the regiments had a very good band, the others had small
drum corps; all together they were a considerable company
of musicians. The general directed the band to play a short
time, and then the drum corps would play,--with four or five
bass drums and ten to twelve kettle drums and twelve to
fifteen fifes, they made a big noise, and always received the
hearty approval of the men! It was noticeable that the men
began to close up, take step with the music, and march
several miles in this way, feeling refreshed.
Always on a march when we reached a stream that must
be forded, if the water came below the knee, every man and
officer who was walking was required to take off his shoes
and socks and roll his pants up above his knees. If the water
was deep enough to reach above the knees, all were
required to strip; thus when we crossed the stream we had
dry clothes. This was a great comfort to the men, but none
of them would do it unless compelled. The men of our
brigade sometimes tried to evade it. Gen. Jones usually
caught them, and woe unto the man who was caught,
whether officer or private!
He received a severe reprimand, and one of his staff
marched him back across the stream, and saw that he
stripped and then forded according to orders.
Well do I remember a laughable occurrence at Front
Royal. In one of our marches through the town after the
bridges over the Shenandoah river had been burned, the
citizens desired to see the soldiers ford the river. Our
brigade was in the front of the army that day, and when we
reached the river the hill around the ford was covered with
citizens, mostly women and children. Gen. Jones and staff
had ridden into the water to allow their horses to drink; the
colonel at the head of the column gave the order to halt, he
then looked at the hill and then at Gen. Jones, and then
looked at the men; the men did the same thing. The General
looked up, and not seeing the men making preparation for
fording, he called to the colonel to know why the men did not
strip and come along. The colonel looked again at the hill
and the men, and then gave the command in a loud voice.
"Strip, men, and be ready to ford!" The men hesitated, but
the general now hallooed to them to strip at once. This we
commenced to do, and several of the men had their pants off
before the citizens were aware of what was going on. Then
over the hill they went, pell mell, amidst a general yell from
the men! They did not see us ford the river that day!
SPOTTSYLVANIA C. H.
ON the morning of May 8th, 1864, the Second Corps,
the Second Brigade in front, marched from the left
of Lee's line to the right of his line in the Wilderness.
As we passed along the rear of the army, occasional
Yankee cannon shot passed over us, and occasionally a
musket ball. When on reaching the right of Lee's line
we continued our march in the same direction until
we came to woods on fire. Several miles our course
was through this fire, at times the heat was intense, and
the smoke suffocating! The men were very uneasy all
the time, fearing an explosion of their cartridges. We
finally emerged from the woods into a fair road, which
carried us by Todd's tavern and a mill. We had left the
mill behind us several miles, and overtook some of our
cavalry, who, since it was then two or three o'clock in the
afternoon, informed us that they were mighty glad to
see us, because they had been all day fighting Yankees,
who were not far ahead. We heard the musketry, and
the order was given to "close up"; we marched along
the road for about half a mile, when we filed to the left
and marched in various directions, sometimes at a snail's
pace and then in a run! We stood seemingly for hours
and finally at a double quick were thrown into line of
battle at Spottsylvania C. H. This was just about sunset.
We did not become engaged, but heard the enemy
taking position, too. About eight or nine o'clock our
line was moved about thirty or forty feet to the front,
and as we were in the presence of the enemy it was necessary
to use strategy. The markers were taken to the new
line and the officers in forming an alignment called out:
"John" or "Bob," who answered, "Where are you?"
The officer in reply indicated a step or two to his right
or left, as the direction and distance he wished the
marker to go, when the marker made the necessary
change of position, and the line quietly dressed on him.
In this way the line was finally formed, and we lay on
our arms for the night. Early in the morning of the 9th
we moved farther to our right, Johnson's division occupying
the right of Lee's line. The Stonewall Brigade
was on the left of the division, the Louisiana Brigade
next on its right, the Second Brigade next, and the Third
Brigade next; they occupying the right of the division
and also of the army. The Second Brigade occupied
what is known as the "Bloody Angle," my regiment, the
21st Va., being near the toe of the horseshoe, as it is
often called. As soon as our line was formed we began
to throw up breastworks. After our brigade finished
their works, our regiment secured a few axes and commenced
to cut down the pine bushes that ran nearly up
to our line at this point. While we were thus engaged,
the Yankees opened fire on our line from several batteries,
and we took refuge at once in our breastworks,
which the 21st Va. Regt. found to be no protection, since
the angle was so abrupt that the enemy threw their shell
in our rear, as well as in our front! As soon as they
ceased firing, we went to work and made regular pens
large enough to hold eight to ten men each, thus protecting
ourselves in all directions. Our regiment, the first
Va., had just finished the pens and the men were taking
places in them, when an order came from the division
commander for us to report to Gen. Geo. H. Stewart,
who commanded the Third Brigade of our division. All
the men and officers of our regiment protested against
this order. We had never fired a gun from behind a
breastwork and these were made so much better than
any we had ever made, we desired to have the honor of
defending them! We were compelled to go, nevertheless;
we left our pens with many a grumble, and reported to
Gen. Stewart, who sent us about three-quarters of a mile
to the front. We halted in a large wood, on the south
side of a small branch, and formed a skirmish line along
this branch. The left of the line ran a short distance
along the border of a field, the remainder of the line
straight through the wood, and ended along the border
of another field. About one-third of the regiment was
placed on the line, the remainder took a position about
two hundred yards in the rear of the center and was
held as a reserve and also a relief. One of F Company
was detailed to take orders along the line, and to the regiment.
No enemy as yet had been seen, but about half
an hour after the line had been formed there came a message
along the line, saying, "The Yankees have made
their appearance and are moving to the left;" that is our
right. Late in the evening their skirmishers advanced
within range, in front of our left, and skirmishing continued
until night. During the night other companies
from our regiment relieved those on the skirmish line;
and when morning came, we found that the enemy had
moved far enough to their left to come in contact with
our right, where skirmishing was kept up all day, with
an occasional shot on our left. The enemy had not made
their appearance before our center. Heavy fighting occurred
along the line of breastworks during the day, to
our left. The breastworks occupied by Dole's Brigade
and a company of Richmond Howitzers, just to the left
of the Stonewall Brigade of our division, were captured
by the enemy; but troops near-by were hurried to that
point, and as soon as they could be formed in line, the order
was given to charge, and drive the Yanks out! This
was done quickly and our line was reëstablished. In this
charge a portion of the Second Brigade participated, and
were among the first to plant our standard on our breastworks
again. On the 11th an occasional shot was fired
from their extreme left, and right of our regiment skirmish
line, and we could hear some heavy fighting along
the line of battle on our left. Soon after dark the Yankees
commenced to move in front of our skirmish line,--
we could hear the rumble of wheels and the noise of
marching and the command to "close up," and it was
far in the night before the sounds ceased. This was the
prelude to an attack such as was not witnessed during
the war, and, I expect, was the heaviest attack ever made
at a single point by any army of the world! It seems
that Gen. Hancock, with his corps of 25,000 men, consisting
of four divisions, eighty-five regiments of infantry
and thirteen batteries of artillery, assisted by Wright's
Sixth corps of 15,000 men, was ordered to break our line
on the right. During the night of the 11th Gen. Hancock
moved this force to the front of the skirmish line
of the 21st Va. Regt., and formed a line of attack,--
two divisions front, the regiments massed, double columns
on center, making ten or twelve lines of battle. They
were ordered to move right ahead at the firing of the
signal gun at 4:30 A. M.--but the time was changed to
4:35--and not to fire a shot until they were inside of
our works. Day broke on the 12th of May with a
heavy fog, drops of water were dripping from the trees,
as if after a rain. I had started from the reserve of
our regiment to the skirmish line with an order, when the
stillness was broken by a cannon shot and the screaming
of a shell! I put my hands instantly to my head to
see if it was on my shoulders; the shell seemed to come
so near me that it certainly took off my head! (Such
feelings as this often come to a soldier!) Recovering
from my dazed condition I proceeded. Before I
reached our line I could hear the sound of the marching
of 40,000 men, and soon a few shots from our skirmish
line on the left put all on the watch. I saw the line approaching
to my left, ran back to the colonel and reported
to him; and he immediately called the regiment to
attention. By this time the enemy had approached so
near that the regiment could see them. We saw their
immense numbers. Some of the skirmish officers appeared
and reported to the colonel that the enemy had
run over some of their men, that they seemed to pay no
attention to our men, and that the body was the largest
they ever saw! I was immediately sent out on the line
to recall all the skirmishers whom I could find; and as
soon as this was done, we faced about and marched to
our line of battle, making a circuit to the left so as to
avoid the enemy, who had now passed between us and
our breastworks. We at once heard heavy fighting in
our front. As soon as we came in sight of a field the
regiment halted, and the colonel sent me forward to make
a recognizance. Running to the field, I saw that the
farther end of it was perfectly blue with Yankees, and
saw the smoke of the terrific fighting that was going on
further off! Running back, I made my report to the
colonel. He called the regiment to attention and made
a circuit further to the left. This was the second and
last time during the war that a feeling of dread came
over me that I would be captured, and I said to myself,
"Well, old fellow, you are gone this time, and I will not
give ten cents for your chances of getting away!" I
was sent forward as a pilot, and in a short time an old,
ragged, dirty Confederate rose up from behind a bush
in my front, and took deliberate aim at me with his
musket. I cried, "Don't shoot! we are friends!" I
saw an expression of doubt on the old fellow's face,
he knowing it was the direction of the enemy, momentarily
expected. I made haste to exclaim again that we
were skirmishers driven in, and were the 21st Va. Regiment!
Men rose up all along the line, and I knew we
were in front of a Confederate skirmish line. How my
heart jumped! I felt so good I could have hugged every
one of them! We passed through their line and soon
reached the breastworks occupied by Davis's Brigade.
While our regiment was at the front, our line of battle
was extended to the right by troops from Hill's corps,
and this was a part of his line. We went to the rear
and reported to Gen. Ewell, who informed us that our
division had been captured and that he thought we had
been captured too. This was a terrible blow to the
army, the capture of Johnson's division!--this was
Jackson's old division, and those were the men who had
done so much fighting, and who had made those wonderful
marches for him. They were now prisoners in the
hands of the Yankees. The number was small it is true
for a division, but they were such trained soldiers that
they counted as many in a fight. Jackson's old division
was annihilated, and ceased to be a division from that
date. The Old Stonewall, the Second, Third, and the
Louisiana Brigades lost their organization also. Hancock
struck the breastworks and rushed over them, his
men turning to the right and left after getting inside,
and took our division in the rear. The artillery that was
supporting the line had been withdrawn during the night,
and had just gotten back, when the attack was made, and
only one piece had time to get into position and fire one
shot when the captain said he heard someone in his rear
say, "Don't you fire that piece!" and on looking around,
he was confronted by hundreds of Yankees. They captured
all sixteen pieces! The situation seemed so critical
at this time, that "Marse Robert" came to the front
to look after it; he sent for Brig. Gen. Gordon, who was
in command of the reserves, and gave him directions
about bringing them up, where to place them, etc. Gordon
soon had them in line, when Gen. Lee's presence was
noticed amongst the troops, and it was here that the
men showed the second time their devotion to him. A
great cry went up from them, "Gen. Lee to the rear!
Gen. Lee to the rear! If Gen. Lee will go to the rear
we promise to drive the enemy back!" But the old
hero did not stir. Gen. Gordon then rode to him and
took his bridle and gently led him to the rear, saying to
him, "Those are Virginians and Georgians, Gen. Lee
and they will do their duty!" "Yes! Yes! we will
drive the Yankees back, if Gen. Lee will go to the rear!"
was the cry from the men, many of whom were in tears!
And well did they redeem their word! As soon as the
order was given, "Forward!" they went, and it was
one of the most terrible battles of the war, in which the
slaughter of Hancock's men, who were hemmed in this
angle, was so great that it received its name of "The
Bloody Angle." The enemy were finally driven back,
and sought refuge in a part of our captured breastworks,
where they were compelled to stay. The men of the reserve
covered themselves with glory. The troops who
helped them shared the praise with them! Gordon was
made a Major-General at once!
All this had taken place while my regiment was being
driven in, and while it was at the rear. We were given
fresh ammunition and ordered to the front, a staff officer
being sent with us to show to us our position. On
arriving at the designated point, we formed a line and
advanced through a large wood, and soon we were under
fire; but the undergrowth prevented us from seeing the
enemy. We advanced until we came to a small bottom
and going through that, reached the rise and plainly saw
the Yankees about one hundred and fifty yards from us.
They were in the pens made by our regiment, they were
standing up in those pens as thick as herrings in a barrel,
and as far back behind them as the smoke would allow
us to see,--such a mass of men I never saw! We found
one Confederate soldier, an Alabamian, who was standing
behind a large pine tree, loading and firing with as
much deliberation as if he were firing at a target. He
was keeping the whole of Hancock's force back at this
point. He said he was a sharpshooter, and his line was
on each side of him! There certainly was no other
Confederate in front of our regiment line, nor could we
see one either on the right or left. We lay down, taking
advantage of everything that offered a protection, and
opened on the enemy;--musket balls were fairly raining,
great limbs of trees were cut off by bullets, as if
by an ax, the men seemed more uneasy about them than
about the balls. No cannon were used here. This was
the heaviest fire the world ever saw at a single point!
The fire from those 40,000 men was so heavy that they
literally shot trees to pieces! The enemy used mules
to bring ammunition on the field, and some of their men
fired over 400 rounds, and there is on exhibition at the
War Department in Washington an oak tree about fourteen
inches in diameter, that was severed by minie balls
at this time. Our colonel and lieutenant-colonel were
wounded here early in the action, Seay and Richardson
of F Company, and many of the regiment were wounded.
After staying here about two or three hours, we were
ordered to the rear, and stayed there the remainder of
the day, gathering up the stragglers, and those of our
division who had escaped capture. That night we lay
down on the ground for rest, with truly grateful hearts
that our regiment had been ordered out of the breastworks,
even against our protest, and sent to the front
on special service, escaping capture!
We remained in the rear until the morning of the 15th.
We found in the middle of our camp, in the open field,
an old hare's bed containing four little ones, the old
mammy having run away on our approach! I do not
know that I ever saw men more solicitous for the welfare
of anything than were those grizzly warriors for those
little bunnies. It was raining, and some wanted to make
a house over them, others wanted to hold their oilcloths
over them, no one was allowed to touch them, one might
look as much as one choose, but, hands off! When we
left it was a sad parting.
This attack by Hancock that was so formidable and
was intended to cut Lee's lines, was one of the most
terrible battles of the war, and ended in a miserable failure.
Our line was straightened across the bend that night,
breastworks were thrown up and we had a much better
line than before, both as to direction and position. While
we were in the rear, we collected about six hundred men
of the division, and marched to the front and took position
in this new line. The day was quiet in our front.
On the 16th we had some skirmishing. On the 17th
Rodes' skirmishers and our regiment made an attack
on the enemy. On the 18th, the enemy, having been
heavily reinforced, made an attack in our front, and
were easily repulsed with heavy loss. On the 19th the
enemy disappeared from our front during the night,
moving to their left. The Second Corps followed them,
and came up with them late in the evening, when we
made a fierce attack, lasting until late in the night.
the night we marched back to our old position in
the breastworks, and rested there.
About the coolest thing I saw during the war was under
that terrific fire from the Yankees who were in our
breastworks. It should be remembered that when we
took our position in their front, we found one lone Confederate
who was keeping up a steady fire on them!
This man had captured a Yankee knapsack which he
had strapped to his back. Soon after our arrival he
stopped firing, and said he wanted to see what it had in
it, and that he needed a change of underclothing very
badly. Taking off the knapsack, he opened it, and from
the remarks he made as he took out each article and inspected
it, he seemed to have gotten possession of a big
clothing store with a notion store thrown in! He selected
a suit of underclothing, laid them aside, then replaced
the remainder in the knapsack, fastened that, then
deliberately undressed, taking off every piece of his
clothing, even his socks, put on the clean ones, donned
his old uniform, quietly took his gun, brought it up to
his shoulder, took deliberate aim and fired, and loaded and
fired as long as we were there!
Brig. Gen. Walker, the commander of the Stonewall
Brigade, in writing of this battle says: "The rapid firing of our
skirmishers in a heavy wooded ravine in front of the center
of Johnson's line, gave notice that the enemy was advancing,
and the heavy tramp of a large body of infantry and the
sharp words of command could be distinctly heard. Our men
were all up and ready for them with muskets cocked, peering
through the gloom for the first glimpse of their foes. The
enemy had emerged from the ravine, and advanced about
one-third of the way across the open plateau before they
could be seen, or could themselves see our works on account
of the fog. All at once the slow lifting fog showed them our
heavily fortified position, some four or five hundred yards in
their front. At this unexpected but unwelcome sight, the
advancing column paused and wavered and hesitated and
seemed to refuse the task before them. Their mounted
officers rode to the front and urged them on while many
officers on foot and horseback shouted, 'Forward! men,
forward'! and repeated the words again and again. Then
the moment for the Confederate fire had come, and the men
rising to full height, leveled their trusty muskets deliberately
at the halting column, with a practiced aim which would have
carried havoc into their ranks. But the searching damp had
disarmed them, and instead of the leaping line of fire and the
sharp crack of the musket came the pop! pop! pop! of
exploding caps as the hammer fell upon them! A few, very
few pieces fired clear, fresh caps were put on only to
produce another failure; the powder had gotten damp and
would not fire!
"As the enemy received no fire from our line, they took
heart and again moved forward with rapid strides; on they
came unopposed and in a few moments had torn our well
constructed abattis away and were over our works taking
prisoners of our unarmed troops. This statement as to the
failure of the muskets of our men to fire is true, as to that
portion of our line between the Stonewall brigade and the
salient, which was as far as my vision extended; but I have
been told by officers of the Second Brigade that the right of
that brigade had been more careful or more fortunate, and
their muskets were in good order, and that the enemy was
repulsed in front of that portion of our line with great loss,
and that they held their position until the enemy's troops, who
had crossed to their left, had swung round in their rear and
come up behind them."
Major D. W. Anderson of the 44th Va. Regiment of the
Second Brigade was officer of the day on the 11th, and he
says: Capt. Clary of Gen. Johnson's staff came to him at 4
A. M. on the 12th, and stated that Gen. Johnson sent him
orders to see the regimental commanders, and tell them to
wake up their men and have them in the trenches, and see
that their guns were in good order. This order was promptly
obeyed, and he further says that when the enemy advanced
they were repulsed with great slaughter, not one getting to
the breastworks until they had crossed to the left and came
up in their rear, when they were taken prisoners and
marched back some two or more miles to Provost Marshal
General Patrick's headquarters, where, he says, one of Gen.
Patrick's staff said to him, "They charged us with only
45,000 this morning!"
Among the lost in our division were Major Gen. Johnson
and Brig. Gen. Stewart, captured; Brig. Gen.
Walker and Col. W. A. Witcher, who commanded the
Second Brigade, were wounded. F Company lost W. B.
Edmunds and P. S. Richeson, wounded; and W. C.
Seay died a few hours after being wounded.
While we were engaged in these battles, Sheridan
with his cavalry left Grant's army May 9, 1864, on a
raid to cut Lee's communications, and capture Richmond!
On the morning of the 12th, he arrived at Brook schoolhouse,
about three and a quarter miles from Richmond
on the Brook turnpike. At that time my grandmother,
the widow of Capt. John Goddin, lived on the west side
of that road two and a quarter miles from Richmond,
her house fronting south. In front of it, several hundred
yards off, was a fort, situated on the turnpike at
Laburnam. On the Hermitage road was a similar fort,
and they were connected by breastworks.
On the morning of the 12th grandmother got up early
to do the churning, preferring to do it herself, taking her
position on the front porch. When the butter "had
come," she went to the well at the side of the house to
cool the churn dasher, and get some cold water to take
the butter up. At the same moment a squad of Yankee
cavalry came around the other side of the house, and,
perceiving the churn, helped themselves to buttermilk,
and when the old lady came back she found the Yankees
on the porch, one with the churn to his lips, drinking!
It made the old lady hot, and she whacked him as hard
as she could with the dasher, and said some very plain
words to the party. They ran off in a good humor, saying
they would see if our breastworks were manned.
Going down a dividing fence until they reached the Laburnam
fence, they fired a few shots and at once discovered
the breastworks were manned! Running back to
the house they went to the barnyard, took possession of
a mule and cart, filled the cart with corn, and drove off
towards the main body, which was at Brook schoolhouse.
All at grandmother's home lamented the loss of
the fine mule and cart, but about two hours after the
mule came back with the empty cart!
That party of Yankees went nearer to Richmond than
any during the war. I should say the distance by the
Brook turnpike was about two miles and one hundred
HANOVER JUNCTION, BETHESDA CHURCH, COLD HARBOR
ON May 19th the Second Corps singularly occupied
the left of Lee's line of battle at Spottsylvania C. H.
When the line was first formed we were on the right, but
Grant made all his movements to our right, and Gen.
Lee, in withdrawing men from the left to strengthen his
right, had taken all except our corps. On the first we
were aroused at daybreak, and as soon as we fanned
ranks, marched out of our breastworks towards the right
of our line and as we passed, an occasional cannon shot
and minie ball from the enemy passed over us. We
marched past our right a short distance and took a road
leading in the direction of Richmond, continuing the
march in that direction till night, when we stopped to
It will be remembered that Edward Johnson's division
were nearly all captured on May 12. This was Jackson's
old division and consisted of the Stonewall (the
First), the Second, and Third brigades, all Virginians,
except two North Carolina regiments in the Third, and
the Fourth Brigade, which consisted of Louisianians.
After bringing together the Virginia stragglers and such
as were not captured, and putting regiments into companies,
and brigades into regiments, we found we had
about six hundred men. These men were organized
and called a brigade, and William Terry, an officer of the
Stonewall brigade, was made Brigadier General and appointed
its commander. It was known to the end of the
war as Terry's Brigade. The Louisiana brigade was
consolidated with another from that state in Early's
division, and was commanded by Brig. Gen. York. The
North Carolinians joined some brigade from that state.
When Terry's brigade marched out into the road the
morning of the 21st, we were joined by Evans' brigade
and York's brigade and were told that Brig. Gen. Gordon
had been made a Major-General and put in command
of these three brigades, which were afterwards known as
Gordon's division of the Second Corps (Jackson's old
Corps), the division taking a prominent part in all its
operations until the end came at Appomattox. While
the brigade was known officially as Terry's, its members
continued to designate the different bodies as the Stonewall
brigade, the Second, and Third, and in speaking or
writing of them I use these names. Thus the Stonewall
brigade consisted in our view of its old members who
were present, however few, and we spoke of the members
of other brigades in the same way. We did this
instead of using regiments to designate portions of this
Gen. Gordon soon rode by, and we filed into the road
and followed him, reaching Hanover Junction in the
night and ahead of Grant, who was marching for the
same point. The next morning we formed a line of
battle in a wood across the road on which he was marching,
and when his advance approached, it found Lee in
his front again. We remained in our position, momentarily
expecting an attack. Grant moved some of his
troops across the South Anna river, and made a demonstration
in front of our line. We were joined during
the day and night by the remainder of Lee's army, who
took position to our right and left. The next morning
our division was hurried at a double quick to the left
of Lee's line, and at once formed a line of battle. The
hurry and the firing in our front, caused us to expect to
become heavily engaged. We waited several hours and
marched to the right of the line, staying there all night.
The following morning we took position on the east of
the Richmond, Fredericksburg& Potomac railroad, and
threw up breastworks; and continued in that position
until the morning of the 27th.
Grant, after making a slight attack, left our front
during the night of the 26th, swinging around to our
right. The Second corps, early on the morning of the
27th, were on the march to oppose him again. We
marched to Pole Green Church, the place where Jackson
first struck McClellan's outpost in 1862. On the
morning of the 29th, we fanned a line of battle not far
from Bethesda Church and threw up breastworks, and
when Grant came along the road that evening, he found
our division across the road in his front and again ready
for him! After slight skirmishing he drew off without
making an attack. On the next morning the Second
corps made an attack in our front and drove him about
one and a half miles; we then returned to our line, resuming
our position in the breastworks.
Tucker Randolph, the gallant boy soldier, an old F,
was killed in this fight. He deserves more than a passing
notice. Entering the service at seventeen years old,
he took an active part in the company from the first,
and was one of the first men promoted on getting into
the field. A corporal, then a sergeant, wounded at
Kernstown, he was soon after promoted to a lieutenancy
and appointed an aide on Gen. John Pegram's staff, and
was killed while displaying conspicuous gallantry!
We moved to the right on the 31st, and again threw
up breastworks. On June 1st the Second corps marched
to the front to make an attack on the enemy, but for
some reason it was not made; after sharp skirmishing
lasting until sunset, we returned to our breastworks.
On the next morning we moved out again and made
the attack, taking three lines of fortifications and capturing
about seven hundred prisoners. We remained in
the enemy's line next to them until about midnight of
the 3d, when we withdrew, and took our old position in
our breastworks. While we were in the enemy's works,
they made several slight attacks on us, firing their artillery
through the woods and once they fired two rammers
of their cannon, the rammers sticking in the ground a
little in rear of the 21st Va. Regt. Corporal Anderson
of F Company was wounded in those fortifications
on the 3d, and Captain Jordan was severely wounded
while he was on the skirmish line in front of them.
The enemy left the front of our corps during the night
of the 5th. We followed them the next morning, and
found them fortified about one and a half miles to our
right. On the 7th, the skirmishers were ordered forward,
and our division was ordered to support them.
We found the enemy strongly fortified. On the 9th,
the Second corps moved to the right and rear of Gen.
Lee's line, where we stacked arms and went into camp,
after being on active duty for thirty-five days and under
fire each day.
Because Lieut.-Gen. Ewell was sick, the corps was
under the command of Major-Gen. Early during these
operations, and Major-Gen. Ramsuer was assigned to
command Early's division.
The Second Corps now consisted of Rodes', Gordon's,
and Ramsuer's divisions of infantry with the usual artillery.
Since the battle of the Wilderness May 5th,
our corps had lost heavily in men and officers; Maj.-Gen.
Edward Johnson and Brig.-Gen. Stewart were captured,
Brig.-Generals Pegram, J. A. Walker, R. D. Johnston
and Hays were wounded, and Brig.-Generals Stafford,
Doles, Daniel and J. M. Jones were killed. The "hammering"
had commenced and was telling, although we
did not realize it at that time.
The Army of Northern Virginia had inflicted terrible
losses on the enemy. It is said by their historians that
Grant lost at this time about as many men as there were
in Gen. Lee's army--the loss he sustained before crossing
James river made the total about ten thousand more
than Lee's whole force.
One of the incidents of this campaign was the visit
of an old up-country man, who came to see his son in
our division. He wore a stovepipe hat, and the men
had great fun over the hat, but he was a jolly old fellow
and was not worried by them;--he was very anxious
to see a battle. We made one of our advances while
he was with us; he accompanied his son, and returned
with us unhurt, the most enthusiastic man I ever saw.
While we were marching through Hanover County,
an old lady came to the fence, which ran along the road,
and wanted to know of us if we belonged to "Mr. Lee's
Company." We told her we belonged to
army! She wanted to know how her son was, and
when we informed her that we did not know him, she
was perfectly astonished to think any man in "Mr.
Lee's Company" did not know all the men in it.
ON June 12th the Second Corps received orders to
cook rations and be ready to move early the next morning.
We were aroused about midnight, formed line,
and before day marched out of the woods into a road
leading towards Mechanicsville. Arriving there we
turned towards Richmond, thinking we were going to
head Grant off on the south side of the Chickahominy.
Soon after crossing that stream, we turned to the right
instead of the left, as we supposed. "What does this
mean?" was the question among the men. We marched
around Richmond to the Three Chops Road and then
turned to the right again--we gave up guessing, except
that possibly Jackson's old corps was going back to the
In marching around Richmond, our route was about
a mile from the home of relatives of mine, and I went
to see them. When I reached the house I found all the
ladies of the family and two of Richmond's belles assembled
in a large porch. I was welcomed most cordially,
and told I was just in time for luncheon. In a few
minutes the dining-room servant appeared with a large
waiter filled with ash cakes. Without formality each
took one in his hand, and was then presented with a
huge glass filled with buttermilk and ice, one of the
belles waiting on me. In this plain but wholesouled
manner we partook of our luncheon. That was a rich
treat to me, and I know that it was enjoyed by the belles
more than if set with fashion's formality. I can see
those belles now as they were eating their ash cake and
buttermilk, entering into the fun and mirth of the occasion,
notwithstanding we could hear the distant cannon
from Lee's and Grant's armies and the cheers from my
own corps, marching we knew not whither. We
marched until late in the afternoon, and went into camp
near Ground Squirrel bridge, having marched over
twenty-five miles. On the following morning we
marched again. About ten o'clock Gen. Gordon passed
us and told us not to march so fast, or the mules to the
wagons would not be able to keep up with us, and in
consequence we would not have any supper. Gordon
always had something pleasant to say to his men, and
I will bear my testimony that he was the most gallant
man I ever saw on a battlefield. He had a way of putting
things to the men that was irresistible, and he
showed the men, at all times, that he shrank from
nothing in battle on account of himself. Many a time
I saw him ride along the skirmish line in our valley
campaign and say to the skirmishers, "Let's drive those
fellows (the enemy) away, and let our line of battle
stay where they are! They are lazy fellows, anyway!"
or some similar remark. The skirmishers were devoted
to him, and would generally do as he wished.
On the 15th we came in sight of the Central Railroad,
passing Trevillian's depot, where Sheridan's cavalry
and ours, under Hampton, had had a fight two or
three days before. We could see the dead horses, torn-down
fences, etc., as nothing had been touched; and we
saw the rail pens used by Hampton's men that Sheridan
made such an ado about, saying he could not whip
Hampton as his men were behind such strong fortifications!
On the evening of the 16th we went into camp
about one mile beyond Keswich depot. On the 17th my
brigade got on the cars a little north of Keswich and was
carried to Lynchburg. Much to the surprise of the men
we found the town in great excitement, because the
enemy, under the command of Gen. Hunter, had advanced
to within two miles of the place. There was a
small force in his front and the citizens expected immediately
to see the enemy march into the town. Our
presence brought an immediate change. We were
cheered to the echo, and the ladies waved their hands
and gave us lunches and cool water as we marched
through the city. All wished that Hunter would stay
until Early could bring all his army. We marched past
the fair grounds and formed a line of battle, were ordered
forward and halted near the schoolhouse, remaining
there all night. We heard skirmishing in our front
and heavy cannonading on our left. We remained in
line of battle until the afternoon of the 18th, when we
received orders to cook rations and be ready to move
early in the morning. This meant that the remainder
of our force was up, and we were going to attack
Hunter as soon as it was light enough to see. Our
skirmish line advanced in the morning and found that
Hunter had slipped out of the trap during the night,
and was in full retreat. Immediate pursuit commenced,
and we overtook him going into camp at Liberty,
Bedford County. Our advance attacked him at
once and he retreated further on, we camping in the
place selected by him. We marched twenty-five miles
during the day, and it is seen that we did not let him rest
much. We followed Hunter closely until we came to
Salem, Roanoke County, when Gen. Early gave up the
pursuit and turned towards the valley. Before we reached
Salem, he sent McCausland with his cavalry around to the
rear of Hunter. McCausland succeeded in cutting off part of
the enemy's wagon train, and captured ten pieces of
During this march, soon after passing Big Lick, in the
afternoon, approaching one of the handsome residences in
that part of the country, we noticed several ladies standing
on the side of the road, and when we came nearer we saw
two beautiful young ladies and their maids and near them
were two huge wash tubs. The young ladies gave us an
invitation to come forward and partake of some ice water
and brandy julep. The men needed no second invitation; the
head of the column marched up, the young ladies handed
each man a drink, which was received eagerly, with many
grateful wishes for their future welfare. I was told that the
tubs were repeatedly emptied and filled. This was the
biggest julep treat of my experience.
We marched a short distance from Salem and encamped,
remaining in this camp the next day, taking a much-needed
rest. Many men were barefooted,--some for want of shoes,
others having sore feet from new shoes and unable to wear
them, and to the latter class I belonged. I started from
Richmond wearing a new pair of heavy English shoes
and when I took them off at the close of the first day's
march, nearly all the skin on my feet came off with my
socks, and I went through the campaign as far as
Washington City and back to Winchester barefooted, and
kept my place in the ranks, too. Several days I carried my
shoes tied together and thrown over my shoulders, but was
troubled so much by questions and requests to buy
them, that I finally
gave them to a comrade who had none. On the 23d we took
up our march, and the next day, at the request of the men,
we were marched over the Natural Bridge, and were
allowed to stop there an hour or two to rest and view the
bridge. Resuming our march, we went into camp about
sunset. The next morning as we passed through Lexington,
the whole corps marched through the burial ground and past
Jackson's grave. What hallowed memories it brought up!
and many a tear was seen trickling down the cheeks of his
veterans; and how many of them had crossed the river, and
were then resting "beneath the shade of the trees" with
him! We continued our march, and on the 27th reached
Fourteen days had elapsed since we left Lee's line at
Richmond. During that time we marched in eleven days,
235 miles, the last day marching only six miles. On our
march from Lynchhurg we passed many private places that
had been pillaged or destroyed by Hunter's army, and at
Lexington we passed the ruins of the Virginia Military
Institute which was burned by him while he was on his
march to Lynchburg.
On the 28th we resumed our march down the valley and
felt perfectly at home, since nearly all the valley from
Staunton to the Potomac river was familiar to us, and many
of its inhabitants old acquaintances. We stopped regularly at
night and continued the march each day. On the afternoon
of July 3d we reached Martinsburg, running in on the
Yankees who were there, so suddenly, that they did not
have time to move any of their stores. They were making
big preparations to celebrate the Fourth, and many of the
men had received boxes of good things from home and
friends. The depot and express office were filled with
articles of this
kind. A guard was placed around these buildings and
their storehouses. The express office was put in charge
of a quartermaster who was an old friend of mine. At
night I went there and inquired of the guard for him
and he let me into the building. He was very glad to
see me, as he had only one man to help him get these
articles in shape, and asked me to help him; this I consented
to do, if he would give me a barrel of cakes.
He said "all right." I found one and carried it out
and turned it over to my company. Returning, I went
to work with a will, but with so many good things in
sight, and others we knew were in the boxes, I was
compelled to say to my friend that I must have something
to eat before I could work any more, and added,
"I hadn't 'nary' mouthful for three days." I looked
over some of the boxes and choosing one, opened it, and
found it filled with cakes, oranges, bananas, lemons, etc.,
and a bottle of wine. I got a chair, as the soldiers said
"a sure enough chair," and sat down to my box and
ate, and ate, until I could eat no more. Then I went to
work again with renewed energy. The quartermaster
just then wanted something from one of his associates
who was at the depot, and I offered to go for him, which
was agreed to, and he gave me his directions. When
I reached the depot I found it filled with trunks, boxes,
etc. After discharging my errand, I looked around the
depot a few minutes, and told the man in charge that
he ought to send his friend, the quartermaster, one of
the trunks for him to put some of the articles at the
express office in to take with him. He said he would
be much obliged if I would take one. I shouldered one
at once, carried it out, and got a comrade to help carry
it to the express office. I made my report and opened
the trunk. In it was a magnificent saddle and a lot of
clothing, which I gave to the quartermaster, a fine pair
of boots, a gold pen, a lot of writing paper, and a plum
cake which I "confiscated," the boots fitting me to a
T. When my feet were healed so that I could wear
them, I wore them until I went home. I joined my company,
who were profuse in their thanks for the cakes,
and soon fell asleep,--dreaming of little cakes, big
cakes, and a mountain made of cakes.
The next morning was the Fourth of July, 1864!
Gen. Early did not move us at the usual early hour, but
issued to the men the good things captured the evening
before. They were divided among the men as fairly as
possible, F Company getting a few oranges, lemons,
cakes and candy, and a keg of lager beer. We certainly
enjoyed the treat, and celebrated the day as well as we
could for our hosts, and regretted they did not stay to
preside for us. We drank their health with the wish
that they would do the like again. This was the biggest
Fourth of July picnic celebration we enjoyed during
the war. We took up our march and crossed the
Potomac river at Shepherdstown. I took off my clothing,
made a bundle, secured it around my neck with my
belt. I walked into the water and commenced to ford.
About one-third of the way the bottom of the river was
covered with large round stones, then a smooth and
level bed of granite which extended nearly to the opposite
bank. I got along very well until I reached the
level granite bottom, which was covered with minute
shells, adhering to the granite, so very sharp that they
stuck into my feet at every step. I walked on them
until I thought I could not take another step, stopped,
but could not keep my feet still,--thought of sitting
down, but the water was just deep enough to cover my
mouth and nose if I had sat down. I thought I would
turn back, but I saw it was just as far back as to the
other side. Tears actually came into my eyes. I was
never in as much torture for the same length of time in
my life. Finally I got over, with the resolve never to
ford there again without shoes.
We went into camp at night on the banks of the
Antietam, on the ground occupied by a part of McClellan's
army at the battle of Sharpsburg. The next day
Gordon's division marched to Harper's Ferry, where
we drove the enemy into their fortifications. We remained
there the succeeding day, skirmishing, and left
during the night, marching to Norristown, where we
joined the remainder of our corps. The next morning
we crossed South Mountain at Fox Gap, and went into
camp near Middletown.
During these operations Gen. Early had been joined
by Gen. Breckenbridge's command, which we found at
Lynchburg. It consisted of two brigades of infantry,
some cavalry, and artillery. Gordon's division at this
juncture was assigned to Breckenbridge, making a corps
or wing under his command.
WE left camp or rather our bivouac near Middletown
early on July 9th. Taking the road to Frederick City,
Maryland, we marched around the town and in sight
of it. It was a beautiful day in this beautiful country.
The sun was bright and hot, a nice breeze was blowing
which kept us from being too warm, the air was laden
with the perfume of flowers, the birds were singing in
bush and tree, all the fields were green with growing
crops; the city, with its thriftiness, looked as if it had
just been painted and whitened; a few floating clouds
adding effect to the landscape. It was a day and hour
to impress all. We were quietly marching along, talking
about the scene and the day.
In our march we had left the city in our rear and
were nearing the Monocacy, a river crossing the road
on which we were marching. We soon heard the crack
of muskets, and at almost the same moment the roar
of cannon! We knew what that meant, that the
Yankees were going to dispute our crossing of the river.
The two divisions in front of us were hurried forward,
our division halted after going a short distance, and we
were told to stack arms and rest, as we would not go
into the fight. The men took off blankets, oilcloths,
etc., and stretched them in fence corners, on muskets and
rails, to make a shelter from the sun. We were in the
road and on a hill which overlooked the battle that was
about to be fought in our front. We made ourselves
comfortable and lay down under the shelter provided,
look at a battle, something we had never done. We
were Jackson's old "foot cavalry." We saw our men
take position in line of battle, the skirmishers go forward,
become engaged with the enemy on the opposite
side of the river, a battery here and there on the other
side shelling our men, while the continual crack of muskets
told that the shelling made no impression on our
skirmishers, who were now in the bushes along the river
bank. Some of our guns went into position and opened
fire, our line of battle moved forward,--all this in
plain view of our division. It was very exciting to us
old Confederates, and a yell went up along our line
every few minutes as we saw our men get into some better
place and nearer the enemy. The men of our division
were suggesting to each other a line on which the
two divisions should cross over. Suddenly our attention
was called to a man riding up the road towards us,
leaving a streak of dust behind him. He rode up to
Gen. Gordon, who was at the head of the division, delivered
a message, the general gave an order to his officers
in front, and mounted his horse. We were called
to attention, the men taking down their blankets and
oilcloths, and rolling them up to take with them. The
order was given, "Take arms!--no time now for
blankets, but get into your places at once." "Right
face! forward march!" was the command all down the
line, and away we went. "What is the matter?" was
the question amongst the men. We thought we were
to be spectators, and why just as things had began to
get interesting in front, break in upon us and actually
make some of us leave our blankets and oilcloths, articles
we had captured in some former battle. The men
seemed to dislike to lose those articles more than miss
seeing the battle. We were hurried along the road a
short distance, and filed to the right, going through
fields and over fences until we came to the river, we
suppose a mile or so from our line of battle. We found
a small path on the river bank leading down to water,
and on the opposite bank a similar one, denoting a ford
used by neighbors for crossing the river. The cracking
of muskets on the opposite side of the river told us
that the front of our division, which had crossed, was
engaged. My brigade was the rear one, and, as the
regiments crossed, they marched up the river along the
low bank and formed in line, and were ordered forward
to the attack. As the Second Brigade mounted the hill,
we saw in our front a field of corn about waist high,
extending to a post and rail fence, and behind that fence
the Yankee line of battle. They began to shoot at us
as soon as we were in sight. Our men on our right
were heavily engaged, and we broke into a run with a
yell and went toward the fence. In a moment or two
we captured it, and the Yankees were running to
another. An officer came along our line and said that
we were not wanted there, that Gen. Gordon was waiting
for the Second Brigade, that we were wrong and must
fall back through the corn, behind the hill, on the low
bank, and form at once and go to Gen. Gordon. We
had been fighting all the time, but as soon as the men
could be made to understand, they ran to the rear. The
brigade was soon formed and we marched by the flank
further up the river, then the head of the column was
turned to the right, and we marched up on top of the
hill. There was Gordon,--I shall recollect him to my
dying day,--not a man in sight,--he was sitting on his
horse as quietly as if nothing was going on, wearing
his old red shirt, the sleeves pulled up a little, the only
indication that he was ready for the fight. Our division
was heavily engaged on the right, and the troops on the
other side of the river were keeping up their fire, as we
could plainly hear. We were to the left of the corn
field, and marching obliquely from it. The ground had
a gentle inclination and the fields were enclosed with
post and rail fences. As we approached Gen. Gordon,
he rode forward to meet us and said, "Hurry up, boys,"
turning his horse and taking the lead. The head of the
column was soon near a fence, and high enough up the
hill to see some distance. Looking through this fence,
we could see another fence parallel to and about two
hundred yards from it; just on the other side of the
second fence was a line of Yankees marching towards
the river. They were going at a double quick step and
at a right-shoulder-shift arms, every man seemed to be
in place, and the manner of their marching looked more
like a drill than a movement in battle. The men at the
head of our column seeing this, gave a yell, and sang
out, "At them, boys!" Now came Gen. Gordon's part;
turning quietly in his saddle he said, "Keep quiet, we'll
have our time presently." As we were now near the
fence Gen. Gordon said, "Some of you pull down the
fence, so that we may go through!" In an instant
several panels of the fence were down, the men quietly
stepping aside to let the general go through, and as
soon as this was done, they hurried through the fence.
The first man to follow the general through the fence
was one of F Company, and he was barefooted. The
general led in the direction in which we had been marching,
and tried to allay the excitement of the men; this
he was able to do, until about a hundred passed through
the fence, when the cry went up from the men, "Charge
them! charge them!" It was useless for Gen. Gordon
to try to stop it now,--nothing but a shot through each
man could have done it,--and with a yell, we were at
the fence. A volley from our guns,--and that magnificent
body of men who were taking their places in line
were flying! The other men of our brigade came up
as fast as they could run and delivered their fire at the
fleeing enemy. Over the fence we went, the enemy running
in all directions. Up went our old yell all along
the line of our division, and it was answered by our
comrades on the other side of the river. A little way
beyond the fence the hill falls abruptly to a small valley,
and through this valley ran the road to Washington.
Some of the enemy stopped at that road, turned,
and fired at us. It was just here that Porter Wren of
F Company received his fatal wound. He turned and
managed to walk back to the fence, tried to get over it,
but fell back--dead! Immediately on the brow of the
hill I passed a Yankee colonel, laying on the ground
This was the most exciting time I witnessed during
the war. The men were perfectly wild when they came
in sight of the enemy's column, knowing as they did,
that the first line that fired would have the advantage
of the other. It was as much as Gen. Gordon could do
to keep the head of the column from making an attack.
Our division pursued the enemy a short distance, when
the pursuit was taken up by Ramsuer's division, who
had crossed the river on the railroad bridge, as soon as
we cleared the way. It was about sunset now, and my
brigade went into camp in an orchard near the road,--
on the same ground over which we chased the enemy a
few minutes before. In this orchard were several of
the enemy, wounded. One of them asked me for some
water, and stated he had had a canteen but one of our
men had taken it from him. Poor fellow! I went to
a spring, filled a canteen and carried it to him, and as
I had two canteens, gave him this one, and told him that
in case some of our men wanted it, he must tell them
what I had done for him, and I was sure none of our
men would take it. I had a full haversack that I had
taken from the body of a dead Yankee on the hill, and
offered him something to eat, but he said he had his own
haversack, and it was full. He seemed to be very grateful
for my little attention.
A mill pond was near us, and many of us took a bath,
which refreshed us very much. I ate a good supper
out of my Yankee haversack, and soon went to bed for
the night. F Company had H. C. Fox wounded, and
J. Porter Wren killed. Early's loss was not large, and
was confined principally to Gordon's division. Among
the wounded was Brig.-Gen. Evans. We captured five
or six hundred prisoners, and Gen. Early sent us word
to take no more, as he did not know what to do with
them. The tables were completely turned on Gordon's
division. We thought we would
witness the battle, but
our little army saw our division of 2,300 men whip Wallace's
force of 10,000.
The road to Washington was now open, and we hastened
the next day as fast as men could travel.
Gen. Breckenridge, who commanded his own and
Gordon's division during this campaign, said to Gen.
Gordon about this battle, "Gordon, if you had never
made a fight before, this ought to immortalize you."
ON the morning of July 10th we marched early, passing
through Urbanna, Hyattstown, and Clarksburg,
going into camp about sunset, having marched twenty
odd miles. The day was a terribly hot one and the men
straggled a great deal, although it was reported that the
enemy's cavalry we left at Harper's Ferry were following
us, and picking up all they could reach from our
We were up and moving early the next morning,
passing through Rockville, Maryland, and at two or
three P. M. the head of Gordon's division passed the toll
gate about four or five miles from Washington. We
inquired what road we were on, and were informed that
it was the Seventh Street pike. The enemy were shelling
the road at this point with their big guns. We soon
came in sight of the Soldiers' Home, where the enemy
had a signal station, and we were really at Washington
City. We could see their fortifications and the men
marching into them on each side of the road on which
we were. Their dress induced us to think they were
the town or city forces, some of them looking as if they
had on linen dusters, and there being none in regular
Probably the day was hotter than the preceding, and
we had been marching faster too. Consequently there
was more straggling. Our division was stretched out
almost like skirmishers, and all the men did not get up
until night. Rodes' division was in front. He had
formed a line of battle and sent forward his skirmishers,
who had driven the enemy into their fortifications. Our
division stacked arms on the side of the road, the men
broke ranks and looked around. A house between the
two lines was burning. I went to Silver Springs, the
country home of Mr. Blair, one of Lincoln's cabinet,
and got water, and examined the place. It was a splendid
home. When I came back I went to the front and
looked out on the situation. As far as my eye could
reach to the right and left there were fortifications, and
the most formidable looking I ever saw! In their front
the trees had been cut down so that the limbs pointed
towards us and they were sharpened. About midway
of the clearing was a creek that seemed to run near the
fortifications and parallel with them. The enemy had
a full sweep of the ground for at least a mile in their
front, and if their works were well manned, our force
would not be able to take them, since, as I suppose, Gen.
Early's entire command did not number 10,000. Night
came on and found us occupying the same position.
The next morning Gordon's division marched to the
front, formed line of battle, advanced to the edge of
the wood and lay down, while our skirmish line was sent
forward to the creek. We remained in our position all
day. The enemy were shelling us at intervals, and in
the afternoon they sent forward their skirmishers with
a large force following them. They made an attack
on Rodes' front. He repulsed them and drove them
back into their works. At night we left Washington,
and retraced our steps on the road as far as Rockville.
There we took a road to the left, marched all night, and
stopped about midday for several hours' rest near
Darnestown, then resumed the march and continued it
all night, passing Poolville and crossing the Potomac
the next day at White's Ford, going into camp near
Thirty-one days had passed since we left Lee's army
at Richmond. We had marched during that time four
hundred and sixty-nine miles, fought several combats,
one battle, and threatened Washington, causing the biggest
scare they ever had. It was believed by the men
that we could have gone into the city on the evening of
the 11th, if our men had been up, but straggling prevented
it. I can not say that they straggled without
excuse, because as I before said, many of them were
barefooted and footsore, and we had made a terrible
campaign since we left our winter quarters on the 2d
of May. I was still barefooted, my feet being too sore
to wear my boots. The scars made on that march are
on my feet to this day. Many men, like myself,
marched right along without shoes, but many of them
were physically unable to keep up.
It is said that the enemy concentrated over sixty
thousand soldiers at Washington while we were threatening
the city; this force pursued us to the Potomac, but
did us little injury.
The next day, the 15th, the 21st Va. Regt. was detailed
to take charge of a lot of horses that had broken
down on the way, others having been captured and put
into their places. We immediately converted ourselves
into a regiment of mounted infantry, the most motley ever
seen. Some of the men secured saddles, some bags and
filled them with straw, some used their blankets to ride on;
some horses had bridles, some ropes, some grape vines
for bridles, and some ridden without any form of bridles. As
soon as we were mounted, we took up the march, driving
the loose horses. We passed through Union and Upperville,
stopping about sunset to let our horses graze, the only food
they had. After several hours of rest, we again mounted and
continued the march, passing through the Blue Ridge into the
valley at Paris, marching all night. We stopped the next
morning near Millwood, Clarke County, and turned our
horses loose to graze, having marched about thirty-three
miles. We were the most completely used up men you ever
saw,--foot cavalry could not be converted at once into
mounted men, as we found out to our cost,--and when the
order to mount was given about midday, we were so sore
and disabled that nearly all the men needed assistance in
mounting. We left this place and marched to Middletown, on
the valley pike, stopping several times to graze our horses.
On the morning of the 19th, we turned our horses over to a
quartermaster and marched to Winchester, where we joined
The next day the army marched up the valley. Reaching
Middletown, Gordon's division was sent out in the direction
of Berryville, it having been reported that the enemy were
advancing in that direction, and, after some brisk skirmishing,
we drove them back. That night we marched to Hupp's Hill.
The next day the army formed a line of battle and awaited
an attack from the enemy. They came in sight of us, fired a
few cannon and had some skirmishing. Their army was now
under the command of Gen. Crook and Gen. Averill was the
officer in command of his cavalry.
KERNSTOWN THE SECOND, AND THE ENEMY'S CAVALRY
THE enemy having left our front at Hupp's Hill, we, on the
morning of 24th July, marched down the valley. When we
reached Barton's Mill we learned that the enemy had made
a stand at Kernstown. Gen. Early immediately made
preparations to attack them. The Second Brigade was
deployed as skirmishers, and was posted on the left of the
Valley Pike, its right resting on the pike. The rest of
Gordon's division was formed on the right of the pike, with
the remainder of Breckenbridge's command. The Second
Brigade, in skirmish line, was ordered forward. In our front
there was an open field almost level up to the enemy's line
of battle. There the country became gently rolling and on the
hills they had stationed their artillery. The fields were
separated by stone fences, several of them running across
our front, and were occupied by the enemy. Soon after we
began to advance, we came in sight of the hill that was
occupied by a battery which fired at our regiment in March,
1862, when we crossed this same field. They sent shell after
shell at us, and as soon as we were within range, the
Yankees behind the first stone wall commenced to fire with
their muskets. We were ordered to lie down. From this point
we could see a long line of the enemy on the right of the
pike, and on their extreme left a body of cavalry. We saw
also Breckenbridge advancing against their left. The
Yankees in front of our brigade were shooting rapidly
at us, who were lying down in the field, and our men
were becoming uneasy, since we had no opportunity to
reply. They, stooping down behind the wall, loaded,
rose, and fired and lay down before we could locate
them. Our men sent a message along the line, "Let's
take the wall!" The answer came back, "All right!"
We were up in a second, and at the wall in a few more
seconds, the enemy retreating to the next wall. This
was not very far from us, and our men were mounting
the wall already taken, some were over, for we were
going to take the next wall. An officer came from
Gen. Early with an order for us to halt, retrace our
steps, and lie down in the field again. Our brigade
commander, Col. Dungan of the 48th Va. Regt., told
him that he did not give the order to advance, but he
saw no reason to stop it after the men had started.
"Well, you must stop them now," said the officer.
Col. Dungan gave the order to halt, but it was obeyed
very reluctantly, the men standing where they were, the
Yankees shooting at them all the time. Our officer from
Gen. Early, Major Mann Page, an old F, could not
stand this; he was very impetuous and called to the men
to return, but could not induce them to do so. They
cried out, "Let's drive them away from the wall!" and
away we went, leaving the major stamping with rage.
We took the second wall in about the same time it takes
to tell it, driving a line of battle from it. By this time
Breckenridge had struck their left, and their whole line
was in rapid retreat, and as those on their left made
for the valley pike, nearly all of them passed us; we
loaded and fired into their ranks as fast as we could,
some of our men in their excitement sitting on the stone
wall loading and firing from it. The retreating column
of the enemy seemed to be so intent on getting away,
that they gave no attention to our small line on the wall.
As soon as all of them passed us, over the wall we went
in close pursuit. They went through the village of
Kernstown, keeping the pike until they reached the old
stone church and burial ground, turning to the left between
them, going direct to the hills around Winchester.
The first fire we received from them in their retreat was
from a fence just beyond the old church. As we
reached the church and turned around it towards the
fence through which they went, a few skirmishers of
theirs along this fence fired on us. Sergeant Griever
of the 48th, who was carrying the flag, was shot dead
at my side, and one or two more were wounded. They
had no time for a second fire, as we were upon them.
The field was filled from this fence to another about a
quarter of a mile off with fleeing Yankees, and beyond
the second fence, I could see them making their way
over the hill. In order to help their men in the field,
some of them were firing at us from the farther fence.
An officer on a white horse seemed to be directing them;
some of us paid our respects to him, the balance shooting
into the mass of the enemy in the field. Before we were
half way across the field, their fire ceased and they and
the officer on the white horse disappeared over the hill.
When we reached the hill we were so tired that we
could run no longer, but we continued the pursuit, following
the trail, and only came in sight of the enemy
as they went up the hill just behind Winchester. On
that hill they had one piece of artillery, which fired at
us once, then limbered up and joined in the retreat.
We continued the pursuit until sunset, when we halted,
stacked arms, and soon lay down to rest for the night,
Rodes' division keeping up the pursuit into the night.
This was the most easily won battle of the war. We
had very few casualties. We could trace the line of
the enemy's retreat to the hills by their dead and
wounded, a loss inflicted on them mostly by the skirmishers
of the Second Brigade. We were in the advance
until we were stopped, and stacked arms, and we
were within one hundred yards of the enemy until they
reached the hill.
The next day we followed the retreating enemy, and
Gordon's Division went into camp at Bunker Hill.
The next day we marched to Martinsburg and remained
in the neighborhood until the 31st, tearing up the B.
& O. Railroad for miles. This is the fourth time I
took part in the ruin of this railroad. We left Martinsburg
and marched to Darksville, remaining until August
4th, when we moved to the Potomac and crossed at
Shepherdstown on the 5th, marching to Sharpsburg,
passing a few miles beyond and into camp for the night.
How soon the scars of war are removed when they
are made in a country that is kept in a state of cultivation
and improvement! We could see very little of the
great battle of Sharpsburg, and when we passed the
Tunker or Dunkard church everything looked so nice
and clean that one would not know that it was the scene
two years before of the most severe fighting of the
war! The battle of Jackson's Corps and McClellan's
right was at its fiercest around this church. Lines were
driven back and forward, around and around the old
church, hundreds of musket balls struck it, and several
cannon shots went through it. Dead and dying men
were lying in sight of it by thousands.
The next day, the 6th, we marched, passing through
Tillmantown and crossing the Potomac at Williamsport,
and camped at Falling Waters. Thence we marched to
Darksville, Bunker Hill, and the Woolen Mill, not far
from Winchester, camping for the night at each place.
At the latter place we arrived in the afternoon. My
brigade had stacked arms, broken ranks, and taken off
our accouterments, when the long roll was heard. We
were ordered to "fall in," and marched some distance
to repel an advance of the enemy's cavalry. On the
11th Gordon's Division was at Newtown skirmishing on
the White Post road with the enemy. There W. H.
Divers of F Company received a terrible wound through
the leg, and died two days afterwards. From Newtown
we marched to Strasburg, where our army formed
a line of battle and waited an attack from the enemy.
Thence we moved to Fisher's Hill, staying there until
the 17th, when we marched to Winchester. There we
found the enemy in line of battle awaiting us. We
made preparation for an immediate attack. Gordon's
Division was formed in line of battle on the right of the
pike, divided into three sections; our skirmishers were
ordered forward, and the right section soon followed.
As soon as they advanced their length ahead of the middle
section, the middle section advanced, and so with
the third, our line advancing in echelon. The Second
Brigade was on the left of the line and was the third or
last section; we continued to advance in this way for a
mile. Our skirmishers encountered the enemy in our
front, who gave way at once. Our brigade was shelled
heavily from a battery posted on a hill towards our left.
We came to a corn field and, as we passed through it,
I took a well-filled haversack from one of the dead
Yankees, swung it round my neck, and continued my
march. Looking in it I found it filled with roasting
ears, that had just been boiled, and hot. I commenced
to eat at once, giving my comrades some. Passing
through the corn field we right-faced and joined the
division, which was now marching by the flank. The
skirmishers were so far off that we decided the enemy
preferred a retreat to a fight. Night soon came on,
we stacked arms and bivouacked.
The next day, 18th, Maj.-Gen Anderson joined us
with a division of infantry, his artillery, and cavalry.
On the 19th we marched to Bunker Hill, the next day
towards Charlestown, encountering the enemy's cavalry
in force, and finally coming up with his army well fortified
near Charlestown. Skirmishers were thrown forward
and were heavily engaged all day. The enemy
left during the night, and when morning came and we
ascertained they had left, we were off at once in pursuit,
Gordon's Division passing through their fortifications.
They were the best hurriedly thrown up works I saw
during the war. About one hundred yards in their
front, rails from the adjacent fences had been placed
in the ground about six inches apart, leaning to the
front. They were about waist high with their ends
sharpened. When we reached them in our march, we
found it a heavy task to remove enough of them for
the division to pass through. We found the enemy in
position at Halltown, and again fortified. It was reported
to Gen. Early that a fine lot of hogs were in a
field on their right, inside their skirmish line. Gordon's
Division was immediately sent for the hogs, which we
soon took possession of and that night all had fresh pork
for supper. We remained in the enemy's front until
the morning of the 25th, when Gordon's Division, with
some of the other divisions, marched towards Leetown.
Gen. Early accompanied us and left Gen. Anderson in
command of the force in front of the enemy. Soon
after passing Leetown our division, which was in front,
came in contact with the enemy's cavalry. A long line
of skirmishers was thrown forward on each side of the
road, our division formed in line of battle, and all were
ordered forward. Soon the skirmishers became engaged
and, as they advanced, fighting became heavy; but
they drove the enemy at all points. The enemy's cavalry
made a charge on the left of the road in a large
field, and succeeded in capturing a few of our men, but
they were hurriedly driven back. The line of battle
was halted occasionally to allow the skirmishers to clear
the way. During one of these halts, we stacked arms
and were ordered to lie down near our guns. A Yankee
battery on our right occasionally sent a shot at us. One
of these, a round shot, struck the ground near my front,
ricocheted, and came directly towards us. Every one
in the locality was watching it, and it became evident
that it would strike a stack of muskets just to my right,
in its second descent. Then it was seen that as it was
an oblique shot, it might strike two stacks. The guns
were loaded, and fearing that some of our line might be
injured by the firing of the guns should they be struck,
the men who owned both stacks jumped to them to take
arms, and get away before the shot struck. In the hurry
and confusion they became mixed, the shot fell in their
midst,--men, guns, shot, and all went down together.
In a few seconds the men were on their feet, hurrahing
and laughing, and one man held up the shot, neither men
nor guns having been injured, but it was a close shave.
These men laughed and jested at death, as all old soldiers
do. Constant exposure to danger hardened the
best of them. We resumed the advance for a short
distance; the enemy seemed to have had enough and to
have withdrawn. Our skirmishers were called in, and
my division resumed its march by the flank in the road.
We went along quietly, Gen. Early and some other
officers riding at the head of the column. Someone
now approached Gen. Early, and soon he left the pike
by a country road on our right and rode to the top of
a hill. Then he turned and beckoned to the officer who
was riding in our front, and he turned into this road.
He followed a short distance, the column halted, and
it was rumored that the enemy were just over the hill in
our front. I ran to the top of the hill, and found that
it fell on the opposite side about as suddenly as it rose
on our side. It was a ridge, at the foot of which on
the other side there was a corn field extending to another
pike, which ran at nearly right angles to the one on
which we had been marching and joined it about a mile
away. In this pike there was a Yankee column of cavalry
marching along quietly, seeming to be ignorant of
the proximity of a Confederate. They were about four
hundred yards from us. I do not know how it affected
Gen. Early, but it was the most thrilling scene I ever
saw, and gave me the "shakes" at once. I was ordered
to run down the pike as fast as I could until I met some
of the skirmishers, and give the officer in command an
order to come to the front as fast as possible. I hastened
away and soon met Capt. Hays' command, delivered
the order, and described the situation to him. Poor
fellow! he and his men were so completely exhausted
by skirmishing with the enemy's cavalry for two or three
hours, that they could not double quick, but started off
at a quick step. When they came to the front, they
deployed in the corn field and advanced at once. Our
line of battle was formed by regiments as fast as they
could enter the corn field, and each regiment was ordered
forward. The skirmishers were near the road
before they were observed by the enemy, and poured a
withering fire into them. The enemy attempted to reply
to this, and when some of our regiments came into view,
they broke and ran in every direction! We cut their
column in two, some of them going towards Shepherdstown
and the others returned towards Harper's Ferry,
whence they had come. Those who were returning towards
Harper's Ferry ran out a battery, that shelled us
for a few minutes, then limbered up and followed the
crowd;--a part of our division pursuing them, and a
part pursuing those going towards Shepherdstown.
When I came out of those two fights, I surely was
the best equipped man in our army. I captured a horse
with splendid equipments, even the poncho and blanket
rolled up behind the saddle. Before the fight was over,
I got a Colt's five-shooter, a sixteen-shot Winchester
rifle, a saber, a nose bag for my horse and a bag of oats,
also a canteen, six extra saddles, and a Yankee haversack
filled with rations.
About midnight, the division having come together,
we went into camp, and heard that Fitz Lee had captured
the party that went towards Shepherdstown. All
of us slept well on that news and a heavy day's work.
In the morning we learned that the enemy had escaped
from Fitz Lee, although he at one time had them in a
tight place. August 27th found Gordon's Division at
On the 29th Gordon's Division was ordered to the
front. We found the enemy's cavalry at Opequan
Creek and attacked them at once, driving them about
five miles; and returned to our camp. September 3d
found Early's army in camp around Winchester. On
the 7th the enemy drove in the pickets of our brigade.
Gordon's Division was ordered to their support, and drove
the enemy back across the Opequan, which was the
dividing line between the two armies.
At this time I received the following communication
which explains itself:
Hd. Qrs. 21st Va. Infantry,
Sept. 12th, 1864.
Sergt. J. H. Worsham Co. "F." is announced as Act.
Adjt. of this Regt. from this date.
By order Col. Moseley.
E. E. ENGLAND, Lt.& Act. Adjt.
This made three adjutants the company has furnished the
regiment. It has also furnished the regiment three
September 13th found Gordon's Division near Brucetown,
where our pickets had again been driven in by the enemy.
The Second Brigade was ordered to their support, driving
the enemy across the Opequan, the 21st Va. Regt.
remaining on picket. On September 14th Gen. Anderson left
us, taking his artillery and Kershaw's division of infantry
with him, leaving Fitz Lee's cavalry with us. The 17th found
Gordon's and Rodes' division at Bunker's Hill.
While in camp at Darksville on August 2, 1864, I made my
last morning report of the company as orderly sergeant, and
herewith give a copy of it. It was made on a piece of paper
torn out of an old account book and the ruling and heading I
did with pokeberries, according to the "Form" provided by
the adjutant of the regiment.
ON the 18th of September, 1864, Gordon's Division
left Bunker's Hill and marched to Martinsburg. There
we encountered some of the enemy's cavalry who skirmished
with us and retired, firing at long distance. We
stopped at Martinsburg a short time, and marching back
to Bunker's Hill, encamped for the night. It had been
rumored in our camp a week or two that Gen. Sheridan
from Grant's army was in command of the enemy
and that he had been largely reinforced. Their force
in the valley had all along been three or four times as
large as Early's, and now since Sheridan was receiving
more men, it must be five or six times as large. It was
believed by us that Sheridan had more men in
alone, than the number of Early's entire army.
On the 19th we marched from Bunker Hill in the direction
of Winchester, and in a short time we heard the
boom of a cannon in our front. Some of our army had
been engaged daily with the enemy for the last month
and considering this shot in our front to be a part of
the daily attack, we paid little attention to it. We kept
quietly on our way until we passed Stevenson's depot
when we saw a horseman approaching us hurriedly.
When he rode up to Gen. Gordon in our front we recognized
him as Col. Pendleton, Gen. Early's Adjutant-General.
He had a moment's talk with Gen. Gordon
wheeled his horse and rode off. We hurried up and
our ranks closed. Soon we left the pike by our left and
marched across the fields. The firing in our front had
become heavy and we heard the musketry. We decided
that it was a general attack by Sheridan, but our men
were not disturbed by it, because we knew we could
whip Sheridan easily, notwithstanding the large odds we
believed he had against us. We marched in the same
direction a mile or more, and, coming in sight of a small
body of cavalry, were told it was part of Fitz Lee's
force, and towards our right we saw some of our artillery
firing. We marched towards this artillery but in
front of it. The fight was raging in our front, and in
a wood on our left there was heavy skirmishing. We
continued to march by the flank past this wood, the head
of the column being nearly in front of our artillery.
When we came to an open space between the woods just
passed and another a little farther on, we saw our artillery
firing through this opening at a line of battle of
the enemy's, that was advancing through a field beyond
the woods. Our column continued its march until it
reached a line opposite the second woods, when we
halted, were ordered to front face, and load. Our
skirmishers formed along the whole front of the division,
and were ordered forward. We followed them,
our artillery firing over us at the advancing enemy.
Terry's Brigade (ours) was on the right, the Louisianians
next, and Evans on the left. We saw our skirmishers
in front engage the enemy, and from the increased
firing in the woods on the left, we knew that
they were at it, too. We continued to advance and soon
met the enemy with a volley; they turned and ran, we
pursuing. We kept up the pursuit for three-quarters of a
mile, when we halted, and were ordered back. We had
made a clean sweep,--not a Yankee could be seen in our
front. Falling back about half a mile, Terry's Brigade
was ordered to form in line with Rodes' Division,--
which arrived a little later than we, and had advanced
on the enemy in their front and repulsed them as easily
as we did. After we made the connection with his line,
we lay down to rest. We had been in action only about
an hour, and we thought we had gained an easy victory.
Gen. Early said it was a grand sight to see those two
divisions numbering a little over 5,000 muskets hurl back
in utter disorder the immense body of the attacking
force, consisting of the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps!
We heard that Gen. Rodes had been killed, and was
lying near Gordon's right. Our men were much grieved
because Rodes had been associated with us so long, and
Gordon's men had become very much attached to him.
He was a gallant soldier and splendid fighter, and we
lost a great man in his fall. The loss in Gordon's division
at this time was very small; Brig.-Gen. York, of
the Louisiana Brigade, was wounded, and Gen. Terry
had his horse killed under him. Through an opening in
the woods on our right, we saw Ramsuer on the extreme
right of Early's line, still heavily engaged, but gaining
ground. Along Gordon's and Rodes' front not a sound
was heard and not an enemy was in sight, but the stillness
was soon broken by the advance of a brigade of the
enemy through a field on our left, towards the woods.
Evans Brigade was in those woods, the same that was
occupied by the enemy in our attack on them, from
which they were driven by Evans. This body of the
enemy advanced in splendid line,--our brigade on their
flank could see down their entire line as they advanced
on level ground. When they came within firing distance,
Evans let them have his fire; they halted at once;
we saw the dead and wounded on the ground, and many
wounded going to the rear. They advanced again,--
their men under Evans' fire falling as they advanced,--
they entered the woods, we heard the heavy fighting
there, and soon we saw the enemy hurriedly driven out,
disappearing behind the hills. This ended the fighting
of Gordon's Division at this part of the line.
Far around on our left, on the valley pike, little fighting
had taken place, as only a few of the enemy had
made their appearance. Now they came, nearly the
whole of Sheridan's cavalry, and it must be recalled that
they were as many as Early's entire army. A corps of
infantry accompanied them. They advanced up the
valley pike and charged our weak force, consisting of
a small cavalry force and a brigade of infantry from
Wharton's Division. As stated by a northern writer,
"Hell broke loose now!" Our cavalry and the small
infantry force was soon driven back, but fought so stubbornly
that the Yankees made little progress. Our
force was reinforced by Gen. Early as soon as possible.
Now the hardest fighting of the day took place. Our
men were flanked, new lines were formed to be flanked
again, but our men stood to their work fighting every
inch of the way.
Orders now came for Gordon's Division to go to the
assistance of the left; we retired through some bushes,
then through a large open wood, into a field,--this field
was immense and surrounded Winchester. We heard
the heavy fighting on the left of our line as we went
through the woods, and reaching the opening, saw the
whole field in the direction of the valley pike filled with
men fighting; saw that our men were being driven, and
that parts of the Yankee cavalry had possession of some
of the hills which overlooked the surrounding country.
When we reached a large white house, the last outside
of Winchester, Generals Early, Breckenridge, and Gordon
came riding together from our right towards the
left, and reaching our division they told the men they
desired to make a stand there. The Major of the 21st
Va. Regt., the only field officer, not being in sight at the
time, the Adjutant approached General Gordon and declared
to him that our color-bearer would take his colors
anywhere he might order them, and desired to know
where he wished the line to be formed. His answer was
"Right here." "Men, form on the colors of the 21st,"
was his command. Our color-bearer, Cumbia, halted,
faced towards the enemy, stepped out a few paces,
stopped, and waved his flag. The 21st Va. Regt.
dressed on him, and the line grew each minute from
other commands. The sharpshooters of the enemy then
made their appearance, and a body of them took possession
of the brick house and outbuildings about three
or four hundred yards in our front, and opened fire on
us at once. We then saw a line of battle of the enemy
approaching, appearing to be a brigade. They advanced
in splendid order, and when they came within about
four hundred yards of us, a colonel who was standing
on my right and a short distance from me, gave the
order to fire. I ordered the 21st Va. Regt. to hold their
fire, and turning to the colonel, asked that the enemy
be allowed to come nearer. At this moment a shot
wounded me in the knee. It did not hurt much, I had
been struck a few minutes before on the shoulder by a
spent ball, which hit hard enough to raise a knot, but
did not break the skin. As the ball fell, I stooped down,
took it up and put it into my pocket, thinking no more
of it until I received this second shot which I thought
was of the same character; but in a few minutes I became
so sick that I was compelled to lie down. One of
my comrades ran to me and asked if I was shot. I replied,
"I don't think I am; it was a spent ball." By this
time I was so sick that I thought my time to die had
come, and as I looked at my knee, I saw the blood running
freely down my pants. The enemy on the hill had
a battery on our flank, enfilading our line. Two of my
comrades took me by my arms and carried me off the
field. After going a short distance I begged to be allowed
to lie down, thinking I would otherwise die. They
would not listen to me while the cannons were plowing
great gaps in the earth all around us, but they promised
that as soon as they reached a large rock, which we were
approaching, they would let me lie down under its protection.
We soon reached it, and I lay at full length
in hopes of getting some relief, but a cannon shot struck
the rock, glanced, and went up out of sight. In an instant
I was taken up by my comrades and carried on,
and we reached the first house in Winchester, a small,
one-story brick building at the corner of an alley. I
was allowed to lie down behind this, and almost instantly
a cannon shot went crashing through it, throwing pieces
of brick and mortar on us. They had me going again
at once. I met Richie Green, an old F. who was sorry
he could not do anything for me. Soon after we met
Ira Blunt, our hospital steward and also an old F. He,
running to me, put a canteen to my lips and told me to
take a good pull. I drank some new apple brandy; its
effect was instantaneous. I felt perfectly well. Thanking
him, I went on looking for our surgeon. I was
then in Winchester, and as I turned the corner of the
next street, I saw our surgeon mounting his horse. I
called him, he rode to meet me, and said he had sent
all his stores to the rear, and had just mounted his horse
to follow, but that he would get me away if possible.
All the ambulances he knew anything of had gone. Just
at this moment an ambulance turned the corner into our
street, and came towards us with the mules in a run.
The surgeon ordered the driver to stop. For answer,
he whipped his team into a faster gait. Our surgeon
mounted his horse, and putting him into a run, overtook
the ambulance and catching one of the mules, by main
force, stopped it. I went forward and when I reached
it, my two comrades pitched me in behind. The surgeon
let the mules go, and we were off! The ambulance
was filled with medical chests, and I tried to arrange
them so as to make a comfortable seat, but could not. In
the hinder part of the ambulance was a chest, and at its
end was a bucket, the handle of the chest coming over
the bucket in such a manner that the bucket could not
be moved; the other part of the ambulance was filled
with chests piled one on top of the other, leaving only
the chest in the rear for me to sit on. I managed to
put the foot of my wounded leg in the bucket, and let
my good leg hang out. By this time the ambulance
caught up with the wagon train, moving up the valley
pike two abreast. The enemy on the right of our line
now opened on our wagon train with one piece of artillery.
The first shot they fired went over the train a
little in front of my ambulance, the next shot went
through the top of the wagon just in front of us.
Amidst cracking of whips, yells, and oaths, the wagon
train went in a hurry up the pike! In a few minutes
they got behind the woods, and the firing from the
Yankee gun ceased. My ambulance driver became demoralized,
wheeled his team to the right, and over the stone
wall he went! How it was done I shall never know,
but he did it, and through the field his flying mules went!
It was an old corn field, and the reader may know how
comfortable I was! We went over several cross walls,
and finally, along in the night, reached the pike again
and continued our ride until about 8 o'clock the next
morning, when the ambulance was halted by a surgeon
on the road side. The driver was told to take his mules
out, water and feed them. I was so sore that I could
hardly move, and asked the driver to help me down, but
he positively refused! I however got out, made my way
to a branch near by, got a drink of water, washed my
face, came back to the ambulance, and breakfasted on
articles in a Yankee haversack, which I took the day
before from one of their dead. I will state here that
the only rations I had after leaving Winchester until I
arrived at Staunton, were out of that haversack, and
since it was such a good friend, I carried it home! While
I was eating my breakfast, a surgeon came and asked
the driver whom he had in his ambulance. I told him
who I was and my command, and asked him to look
at my wound and say if it needed anything. His inhuman
reply was, "As you do not belong to my command,
you must get your own surgeon." After an hour
or two of rest the team was hitched up, and I, fearing
I might be left, took my old place in the ambulance,
while the hitching was done. I prevailed on the driver
just before we started, to pull off my boot,--it was full
of blood and running over the top! Soon after it was
pulled off, my wound seemed to stop bleeding, and I proceeded
more comfortably. We rode until four o'clock
in the afternoon, when we halted at a church in Woodstock.
Here the ladies brought to the wounded fruit,
flowers, eatables, water and bandages, and made themselves
very useful to two or three hundred wounded. A
surgeon cut open my pants and drawers, and examined
my wound and dressed it,--this was the first time it
was seen even by myself. It had hurt me none to speak
of. About sunset the wounded were put into wagons
on a little straw and started up the pike. Riding all
night, stopping a short time during the morning and then
continuing until night, when we rested. We traveled
thus until we reached Staunton, two days after we left
Woodstock, where my wound was dressed the second
time after I was shot. From Staunton, we were, the
next morning, carried to Charlottesville, where the ball
was taken out. I write this lengthy narrative of myself,
because it was the experience of hundreds in this battle!
Returning to the account of the battle, our left being
driven back, the new line which had been moved back
occupied some slight breastworks. Here the enemy were
checked, and as night approached Gen. Early's force retired
up the valley. On reaching Fisher's Hill he took
position, whence he was driven on the 22d, with a considerable
loss. Among the killed in that engagement
was our old comrade, Col. A. S. Pendleton, Adjutant
General of the Second Corps. He was one of the first
officers appointed on Jackson's staff and had been with
us since the commencement of the war; he was a gallant
and splendid officer, beloved by all the old command.
The battle of Winchester was as hotly contested as
any of the war, and was a regular stand-up fight; but we
were so outnumbered that we could not prevent the
flanking by the enemy.
I do not agree with the Northern writer alluded to
before, who said: "Early was beaten before that battle
commenced from the great disparity in numbers." He
also said: "When Early was driven, he left a track of
blue killed and wounded in his rear." Our loss in the
evening was heavy. Among the wounded was Maj.-Gen.
In F Company, N. Dowdy, J. C. English and G. W.
Houston were wounded.
Here is an interesting incident about the battle of Winchester
taken from Gen. Phil Sheridan's autobiography:
"Gen. Sheridan, wanting to know something as to
Early's army, learned of an old colored man, who had
a permit from the Confederate commander to go into
Winchester and return three times a week for the purpose
of selling vegetables to the inhabitants. The scouts
sounded the man, and finding him both loyal and shrewd,
suggested that he might be made useful to us within the
enemy's lines; and the proposal struck me as feasible,
provided there could be found in Winchester some reliable
pervert who would be willing to coöperate and correspond
with me. I asked Gen. Crook, and he recommended
a Miss Rebecca Wright, a young lady whom he
had met there before the battle of Kernstown, who he
said was a member of the Society of Friends, and he
thought she might be willing to render us assistance. I
hesitated at first, but finally decided to try it. The negro
was brought to his headquarters, given the letter, which
was written on tissue paper, wrapped in tin foil so that
it could be placed in the man's mouth, and instructed, if
searched by the Confederate picket, to swallow it. Early
next morning it was delivered to Miss Wright, the negro
telling her he would come back in the evening for an answer.
The evening before a convalescent Confederate
officer had visited her mother's house, and in conversation
about the war had disclosed the fact that Kershaw's
division of infantry and Cutshaw's battalion of artillery
had started to rejoin Gen. Lee. Miss Wright now perceived
the value of the intelligence, and determined to
send it at once."
Here is a copy of Gen. Sheridan's letter, and Miss
"I learned from Major General Crook that you are a
loyal lady, and still love the old flag. Can you inform me
of the position of Early's forces, the number of divisions
in his army, and the strength of any or all of them, and his
probable or reported intentions? Have any more troops
arrived from Richmond, or are any more coming, or reported
to be coming?
"I am, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,
"P. H. SHERIDAN, Major General Commanding.
"You can trust the bearer."
"September 16, 1864.
"I have no communication whatever with the rebels, but
will tell you what I know. The division of General Kershaw,
and Cutshaw's artillery, twelve guns and men, General
Anderson commanding, have been sent away, and no
more are expected, as they cannot be spared from Richmond.
I do not know how the troops are situated, but the
force is much smaller than reported. I will take pleasure
hereafter in learning all I can of their strength and position,
and the bearer may call again.
"Very respectfully yours,
The above letter from Miss Wright is not signed in
Gen. Sheridan's book.
I thought while writing this I would see if I could
find the negro, too. So wrote to Major Saml. J. C.
Moore of Berryville, Va., an officer on Gen. Early's
staff, asking him if he could give me the name of the
negro who carried the letter. Here is his answer:
"In 1869 I employed a negro man as gardener, whose
name was Tom Laws. I had heard something about
his being the man who was the bearer of the letter, and
I broached the subject to him. At first he was not inclined
to talk about it, but upon my assuring him that
I would not harm him, I got him to talk freely about
it. On the 17th of September, 1864, he went to Winchester
to see some relations he had there. Miss Rebecca
Wright, having heard he was in town, sought him
and told him to come to her house before he left. He
went there, when she asked him when he was going
home, he told her he was ready to start at once. She
then said she wanted him to carry a letter to Gen. Sheridan,
and taking a small piece of thin tissue paper, she
wrote upon it, and then enveloped it in a small piece of
tin foil, which she gave him, and charged him that he
must not let the rebels get it, and if they caught him
he must swallow it, that if they found it on his person
they would kill him, and it might cost her her life. She
directed him to give it to no one but Gen. Sheridan in
person. He found the general and gave the note to him,
who read it, and promised him he should be paid fifty
dollars in money for bringing it, but he never got the
Gen. Sheridan said this information caused him to
decide to attack Early the next morning, but having
received a telegram from Gen. Grant, who said he was
coming to see him that day, he determined to defer it.
After his conference with Gen. Grant he decided to attack
the next morning, and that letter brought on the
battle of Winchester.
RETURNS OF SECOND ARMY CORPS, A. N. VA., AUG. 31
Returns of Second Army Corps, A. N. Va., Aug. 31,
1864, and Organization of Early's Command in the Valley,
Aug. 20, 1864. From War Records. They give
the number of Early's infantry with the exception of
one brigade of Wharton's division, and his artillery, but
omit the cavalry and horse artillery.
There was skirmishing daily with Sheridan, in which
our cavalry, infantry and artillery participated. Losses
were inevitable and reduced these figures by Sept. 19,
when the battle of Winchester took place.
ORGANIZATION OF EARLY'S COMMAND IN THE VALLEY AUG. 20,
MAJ.-GEN. ROBERT E. RODES
Brig.-Gen. Cullen A. Battle. Lt. Col. E. LaF. Hobson. 3d
Alabama,-- 5th Alabama, Lt. Col. E. LaF. Hobson. 6th
Alabama,--. 12th Alabama Capt. P. D. Ross. 61st Alabama, Maj. E.
Brig.-Gen. Philip Cook. 4th Georgia, Lt. Col. Wm. H.
Willis 12th Georgia Capt. Jas. Everett. 21st Georgia Capt. Henry T.
Battle. 24th Georgia, Lt. Col. Jas. W. Beck.
(Col. David G. Cowand) Brig.-Gen. Bryan
Grimes. 32nd North Carolina. 53rd North Carolina.
(Col. J. R. Winston)
Battalion. 2d North Carolina. 42d North Carolina. 45th North
Brig.-Gen. William R. Cox. 1st North Carolina, Capt. Wm. H.
Thomson. 2d North Carolina, --. 3rd North Carolina, Capt. Wm. H.
Thomson. 4th North Carolina,--. 14th North Carolina, Capt. Jos.
Jones. 30th North Carolina, Capt. Jno. C. McMillan.
MAJ.-GEN. STEPHEN D. RAMSUER
Pegram's Brigade Brig.-Gen. Jno. Pegram. 13th Virginia,
Capt. Felix Heishell. 31st Virginia, Lt. Col. J. S. K.
McCutchen. 49th Virginia, Capt. Jno. G. Lobban. 52d Virginia, Capt.
Jno. M. Humphreys. 58th Virginia, Capt. Leroy C. James.
Johnston's Brigade Brig.-Gen. Robert D. Johnston. 5th
North Carolina,-- . 12th North
Carolina,--. 20th North Carolina, Col. Thos. F. Toon. 23d North
Carolina,--. 1st North Carolina Battalion, Capt. R. E. Wilson.
Goodwin's Brigade Brig.-Gen., A. C. Goodwin. 6th North
Carolina,--. 21st North Carolina,--. 54th North
Carolina,--. 57th North Carolina,--.
MAJ.-GEN. JOHN B. GORDON
Evans' Brigade Brig. Gen. Clement A.
Evans. Col. Edmund N. Atkinson. 13th Georgia, Col. J. H. Baker. 26th Georgia, Lt. Col. J. S. Bain. 31st Georgia, Col. Jno. H. Lowe. 38th Georgia, Maj. Thos. H. Bomer. 60th Georgia, Capt. Milton Russell. 61st Georgia, Capt. Eliphalet F. Shaw. 12th Georgia Battalion, Capt. Jas. W. Anderson.
Brig.-Gen. Zebulon York.
(Hay's old Brigade.)
5th Louisiana,--. 6th Louisiana,--. 7th Louisiana,--.
(Stafford's old brigade.)
1st Louisiana,--. 14th Louisiana,--. 2d Louisiana,--. 10th Louisiana,--. 15th Louisiana,--.
(Col. John H. S. Funk. Old Stonewall Brigade)
2d Virginia,--. 4th Virginia,--. 5th Virginia,--. 27th
Virginia,--. 33d Virginia,--.
(Col. Robt. H. Dungan. Old Second Brigade.)
21st Virginia, ,--. 25th Virginia,--. 42d Virginia,--. 44th
Virginia,--. 48th Virginia,--. 50th Virginia,--.
(Lt. Col. Samuel H. Saunders. Old Third Brigade.)
10th Virginia,--. 23d Virginia,--. 37th Virginia,--.
BRIG.-GEN. GABRIEL C. WHARTON
45th Virginia,--. 50th Virginia,--. 51st Virginia,--. 30th
22d Virginia,--. 23d Virginia Battalion, -- . 26th Virginia
Col. Thomas Smith 36th Virginia,--. 60th Virginia, Capt. Albert
A. P. George. 45th Virginia, Battalion, Capt. W. B. Hensly. Thomas
Legion, Col. James R. Love, Jr.
Virginia Battery, Carpenters. Virginia Battery
Hardwicke. Virginia Battery, Cooper.
Virginia Battery, Carringtons. Virginia Battery,
Tamler. Virginia Battery, Farber.
Virginia Battery, Bryan. Virginia Battery, Chapman. Virginia
Georgia Battery, Milledge. Virginia Battery,
Kirkpatrick. Virginia Battery, Massie.
Maj. Gen. L. L. Lomax
Imboden's Brigade 18th
Virginia,--. 23d Virginia,--. 62d Virginia,--.
McCausland's Brigade 14th
Virginia,--. 16th Virginia,--. 17th Virginia,--. 25th
Virginia,--. 37th Virginia Battalion,--.
Bradley T. Johnson's Brigade
8th Virginia,--. 21st Virginia,--. 22d Virginia,--. 34th
Virginia,--. 36th Virginia,--.
2d Maryland,--. 19th Virginia,--. 20th Virginia,--. 46th
Virginia,--. 47th Virginia,--.
Maryland Battery, Grippin. Virginia Battery, Jackson. Virginia
Battery, Lurty. Virginia Battery, McClanahan.
Lt. Gen. Anderson's
forces, consisting of the following,
were in Culpeper Co. and joined Early on the 17th
Aug., staying with Early until the 14th Sept., when they
returned to Culpeper with Kershaw's division and the
artillery, leaving Fitz Lee's Cavalry with Early. Kershaw's
division and the artillery again joined Early on
Sept. 26th, and participated in the battle of Cedar Creek
Oct. 19, 1864.
Rosser's Brigade of cavalry joined Early on Oct. 5,
'64, coming by way of Lynchburg, and was not with
Anderson in Culpeper.
MAJ.-GEN. JOSEPH B. KERSHAW
Maj. James M. Goggin. 2d South Carolina, Maj. B. R. Clyburn. 3d
South Carolina, Maj. R. P. Todd. 7th South Carolina,--. 8th South
Carolina,--. 15th South Carolina,--. 20th South Carolina, Col. S.
M. Boykin. 3d South Carolina Battalion, Capt. B. A. Whitenor.
16th Georgia,--. 18th Georgia,--. 24th Georgia,--. 3d Georgia Battalion,--. Cobb's Georgia Legion,--. Phillips Georgia Legion,--.
Brig.-Gen. Benjamin G. Humphreys. 13th Mississippi,--. 17th
Mississippi, ,--. 18th Mississippi, ,--. 21st Mississippi,--.
Col. James P. Simms. 10th Georgia, Col. W. C. Holt. 50th
Georgia, Col. P. McGlashan. 51st Georgia, Col. Edward Ball. 52d
Alabama Battery, Reese. Virginia Battery, W. P.
Carter. Virginia Battery, Pendleton. Virginia Battery, Frys.
Fitz Lee's Division
1st Virginia,--. 2d Virginia,--. 3d Virginia,--. 4th
7th Virginia,--. 11th Virginia,--. 12th Virginia,--. 35th Virginia Battalion,--.
5th Virginia,--. 6th Virginia,--. 15th Virginia,--.
Virginia battery, Johnston. Virginia battery,
Shoemaker. Virginia battery, Thomson.
CEDAR CREEK AND WINTER 1864-5
THE reader will want to know something of the old
command after my leaving it. I can give some facts
gathered from members of my company.
After the battle of Fisher's Hill, Early retired up the
valley to Mt. Jackson,--Sheridan following him slowly.
On the 24th they marched about five miles beyond
Tenth Legion, on the road to Port Republic, and the
next day to Brown's Gap in the Blue Ridge mountain,
where they were joined by Kershaw's division. On the
27th they marched from Brown's Gap towards Harrisonburg,
and returned to Port Republic. There Gen.
Early learned that Sheridan's cavalry had gone in the
direction of Staunton. They marched to Waynesboro
and Rockfish Tunnel to intercept the enemy in case they
marched to those places. They found that the enemy
had occupied Waynesboro a short time before, and they
attacked at once and drove them back with some loss.
Early camped in the neighborhood until Oct. 1st, when
he marched to Mt. Sidney on the valley pike and was
joined by Rosser's brigade of cavalry on Oct. 5th.
Early then marched down the valley to Fisher's Hill,
which place he reached on the 13th. There he stayed
until the night of the 18th, when he put his troops in
motion to attack Sheridan, who was in a strongly fortified
position along Cedar Creek. To Gordon was assigned
the duty of attacking the enemy in their rear on
the left of their line. He moved down the Shenandoah
river, fording it twice, and was in line at the designated place
as the streaks of day appeared, and with a yell dashed upon
the enemy! This was the signal for Early's line in front to
move forward, which they did, and they swept everything
before them, taking the fortifications, guns, and camp of the
enemy. Sheridan's army was utterly routed with the
exception of the Sixth Corps, which was encamped some
distance in the rear. They formed a line and marched back
with the fugitives until they reached Middletown, when they
formed a line of battle requiring such of the fugitives as
they could control to join them. Our line that had been
pursuing the enemy was so thin that it was not much more
than a line of skirmishers!
The world will never know the extreme poverty of the
Confederate soldier at that time! Hundreds of the men who
were in the charge and captured the enemy's works were
barefooted, every one of them was ragged, many had
nothing but what they had on, and
none had eaten a square
meal for weeks! In passing through Sheridan's camp they
had a great temptation thrown in their way; many of the
tents were open, and in plain sight were rations, shoes,
overcoats and blankets! The fighting continued farther and
farther, and some of the men stopped, secured well-filled
haversacks, and as they investigated their contents, the
temptation to stop and eat was too great, as they had had
nothing since the evening before, and they yielded. Others
tried on shoes, others put on warm pants in place of the
tattered ones, others got overcoats and blankets, articles so
much needed for the coming cold! They had already
experienced several biting frosts to remind them of the
winter near at hand. In this way half of Early's men were
straggling, and this accounts for his thin line in front.
This was an awful hour! Gen. Early then noticed the thinness
of his line and being informed of its cause, sent officers
back to hurry his men up. His advance line by this time
had come up to the enemy in their position at Middletown.
They attacked at once, but so feebly and were so easily
repulsed, that the enemy felt emboldened, made an
advance and drove our men off the field of battle! The
stragglers who arrived were not in sufficient numbers to
check the enemy's advance. The fighting continued until
night put a stop to it. Gen. Early withdrew during the night
to Fisher's Hill, but, owing to the breaking down of a
bridge, most of the captured guns and between fifteen
and twenty of our own were taken by the enemy. We lost
about one thousand men taken prisoners, but brought off
nineteen hundred of the enemy, whom we had captured.
Our loss was heavy, and among the killed was that
splendid soldier, Maj. Gen. Ramsuer!
F Company lost Sergeant R. M. Tabb, killed; Corporal W.
C. Tyree and L. M. Couch, wounded. That gallant young
officer, Lieut. M. L. Hudgins, had command of a line of
skirmishers and was shot through both legs, but succeeded
in bringing off his command, and took to the mountains!
Here he was captured a few days later and taken to
Winchester, and from there sent to a Northern prison to stay
until Mar. 30, 1865. I was told that old man Mason of the
same company was quietly walking to the rear, when a
Yankee cavalryman rode up to him, and with uplifted saber,
ordered the old man to halt. He looked over his shoulder,
and, seeing who it was, threw up his gun and shot the
Yankee off his horse! The old fellow was, however, captured not long after!
Gen. Early fell back to New Market, but Sheridan
did not follow him. Here Gen. Early stayed until Nov.
10th. Learning that Sheridan had fallen back to Winchester,
he advanced to Newtown, and from there he
fell back again to New Market, where in December,
Gordon's, Ramsuer's and Rodes' divisions left him and
went to Petersburg to join Gen. Lee.
On our march down the valley we witnessed the vandalism
of the Yankee General Sheridan! All the barns
and mills were in ruin, and it soon became evident that
he intended carrying out his boast, "that when he was
done with the valley a crow would have to carry his
rations with him in order to get something to eat in going
General Sheridan Reports to the Authorities from
"WOODSTOCK, Oct. 7, 1864.
"I commenced to move back from Port Republic,
Mt. Crawford, Bridgewater, and Harrisonburg yesterday
morning. In moving back to this point the whole
country from the Blue Ridge to the North Mountain
has been made untenable for a rebel army. We have
burned over 2,000 barns filled with wheat, hay and farming
implements, over 70 mills filled with flour and wheat,
and have driven in front of the army over 4,000 head of
sheep; have killed and issued to the troops not less than
3,000 . . . and when we get to Winchester the entire
valley to that point will be a Wilderness . . .
Lieut. Jno. R. Meigs, my Engineer officer, was murdered
beyond Harrisonburg near Dayton. For this
atrocious act all the houses within an area of five miles
. . . As a matter of fact Lieut.
Meigs was killed in a fight by -- Martin of the
Black Horse cavalry.
"NEWTOWN, Nov. 10."
He reports "the return of a party which had been
sent out for the purpose of bringing in a lot of stock,
horses, sheep and cattle, and the grain, barns, subsistence,
etc., as far as possible were destroyed" . . .
Again, "KERNSTOWN, Nov. 11."
Another party returns,
"bringing back 300 cattle, a
lot of sheep and horses, burned all the granaries, and
destroyed all the provisions on the road."
destruction of the property of the citizens
of the valley, because they were Southern sympathizers
was uncalled for, and no excuse can ever justify it!
This was a favored country, and to burn everything in
the way of hay, grain, etc., barns and mills, not excepting
agricultural implements; to kill and drive off all the
horses, stock, etc., belonging to those people because it
would compel the Confederate army in the valley to haul
those articles, was a crime without reason or excuse,
especially when those citizens were not paid by the
United States a cent for their loss.
I think Gen. Early did everything a commander could
do in the valley with the number of men he had in his
command, and, as an humble member of that army, I
would like to ask those who have criticized Gen. Early
if they ever thought of the great disparity in numbers
in the two armies? It is said that Sheridan's cavalry
alone numbered as many if not more than Early's entire
force, and I never heard Sheridan's infantry placed at
less than thirty thousand. Gen. Early did not have more
than twelve thousand men in his entire army at the battle
of Winchester,--the first of his disasters. Let me recall
the fact that Early was detached from Lee's army at
Richmond, and sent to Lynchburg to intercept Hunter,
who was marching on that place with a large force. He
disposed of Hunter in quick time, driving him beyond
the Alleghany mountains. He was then ordered to
threaten Washington City, which he promptly did. On
his arrival before that place the Yankees concentrated
a force over sixty thousand to repel him! A large part
of this force was taken from Grant's army at a time
that greatly helped Lee at Petersburg. Early, by his
activity, kept nearly all this force in his front until late
in the year 1864. Gen. Early certainly accomplished
all, if not more, than he was sent to the valley for. It
is needless for me to say anything about Gen. Early's
gallantry and fighting in the field. That is too well
Since the opening of the campaign May 2, 1864, the
Second Corps had marched over sixteen hundred miles
and fought seventy-five battles and skirmishes in the
majority of which F Company participated. The loss
was heavy in officers and men as well as guns, but they
inflicted a loss on the enemy in men and officers twice
as large as the Second Corps numbered, and a great loss
in stores, etc.
On the arrival in Petersburg of the troops who left
Early, Maj.-Gen. Gordon was made commander of the
Second Corps, it was ordered to the front, and on the
5th of Feb., 1865, had a hard battle with Grant at Hatcher's
Run. It was in this battle that the gallant Capt.
Jordan of F Company distinguished himself. While
the brigade was marching by the flank, through a dense
pine wood, they were suddenly assailed by the enemy's
sharpshooters. This threw our men into confusion,
and they fell back out of fire to reform the line. Jordan
at once turned towards the enemy and succeeded in getting
seven men to join him,--two from the 42d Va., two
from the 25th Va., and three from the 21st Va. regiments,
among the latter W. R. Richeson of F Company.
Those men he hurriedly placed along the road to stop
the advance of the enemy at that point. They rapidly
approached and commanded Jordan and his little band
to surrender; but for answer they received bullets, and
when the smoke cleared up, one Yankee lay on the
ground and the remainder were seeking safety! At
this moment Gen. Gordon rode up and learned that the
advance of the enemy had been stopped by Jordan and his
few men. He complimented them on the spot, in that
peculiar way of his, which bound those men to him forever,
rode off to the brigade, made a speech and closed
by telling them "that Capt. Jordan, by his bravery and
coolness, had with only seven men stopped the advance
of the enemy." He hurried them forward and the fight
became general. After the battle when the troops had
returned to camp, Gen. Gordon sent a messenger to Capt.
Jordan, asking the names of the seven men, which he desired
to be forwarded to his headquarters through the
regular channels, as he wished to publish to the army
their names as well as that of Captain Jordan for gallant
and heroic conduct on the field of battle! This Jordan
did, but the end came before the account of this battle
was published--hence this incident is not known to the
I would like to say a word about W. R. Richeson, an
humble man from Caroline County, who joined us in
1863, so infirm that he ought not to have been in the
army, but in several battles he showed the mettle he was
made of, and well deserved this recognition from Gen.
In this battle W. Bates and A. D. Brown were
wounded. On Mar. 25th Gordon made an attack on
and captured Fort Steadman. There Capt. Jordan was
wounded, Geo. Hutchie Rennie, J. A. Kidd and H. C.
Fox were killed in the attack, and N. C. Dowdy captured,
all of F Company.
Here is what one of the old company says of this
battle: "On the night before the battle we were in
camp, and quietly sleeping, when about midnight we were
awakened and told to 'fall in' as soon as possible. As
soon as the line was formed we were marched off hurriedly
through the woods and fields, over ditches and
fences, and finally formed a line of battle facing east.
The streaks of day were just beginning to show themselves,
when we were turned loose, and we ran over two
lines of the enemy's breastworks almost before I can
tell about it, the troops on our right capturing at the
same time the fort. We halted a short time after passing
the second line of breastworks, reformed lines and
then were ordered forward again. Soon I was captured,
and that is all I know of the battle."
On the retreat from Petersburg, Gordon's command
was the guard, and after leaving Amelia C. H. they
were engaged every hour of the day and half of the
night in repelling attacks by some body of the enemy.
The hardships our men underwent in the retreat to Appomattox
were such that it seems impossible for men to
go through them and live! They left Petersburg without
rations, on roads full of mud from the recent rains,
marched all night and nearly all the next day before stopping
to rest! Gen. Lee had ordered a train of cars,
loaded with rations to be at Amelia C. H. Depot on the
Richmond and Danville railroad, and led his army there
to get them. When they arrived, they learned that by
the mismanagement of some officials, the train with rations
had gone on to Richmond, where it fell into the
hands of the enemy! The men of his army had been
eating parched corn and anything else they could get
their hands on, with the hope of getting something on
reaching Amelia C. H. When they learned that disappointment
awaited them, they almost gave up,--but the
old spirit soon came back to the army of Northern Virginia,
and they dragged themselves along the road on
their way towards Lynchburg, where they knew rations
could be gotten. Combats nearly every hour with some
portion of Grant's force which were this time in advance
of our army as well as following close on our
rear. They marched along this way until they neared
Appomattox C. H., where they found a train of provisions
on the Norfolk& Western railroad, awaiting them,--
the first rations since they left Petersburg!
The day before reaching Sailor's Creek, Gordon was
ordered to take the front, and when he reached Appomattox
C. H., Gen. Lee gave him an order to advance
on the next morning, and if the enemy be encountered
in numbers he must cut his way through them. When
morning came and Gordon found the enemy in large
numbers in his front, he formed his line, ordered them
forward, and they made the attack with so much spirit
that they succeeded in driving the Yankees and captured
two pieces of artillery; and when Gordon sent Gen. Lee
word that he "had fought his corps to a frazzle," those
old fellows could be seen, and heard from too, in that
frazzle! My brother, who was one of them, told me
that at the time the white flag was raised by Gen. Lee
this same "frazzle" was driving the enemy in its front!
You would like to know what became of the colors
of the 21st. Regt. After it was known positively that
Gen. Lee was going to surrender, the gallant John H.
Cumbia, who had carried the colors for such a long
time, tore them from the staff which was a short one,
as it had been shot off by a cannon ball some months
before--broke the staff and threw it away! Then he
tore the flag into small pieces, giving to each man a piece.
That was a great flag! It had inscribed upon it the
names of all the battles from Kernstown on, in which
Jackson's old division had been. Three cannon balls
had been shot through it, and when I left it, in September,
1864, over one hundred musket shots through it
could be counted!
THE EVACUATION OF RICHMOND AND LEE'S SURRENDER
I WAS in Richmond confined to my bed with my wound
when the city was evacuated. I cannot say that I saw or
heard much of what went on outside of our house, as
there was not a man on the place at the time except myself,
and the women were too much alarmed to go out!
We heard many rumors Sunday afternoon. The first
definite news was about midnight, when a soldier friend
came by to bid us good-by, since he was going away
with the soldiers who were then marching through the
city. He stated that the President, his cabinet and other
officials of the government with the archives, etc., had
left the city by the Danville railroad, and as soon as the
troops crossed the river, the bridges would be burned!
A member of the Legislature called soon after and told
us good-by, and said that the members of the Legislature
were going to Lynchburg on the packet boat by the
James river and Kanawha canal. This created a feeling
of great uneasiness in our household. We well knew
that the ever long wish of the enemy to get to Richmond
would soon be gratified, and what would be the result?
I dreaded the coming day, and listened to every noise
I heard outside. Occasionally I would hear a report as
if something was blown up, an arsenal, steamer, or something
of that kind. Not long before daybreak, a flash
of light came into my room, brighter than the brightest
lightning, accompanied immediately by a loud report with
rumbling and shaking of the house, and a crash as if
the front had fallen! The ladies were in my room in an
instant, and as soon as the outer door could be opened,
the servants came in too! I explained to them the best
I could, that it was the explosion of a large quantity of
powder, probably one of the magazines. After they were
quieted, one of them went into the front room to see
if anything had been broken. She soon returned and
stated that the sash of one of the windows had been
blown into the middle of the room, and all the glass
was broken! About sunrise on Monday, April 3, 1865,
the ladies left my room, going to their rooms to dress
for the day, the servants going about their accustomed
duties. When the ladies returned, they reported that a
great fire was raging down town, and it looked as if the
whole city would be burned! Some friend now called
and stated that the rear guard of our army had set fire
to the Shockoe, the Public, the Myers& Anderson tobacco
warehouses, the arsenals, magazines, etc.! From those
fires, adjacent buildings caught, and the greater part of
the business portion of the city was in flames, with no
prospect of checking the fire! He also said that the
city council and some of the prominent citizens had held
a meeting and decided to destroy all liquor in the government
buildings and large warehouses, and that it was
taken out of those buildings into the streets and emptied
into the nearest culverts; that hundreds of citizens were
pillaging the stores which were burning and breaking
into others and taking everything; and that the town was
in the hands of a mob!
About half-past seven my breakfast was brought me
by a little negro boy eight to ten years old; he was devoted
to me and a great favorite of mine, as he was very
quick and smart. He said to me, "Marse John, let me
run down to the corner and see if I can see any of the
Yankees." At that time he had a great horror of them.
After some little begging on his part, I let him go, he
promising to return before his mistress would miss him.
Before I finished my breakfast he returned, and on entering
the room, he said, "Marse John, they is here,"--
he had seen a squad coming up towards the capitol and
he ran home.
During the boy's absence one of the negro girls ran
down to the capitol square and on her return came into
my room and stated that she saw fifteen Yankees on
horseback ride up 9th Street to the capitol gate, enter
and ride up to the building. Some of them dismounted,
went inside and soon came out on the roof, where they
hoisted a United States flag on the flagstaff! That
was the first flag hoisted by the enemy in Richmond.
This party made a deep impression on her, for they were
the first body of armed Yankees she had seen; she seemed
particularly struck with their uniform and long buck
She went out again soon afterwards, staying two or
three hours. She came back with a large blanket filled
with articles as numerous and as varied as are in a peddler's
pack, gotten, she said, out of stores on Main
street; that all were open and everybody was helping
himself, and she thought she would do the same!
From the great clouds of smoke hovering over the
city, it seemed that all down-town must be burning up!
Large chunks of fire were falling on our house and in the
yard,--the house had been on fire several times,--one
of the negro men servants had come home from fear,
and we had stationed him on top of the house to watch!
He stayed there all day. A man or boy was on nearly
every house, although in some places the women were
doing this duty. We were about half a mile from the
nearest fire, and the smoke at our house was so dense
all day, that the sun could not be seen and the appearance
out-doors was like that of a heavy fog in the morning.
About midday we heard the music, cheers, and some
firing by a body of the enemy marching on the next
street. In our yard, near my window, was a small
peach tree; I was sitting up in bed and looking at the
tree when the firing took place. I saw a small twig of
the tree fall, and almost at the same moment, heard the
quick thud of a ball striking the fence! This I call the
last shot of Richmond. We were sure now that the enemy
were in Richmond. A friend called and told us that
nearly all the business portion of the city had been burned,
that the Yankees had quelled the mob, and that they were
then engaged in stopping the fire. This they succeeded
in doing after severe exertion and blowing up several
buildings ahead of the fire. One of our old negro women
was heard praying nearly all day; she was in the
yard and terribly frightened by the thought that the
fire would reach us and burn her up.
Hundreds of the residents of the burned district were
bivouacking in the capitol square, having moved to it
everything they could. It presented the appearance
of a vast camp, filled with household goods, women and
children! Many had built fires, and were cooking to
feed the hungry children. All the people remained there
until the next day and some stayed several days.
In the evening we heard that quiet had been restored
and that the Yankee soldiers were patrolling the streets
and would place a guard throughout the city in order to
preserve order among citizens as well as soldiers; that
they had marched outside of the city and would allow
no soldier except the guard to go about the streets. This
had a very soothing effect, the citizens not knowing what
would be done for the city. We saw none of the Yankees
except a few now and then passing the house,--
heard that all the houses would be searched for contraband
goods and Confederate soldiers! The next morning
one of my good neighbors sent me a piece of corn
bread and herring for breakfast, with the message that
it was the last of the Confederacy!
On Wednesday or Thursday our door-bell was rung
and the one answering it met three Yankee officers at the
door! They were invited in, and introduced themselves
by name and stated they were members of Gen. Canby's
staff, who was in command of the city. One of the
household came and informed me. Thinking the best
thing to do was to be candid with them, I sent them information
of my presence in the house and my condition,
and asked them to come to my room to see me.
This they did at once, and they were very polite and
courteous to me. We had articles of value and others
we desired to keep, hidden about the house in various
places. In my room was a large lounge whose springs
were out of order. In this lounge I had placed two
sabers, because I thought they would not be detected on
account of the bad springs. When I invited the officers
to take seats all sat down on this lounge. I noticed that
some of them moved about occasionally, but could not tell
whether their suspicions were aroused as to anything
being in it or not. After talking a little while I told
them of the hiding-place. They laughed, and when they
left they told me to let them remain there for the present,
as well as anything else that was hidden, and if any one
molested us or any articles in the house, to let them know
at headquarters! The next day a guard was placed on
that square in front of our house, which remained on
this post for several weeks.
On Sunday, April 9, it was rumored in Richmond that
Gen. Lee had surrendered his army. None of the Confederate
people believed this. It was confirmed the next
day. What a blow! The greatest army the world ever
saw, the Army of Northern Virginia, commanded by that
great soldier, Gen. Lee, had surrendered! It seemed
impossible! However few, they would die fighting!--
but the officers thought it best to save those few men and
determined to surrender! Gen. Grant, the Commander in
Chief of the United States Army, who commanded the
army of the Potomac in person, paid the Army of Northern
Virginia its greatest tribute, when he said the year
that army could not be beaten, it could only
be destroyed, and this he intended to do by mere attrition,
knowing full well when he destroyed one man, we
had no other to put in his place. He was willing to sacrifice
ten of his men to one of ours, if necessary. How
well he carried this out his campaign will tell, as the
Army of Northern Virginia destroyed for him several
times its own number before it was finally destroyed.
A few days after the confirmation of the surrender,
the men of Lee's army began to arrive in Richmond,
and the old Chief himself came riding alone to the city!
His old followers immediately recognized him and
formed in line and followed him to his home, where with
uncovered heads they saw him enter his door, and then
they silently dispersed. This was the last of the Confederacy!!!
All realized that the last hope was gone, and that the
great struggle for secession was at an end. Thus ended
the war, and at that time the inhabitants of the South
were a ruined people.
"Furl that banner--true 'tis gory, Yet 'tis wreathed around with glory, And 'twill live in song and story, Though its folds are in the dust; For its fame on brightest pages, Penned by poet and by sages, Shall go sounding down the ages, Furl its folds though now we must.
"Furl that banner--softly, slowly; Treat it gently--it is holy, For it droops above the dead; Touch it not--unfold it never, Let it droop there, furled forever, For its people's hopes are dead."
WHEN the Confederate soldiers returned from the army
after the war the majority of them literally had nothing but
the ragged clothing on their backs, not even a change! What
a sight met them on their arrival at home! Desolation
everywhere. Many found their families scattered all over
the state, different members having taken up their abode
with relatives or friends in such sections as had not been
over-run by the enemy. Many found dwellings, barns,
stables, outbuildings, fences and literally everything except
the land gone; some found a few outbuildings remaining, no
fences, while others found the fences remaining but
everything else gone. One could travel along the roads in
certain sections of the country for miles and see neither
fence nor house nor a single living thing, unless a fox or
other wild animal should cross his path!
While some of the soldiers had their land, that was all they
had,--no stock, no farming utensils or provisions. If one had
these he was an exception. The world will never know the
poverty these men were reduced to, and their conduct at this
time shines out with more brilliancy, if such could be the
case, than did their services in the army! They literally
turned the sword into the plowshare, and went to work with
a determination to make a living, and, if possible, to
recuperate their fortunes! Poverty is a great leveler, and all
were on the same footing now.
The men accepted any honorable work, and there were
actually seen in the streets of Richmond, in the burnt district,
men cleaning brick who a short time ago were worth
It was not uncommon to see a private and a colonel in
their old uniforms, working side by side! The men in the
country went to work with the same determination--a
family who had been raised in affluence and luxury, living in
a log cabin, the lady of the house doing the cooking and the
landed proprietor following a plow drawn by the only horse
on the place!
All the money made by the men for several months was
spent in meeting actual needs, and generally it took all they
made to feed the family. In consequence, the old soldiers
were still wearing their old uniforms. This became a great
annoyance to the Yankee army that was stationed in the
South. The sight of the old Confederate soldier going about
daily in his old uniform reminded them too forcibly of the
hard times they had undergone during the last four years. In
order to remove these uniforms out of sight as much as
possible, the military authorities issued an order that the
brass buttons on the coats and jackets of the late
Confederate soldier must come off by a certain day. They
allowed them the choice of covering the buttons with some
material that would hide the shining brass or cut them
off,--but the brass buttons must be off or hidden from sight
by that date. If the brass buttons were found on their
clothing after that date, the United States soldiers had orders
to arrest the offender and cut the buttons off. It the man
submitted to this or made no resistance he was allowed to go
free, if he was caught the second time he would be
imprisoned. Some of our men thought this such a foolish
order for the great United States government to issue,
that they paid no attention to it; and many were
stopped in the streets of Richmond and their buttons
were cut off! This accounts for many of the old uniforms
that are seen at this day with buttons covered or
without brass or military buttons.
A few years after the war I met an old comrade--it
was a happy meeting as each had so much to tell the
other--when we finally said good-by, he turned to me
"I can't take up my musket And fight 'em now no more, But I ain't a-going to love 'em, Now that is sartin sure; For I don't want no pardon, For what I was and am, I won't be reconstructed, And I don't care a damn."
THE WOMEN OF THE SOUTH
WHAT had the women of the South been doing all
this time? Would that I had a gifted pen to tell of the
noble deeds done by them! They had not been idle.
Wherever woman could work or administer comfort,
there she was found.
As soon as Virginia seceded, they organized societies
throughout the State for work. In Richmond they met
daily at certain houses and in the basement of nearly
every church, where they made bandages by the mile,
lint by the hundred pounds--using all the old cotton
and linen clothing they had for this purpose,--making
haversacks, and clothing of all kinds. To show with
what energy they could work when it was necessary, I
will narrate a circumstance told me soon after it occurred:
During the retreat of Johnston from Yorktown,
Richmond was thought to be deficient in fortifications,
and it was suggested that if the government had
bags they might be filled with sand and earth and placed
in position, thus forming a wall, and then with earth
thrown against this on the outside, earthworks of great
strength could be made very quickly,--but how to get
enough bags was the trouble! The ladies hearing of
this, sent a committee to see the Secretary of War, offering
to make the bags if he would supply the material.
He gladly accepted their offer and in an hour he had
delivered to the ladies, at various places which they had
designated, many huge rolls of cotton. The ladies were
ready; cutting and making commenced, and the work
went on all night. The next morning thousands of finished
bags were delivered to the authorities, and in a
few hours the work of erecting the fortifications was
The hospital committee were ever present, administering
to the sick and wounded. I have heard numerous
soldiers say they were glad they were wounded, as the
careful attention received from those women more than
repaid them for the suffering they endured! Here is a
little incident told me after the war, by one of the fashionable
young ladies, who lived on one of the fashionable
streets of Richmond during the war. She was one of
the young ladies who composed one of the hospital committees.
In one of the hospitals which she attended,
there was a soldier from one of the southern states who
was desperately wounded, whom devoted nursing saved.
He appreciated it and showed his obligation as well as
a man could by thanks. When he was well and was ordered
to his command in the field, he asked this young
lady if he might call on her at her home. She told him
she would be glad to see him at any time, and gave him
the member of her residence. A day or two afterwards
he called, and after conversing a short while, he told
her he knew that the care given him by the ladies had
saved his life, and he had asked to call in order that he
might thank her and at the same time he wished to
make her a little present. This had given him a great
deal of thought, as his means were very limited, but he
had bought her what he considered the best thing in the
world, and he presented her with a small package of
"goobers" (peanuts), saying he wished he were able
to give her a bushel! She said to me that she considered
that the most valuable present she ever received, and
prized it as such, because it came from the man's heart;
and she thinks it took every cent of money he had to
There were committees to look after the poor who had
a hard time, as all were poor! They did their duty as
nobly and faithfully as the others.
Many households had no male person in them. This
entailed much work and anxiety on the women at the
head of them, and especially was this true in the country,
where it was necessary to attend to the business of the
farm, as well as that of the house. Many farms, and
some large ones, were operated very successfully by
After the war they shared every hardship cheerfully,
and, with an abiding faith in the men, they upheld them
in all honorable work, and welcomed their old acquaintances
to their homes with great cordiality, regardless
of their rough hands and ragged clothing.
God bless the Southern women of those days! Would
that I were able to build a monument to them. I would
have it as high as the steeple of St. Paul's Church, and
in its base a room, the walls of which I would adorn
with paintings, telling the story of their lives during those
trying times. In the center of this room, I would have
a statue of a Southern mother, dressed in plain Confederate
clothes, holding in one hand a pocket Bible, which she
is handing to her boy who is not old enough to wear a
coat, her other hand pointing to the open door, and, with
tears streaming down her cheeks, telling him his country's
needs are more than hers--to go and join the
army! Among the paintings, I would have the wife
and daughters of Gen. Robert E. Lee, knitting socks for
the private soldiers of his army! and Mrs. Gen. John B.
Gordon, administering to a sick or wounded soldier on the
roadside in the field. She accompanied the General in
the field during the war. I would fill the room with such
scenes as these.
I WAS standing in the door of our headquarters in Richmond
about the middle of April, 1861, when my attention
was attracted by a man approaching; he wore a uniform.
It was not the uniform that attracted my attention
but the man himself. He was tall and straight,
and I thought the handsomest specimen of manhood I
had ever seen, both in face and figure. He made such
an impression that as he came opposite me I could not
keep from looking at him, and when he had passed my
eyes still followed him, until I actually stepped outside
of the door in order to keep him in sight. About an
hour later he returned up the street and went into the
Spottswood Hotel. I followed and asked some friend
if he could tell me who that splendid looking man was.
He informed me that it was Colonel Robert E. Lee.
The next time I saw him was on Valley Mountain in
Pocahontas Co., Va. (now West Va.). He was a general
in the Confederate army and in command of our
department. I saw him daily before he was ordered to
another command. In our advance to attack McClellan
at Cold Harbor in 1862, after passing through
the woods and reaching a field, the first man we saw was
our beloved old general on his gray horse, and although
he was at some distance, we recognized him at once.
He was then in command of the army of Northern Virginia,
and we joined him to remain till the end came at
Appomattox. I saw him several times after this around
Richmond. The next time I saw him he was sitting
on a stump on the battlefield of Second Manassas observing
Longstreet's men taking position in line of battle,
as they came on the field to join Jackson. I saw him
often from that time till Grant's campaign of 1864. The
last time I saw him he was at Spottsylvania C. H., the
day our corps left to head Grant off at Hanover Junction.
He appeared to me the same ideal man, except
that his hair had become almost white and the dark
mustache of my first acquaintance was exchanged for
a full beard of gray. As our column approached him, an
old private stepped out of ranks and advanced to Gen.
Lee. They shook hands like acquaintances and entered
into a lively conversation. As I moved on I looked back.
and the old man had his gun in one hand and the other
hand on Traveler's neck, still talking.
It was such scenes as that, that made Gen. Lee so popular.
He believed in his men and thought they could
do anything that mortals could do. His men worshiped
him, and I think the greatest man the world ever saw
was Robert E. Lee.
"As troubles gathered round him Thick as waves that beat the shore Aetra Cura, rode behind him, Famine's shadow filled his door; Still he wrought deeds no mortal men Had ever wrought before."
RECORD OF F COMPANY, 21ST VIRGINIA REGIMENT OF
R. Milton Cary, enlisted Apl. 21, 1861; promoted
colonel of 30th Va. Regt. of Infantry June
15, 1861; and was ordered in 1862 to Belona Arsenal
to supervise the making of cannon for the
army and navy. In 1865 he was ordered to Goldsboro,
N. C., and surrendered with Johnston's army.
Richard H. Cunninghan, Jr., enlisted Apl. 21, 1861;
as second lieutenant; first lietuenant May 1, 1861;
captain May 16, 1861; elected lieutenant colonel of
the 21st Va. Regt. Apl. 1862; killed at Cedar Run,
Aug. 9, 1862.
William H. Morgan, enlisted June 1861, as adjutant
of the 21st Va. Regt; elected captain of F
Company Apl. 1862; killed at Cedar Run Aug. 9,
William A. Pegram, enlisted Apl. 21, 1861; promoted
captain in 1861; killed at Williamsport, Md.,
July 6, 1863.
Reuben J. Jordan, enlisted Apl. 21, 1861; promoted
second lieutenant 1863; and captain in 1864;
wounded at Cold Harbor, June 3, 1864; and at Fort
Steadman Mch. 25, 1865.
First Lieutenant. James R. Crenshaw, enlisted Apl. 21,
1861; promoted lieutenant colonel 26th Va. Regt.
of Inft., 1862.
Jr. Second Lieutenant. Philip A. Welford, enlisted Apl.
21, 1861; second lieutenant May 1, 1861; first lieutenant
Dec. 1861; promoted major and commissary
of subsistence in 1863.
First Sergeant. Edward Mayo, enlisted Apl. 21, 1861;
promoted junior second lieutenant May 1, 1861;
first lieutenant June 6, 1861; and resigned Dec.
Second Sergeant. Henry T. Miller, enlisted Apr. 21,
1861; first sergeant May 1, 1861; promoted junior
second lieutenant June 6, 1861; and adjutant of 26th
Va. Regt. Nov. 1861; and captain 25th Va. Battalion
of Inft., Mar. 16, 1864.
Third Sergeant. John A. Pizzini, enlisted April 21,
1861; first sergeant June 6, 1861; promoted lieutenant
of infantry in 1862; wounded on Romney
expedition winter 1861-2.
Fourth Sergeant. Edward G. Rawlings, enlisted Apl.
21, 1861; second sergeant June 6, 1861; elected
second lieutenant Apl. 1862; killed at Second Manassas,
Aug. 30, 1862.
First Corporal. John Tyler, enlisted Apl. 21, 1861;
sergeant June 6, 1861; promoted first lieutenant
Letcher Battery Feb. 1862; transferred to staff duty
with Gen. J. L. Kemper.
Second Corporal. Thomas Ellett, enlisted Apl. 21,
1861; sergeant June 6, 1861; promoted lieutenant
Crenshaw Battery May, 1862; and captain 1864.
Third Corporal. Edward T. Robinson, enlisted Apl.
21, 1861; transferred 1861 to medical department.
Fourth Corporal. Shirley King, enlisted Apl. 21, 1861;
detailed by Secretary of War, 1861.
Anderson, Archer, enlisted Apl. 21, 1861, promoted captain
and A. A. G. Gen. Trimbles' staff 1861; major
on Gen. Holmes' staff Feb., 1862; lieutenant colonel
on Gen. D. H. Hills' staff July, 1863; and in
1865 as A. A. Gen., Gen. J. E. Johnston's army.
Anderson, Junius H., enlisted Apl. 21, 1861; promoted
acting master C. S. Navy in 1862.
Anderson, Joseph H., enlisted 1863; promoted corporal
1863; wounded at Cold Harbor June 3, 1864.
Anderson, Henry V., enlisted April 21, 1861; killed at
Cedar Run Aug. 9, 1862.
Archer, William S., Jr., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
first sergeant April, 1863; first lieutenant
company K, 48th Va. Regt. of Inft. 1863; wounded
near Cold Harbor June, 1864; captured in the Valley of Va.,
1864, and carried to Fort Delaware,
where he remained until the close of the war.
Ayers, Edward S., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
Barber, N., enlisted 1863.
Barker, William C., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Second company of Howitzers April 10, 1862;
promoted lieutenant in Letcher's battery, 1862.
Bates, E., enlisted 1863; died from effects of campaign
March 10, 1864.
Bates, W., enlisted 1863; wounded at Hatcher's Run
Feb. 5-7, 1865.
Baughman, Charles C., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Otey battery Nov. 1861.
Baughman, George C., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
first lieutenant, Caskie battery in 1861.
Baughman, Greer H., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Caskie battery as sergeant July, 1861;
wounded at Cold Harbor June 3, 1864.
Beers, Henry H., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Caskie battery 1862.
Binford, James M., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to signal corps 1862.
Binford, Robert E., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
first lieutenant heavy artillery, 1862.
Blunt, Ira W., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted hospital
steward 21st Va. Regt., Jan. 24, 1862.
Boyd, James N., age 15 years. Joined us at Namozine
Creek April 1865. Captured a few days after
at Sailor's Creek.
Bowe, H. C., enlisted 1863, discharged June, 1864.
Bridgers, David B., Jr. enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Richmond Howitzers, 1862.
Bridgers, Richard M., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
captain of infantry March 18, 1862.
Brock, R. Alonzo, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
corporal April 22, 1863; detailed by Gen. Lee June
12, 1862, for special service; promoted captain of
infantry in 1862.
Brown, A. D., enlisted 1863; wounded at Hatcher's
Run Feb. 5-7, 1865.
Brown, A. H., enlisted 1863.
Brown, George W., enlisted 1863; wounded (lost a
leg) at Wilderness May 5, 1864.
Brown, Henry, enlisted 1863.
Brown, James R., enlisted 1863.
Bullington, Henry N., enlisted April 21, 1861; detailed
by Secretary of War in 1861, for clerical service
with Gen. A. P. Hill.
Cabell, J. Caskie, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
first lieutenant company F. 60th Va. Regt. 1861.
Callis, G., enlisted 1863.
Child, Jesse, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted corporal
June 6, 1861; and sergeant 1861; first lieutenant
Company A, 42d Va. Regt., 1862; captured at
Spottsylvania C. H., May 12, 1864; sent to Morris
Island and placed under fire of the Confederate
guns of Charleston in order to keep them from firing
on certain points occupied by the Yankee army,
afterwards taken to prison and kept there until the
close of the war.
Chamberlayne, J. Hampden, enlisted April 21, 1861;
promoted lieutenant Provisional Army, Va., May
1862; and assigned as adjutant of artillery battalion,
A. P. Hill's division; assigned to Crenshaw battery
Jan., 1862; captured near Gettysburg, Pa., July,
1863; promoted captain July, 1864, and assigned
to the command of a battery near the Crater; promoted
major March, 1865, and assignment not made
until just before the Appomattox retreat; commander
of rear guard of artillery at Appomattox
C. H., April 9, 1865.
Chapman, Isaac W., enlisted April 21, 1861; discharged
by the Secretary of War Jan. 1862.
Clarke, Maxwell T., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to C. S. Navy June, 1861; commissioned master
in charge of navy yard at Richmond, May, 1863;
and placed in command of gunboat in James River
Clopton, Dr. John, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
assistant surgeon and transferred in 1861.
Cocke, Lorenzo, G., enlisted April 21, 1861; died in
camp at Milboro, Dec. 1, 1861.
Cole, Addison C., enlisted April 21, 1861; discharged
by the Secretary of War, Jan. 1862.
Coleman, N., enlisted 1863.
Couch, L. M., enlisted 1863; wounded at Payne's Farm
Nov. 27, 1863; and at the Wilderness May 5, 1864;
and at Cedar Creek Oct. 19, 1864.
Cowardin, John L., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
first lieutenant and adjutant of--Va. Regt., in
Floyd's command, 1861.
Craig, John A., enlisted April 21, 1861; appointed hospital
steward, Feb., 1864.
Cumbie, W. S., enlisted 1863.
Cumbia, W. E., transferred from 24th Va. battalion of
infantry 1863; killed at Wilderness, May 5, 1864.
Danforth, Henry D., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
lieutenant of ordnance April, 1862; and captain and
A. A. General on Gen. Hunton's staff.
Dill, Adolph, Jr., enlisted April 21, 1861; detailed by
order of the Secretary of War, 1863.
Dillard, R. H., enlisted 1863; wounded at the Wilderness,
May 5, 1864.
Divers, W. H., enlisted 1863; wounded at Newtown
Aug. 11, 1864; and died two days afterwards.
Doggett, Francis W., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Dabney's battery in 1861; promoted captain of artillery.
Dowdy, Nathaniel A., enlisted 1863; promoted corporal
1864; wounded at the Wilderness, May 5, 1864;
and at Winchester Sept. 19, 1864; captured at
Fort Steadman March 25, 1865, and was kept in
prison until the close of the war.
Edmonds, W. B., enlisted 1863; captured at Spottsylvania
C. H., May 19, 1864, and kept in prison until
close of war.
Ellerson, Jock H., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to C. S. Navy, June, 1861.
Ellett, Robert, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted lieutenant
in Letcher's battery Sept. 23, 1861; killed
in front of Petersburg, April 2, 1865.
English, J. C., enlisted 1863; wounded at Winchester
Sept. 19, 1864; captured and sent to Elmira, N. Y.,
where he died.
Etting, Samuel, enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred to
Caskie battery 1861; promoted sergeant 1861.
Exall, Charles H., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
sergeant in Letcher's battery, May, 1862.
Exall, William, enlisted April 21, 1861; killed at Bath
Jan. 3, 1862.
Field, William G., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to cavalry in 1861; killed at Malvern Hill, July 1,
Floyd, George C., enlisted 1863.
Fontaine, R. Morris, enlisted April 21, 1861; discharged
by the Secretary of War, July, 1861.
Fox, Henry, C., enlisted 1863; wounded at Monocacy,
Md., July 9, 1864; killed at Fort Steadman March
Gentry, John W., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
corporal 1862; transferred to Assistant A. Genl's
department, June, 1862.
Gentry, M. G., enlisted 1863; detailed by Gen. Lee and
ordered to report to Gen. Winder at Richmond, in
Gibson, William T., enlisted April 21, 1861; discharged
by the Secretary of War, Dec. 1862.
Gillian, Robert H., enlisted April 21, 1861; wounded
at Cedar Run Aug. 9, 1862; promoted second lieutenant
25th Va. battalion of infantry, Feb. 1864;
acting adjutant of the battalion when captured at
Sailor's Creek, April 6, 1865.
Gouldman, E., enlisted 1863; promoted corporal 1863,
and sergeant 1864.
Gray, W. Granville, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
second lieutenant Dec. 6, 1861; elected first lieutenant
April 19, 1862; resigned March 25, 1864.
Gray, Summerville, enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Howitzers in 1861.
Green, John W., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred to
artillery 1861; assigned to ordnance department;
entered cavalry service in 1863; killed near Liberty
Mills Sept. 22, 1863.
Green, T. Richie, enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
and promoted lieutenant of artillery, 1861.
Griffin, J., enlisted 1863; captured at Spottsylvania C.
H., May 19, 1864.
Harrison, Thomas R., enlisted April 21, 1861;
transferred to Second Richmond Howitzers; promoted
lieutenant and A. D. C. on Gen. Garnett's staff,
1862; wounded and captured at Gettysburg, Pa.,
and kept in prison until close of the war.
Harvie, William O., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to quartermaster's department 1861; promoted
Major A. Q. M.
Hawkins, L. A., enlisted 1863; discharged by the Secretary
of War, April 9, 1864.
Haynes, George A., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
ordnance sergeant 21st Va. Regt. Oct., 1862.
Henry, Dr. Patrick, enlisted May 16, 1861; promoted
assistant surgeon in the army, 1861.
Hobson, Deane, enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred to
Houston, G. W., enlisted 1863; wounded at Winchester
Sept. 19, 1864.
Hudgins, Malcolm L., enlisted May 16, 1861; promoted
junior second lieutenant 1863; and first lieutenant
April, 1864; wounded and captured at Cedar Creek,
Oct. 19, 1864, and kept in prison until March 30,
1864, when he was exchanged.
Hull, Irving, enlisted May, 1861; transferred 1861.
Jenkins, William S., enlisted April 21, 1861.
Jones, David B., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
quartermaster sergeant of 21st Va. Regt., 1862,
and acting Q. M. of the regiment, 1864.
Jones, Philip B., Jr., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
captain and A. Q. M., Oct. 26, 1861.
Johnston, J. W., enlisted 1863; captured at Wilderness
May 5, 1864; kept in prison until close of war.
Kayton, P. W., enlisted 1863; captured on skirmish line
at Spottsylvania C. H. May 12, 12864; kept in
prison until close of war.
Kellogg, Timothy H., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
second lieutenant company H. 21st Va. Regt. April
22, 1862; promoted Major and A. C. S. Nov., 1862.
Kidd, J. A., enlisted 1863; wounded at Payne's Farm,
Nov. 27, 1863; killed at Fort Steadman March
Legg, A. C., enlisted 1863; wounded at the Wilderness,
May 5, 1864; died from its effects June 26, 1864.
Lindsay, Roswell S., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
corporal April, 1862; killed at Cedar Run, Aug.
Lorentz, A., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred 1861.
Macmurdo, Richard C., enlisted May 18, 1861; promoted
captain and A. C. S. March 30, 1862.
Maddox, R. G., enlisted May, 1861; transferred 1861.
Mason, J. M., enlisted 1863, captured at Cedar Creek,
Oct. 19, 1864; kept in prison until close of war.
Mayo, Joseph E., enlisted May 10, 1861; transferred
to signal corps 1863.
McEvoy, Charles A., enlisted April 21, 1861; resigned
June 27, 1861, by order of Gov. Letcher.
Meade, Everard B., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
lieutenant regiment of engineer troops; and A. D.
C. to Brig.-Gen. James H. Lane.
Mebane, James A., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
hospital steward in 1861.
Meredith, J. French, enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
Merryman, J. T., enlisted 1863; captured on skirmish
line at Spottsylvania C. H., May 12, 1864.
Mitchell, Samuel D., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
lieutenant A. D. C. to Gen. C. S. Winder May 9,
1862; killed at Gaines Mill, June 27, 1862.
Mittledorfer, Charles, enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
Morris, Walter H. P., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Marye battery 1861; promoted lieutenant
and A. D. C.
Mountcastle, John R., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
lieutenant of cavalry June, 1862.
Munt, Henry F., enlisted 1863; promoted corporal 1863;
captured at Wilderness, May 5, 1864, and kept in
prison until close of war.
Nance, J. L., enlisted 1863; discharged by the Secretary
of War in 1864.
Norwood, William, Jr., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
lieutenant and A. D. C., Sept. 11, 1861,
and captain and A. A. Gen. 1862. Wounded at Cedar
Run, Aug. 9, 1862.
Nunnally, Joseph L., enlisted April 21, 1861; wounded
at Kernstown, March 23, 1862; killed at Cedar
Run, Aug. 9, 1862.
Pace, George R., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted corporal
June, 1861, discharged by the Secretary of
War, June, 1862.
Pace, Theodore A., enlisted May 6, 1861; discharged
by the Secretary of War, June, 1862.
Page, Mann, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted sergeant
major of 21st Va. Regt. in 1861; first lieutenant and
adjutant 1862; captain and A. A. Gen. in 1862;
Major on Gen. Early's staff, 1864.
Pardigon, C. F., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
lieutenant in Provisional Army C. S., and Captain
on Gen. Kershaw's staff.
Payne, James B., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
junior second lieutenant Dec. 28, 1861; wounded
at Bath, Jan. 3, 1862.
Peaster, Henry, enlisted April 21, 1861; wounded at
Payne's Farm Nov. 27, 1863; transferred to Maryland
Peagram, William R. J., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
lieutenant Purcell battery May, 1861; promoted
captain, lieutenant, colonel and colonel of
artillery; killed at Five Forks, April 1, 1865.
Peterkin, George W., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
sergeant 1861; and elected junior lieutenant April 19,
1862; promoted first lieutenant and A. D. C. on Gen.
W. N. Pendleton's staff, June, 1862.
Picot, Henry V., enlisted April 21, 1861; wounded at
Kernstown, March 23, 1862; and died from its
Piet, William A., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred to
Third company Howitzers, June, 1862.
Pilcher, Samuel F., enlisted April 21, 1861; when F
Company went to Fredericksburg he was made a
sergeant, and left in Richmond to recruit a second
company. Ill health soon compelled him to discontinue,
his health gradually declined and he died in 1863.
Pollard, William G., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
sergeant April 19, 1862; killed at Cedar Run, Aug.
Powell, John G., enlisted May 10, 1861; killed at Cedar
Run, Aug. 9, 1862.
Powell, John W., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
Price, Channing R., enlisted May, 1861; promoted
lieutenant, captain and major on Gen. J. E. B. Stuart's
staff; killed at Chancellorsville, May, 1863.
Randolph, J. Tucker, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
corporal June 5, 1861; sergeant 1861; wounded at
Kernstown, March 23, 1862; promoted lieutenant on
Gen. John Pegram's staff, June, 1862; killed at
Bethesda Church, May 30, 1864.
Randolph, M. Lewis, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
corporal May, 1861; lieutenant in First Va. battalion
of infantry 1861; and captain in signal corps,
Redd, Clarence M., enlisted April 21, 1861; wounded at
Cedar Run, Aug. 9, 1862; transferred to Hanover
artillery in 1862.
Reeve, David I. B., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted first
lieutenant and adjutant of cavalry in 1862.
Reeve, John J., enlisted May 10, 1861; promoted captain
and A. A. General on Gen. Loring's staff April 7,
1862; major and A. A. G. on Gen. Stevenson's staff,
Rennie, G. Hutcheson, enlisted May 18, 1861; killed at
Fort Steadman, March 25, 1865.
Richeson, P. S., enlisted 1863; wounded at Spottsylvania
C. H. May 12, 1864.
Richeson, William R., enlisted 1863; and served with his
company to Appomattox. Complimented on the
battlefield at Hatcher's Run, Feb. 5-7, 1865, by
Rison, John W., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred to
Laboratory department 1861.
Robertson, William S., enlisted May 18, 1861; promoted
sergeant 1864; captured at Waynesboro. Mar.
2, 1865, sent to Fort Delaware, and kept there until
close of the war.
Robinson, Christopher A., enlisted April 21, 1861; detailed
in engineer corps, 1862.
Robinson, Richard F., enlisted April 21, 1861; discharged
by the Secretary of War, April, 1862.
Rutledge, W., enlisted 1863; served with his company to
Searles, S., enlisted 1863; sent to hospital Aug. 16, 1864.
Seay, M., enlisted 1863; sent to hospital May 2, 1864.
Seay, W. C., enlisted 1863; wounded at Spottsylvania
C. H., May In, 1864, and died from its effects
May 14, 1864.
Singleton, A. Jackson, enlisted April 21, 1861; discharged
by the Secretary of War Feb., 1862.
Simpson, F. J., enlisted 1863; captured at Spottsylvania
C. H., May 19, 1864.
Sizer, Milton D., enlisted April 21, 1861; discharged
by the Secretary of War Feb., 1862.
Skinker, Charles R., enlisted April 21, 1861; wounded
at Kernstown March 23, 1862; transferred to second
company of Howitzers in 1862; wounded at
Fredericksburg, 1862; promoted first lieutenant
Company K, 48th Va. Regt. of infantry 1863; captain
1863; wounded at Chancellorsville, May 2,
1863; captured at Spottsylvania C. H. May 12,
1864; sent to Fort Delaware and rejoined his command
in about seven months; wounded at Hatcher's
Run Feb. 12, 1865 and permanently disabled.
Smith, Edward H., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Howitzers in 1861.
Smith, Henry, enlisted 1863; wounded at Wilderness
May 5, 1864.
Smith, J. T., enlisted 1863; served with his company to
Smith, Thomas, enlisted 1863; captured at the Wilderness
May 5, 1864; kept in prison until close of war.
Soles, Peter D., enlisted 1863.
Sublett, Peter A., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Third company of Richmond Howitzers Aug.,
Tabb, Robert M., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
sergeant 1863; sergeant-major 21st Va. Regt. Sept.,
1864; killed at Cedar Creek, Oct. 19, 1864.
Talley, Daniel D., enlisted April 21, 1891; promoted
paymaster C. S. Navy, 1862.
Tatum, A. Randolph, enlisted April 21, 1861; detailed
and assigned to duty with Gen. J. H. Winder, Feb.,
Tatum, Vivion H., enlisted April 21, 1861; detailed in
commissary department in Richmond 1862.
Taylor, Charles E., enlisted April 21, 1861; wounded
at Kernstown, March 23, 1862; transferred to signal
Taylor, Clarence E., enlisted April 21, 1861; wounded
at Cedar Run Aug. 9, 1862; detailed to Quartermaster's
department in Richmond, 1862.
Taylor, Edward B., enlisted April 21, 1861; wounded
at Kernstown, Mar. 23, 1862; transferred to ordnance
department 1862; promoted quartermaster-sergeant
with Maj. Turner, 1864.
Taylor, Robert T., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
Major and A. Q. M., April 15, 1862.
Tiney, W. C., enlisted 1863; promoted corporal May,
1863; killed at Williamsport, Md., July 6, 1863.
Tompkins, Edward G., enlisted April 21, 1861; wounded
at Cedar Run, Aug. 9, 1862; permanently disabled.
Trainum, Charles, enlisted 1863; discharged by the
Secretary of War, April 11, 1864.
Tyler, James E., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted sergeant
Letcher battery March, 1862; wounded at
Harper's Ferry 1862; wounded at Chancellorsville,
May 3, 1863; promoted second lieutenant, July,
1864; and commanded battery at close of war.
Tyler, R. Emmet, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
corporal April, 1862; transferred to ordnance department, 1862.
Tyree, W. C., enlisted 1863; promoted corporal 1864;
wounded at Cedar Creek, Oct. 19, 1864.
Van Buren, Benjamin B., enlisted April 21, 1861; discharged
by the Secretary of War, 1862.
Waldrop, Richard W., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
commissary sergeant 21st Va. Regt., 1863.
Walker, T., enlisted 1863; promoted sergeant May,
1863; killed at Williamsport, Md., July 6, 1863.
Wallace, R. H., enlisted 1863; transferred to 24th Va.
battalion of Infantry, 1863.
Watkins, A. Salle, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
second lieutenant company C, 3d battalion Va. Infantry
May 17, 1864; first lieutenant, and captain, March, 1865.
Watkins, H. Harrison, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
sergeant-major 21st Va. Regt. 1862; wounded at
Cedar Run, Aug. 9, 1862; and permanently disabled.
White, Robert C., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
to Crenshaw battery, Aug. 13, 1862.
Wilkins, J. M., enlisted 1863.
Willis, Joseph N., enlisted April, 1861; promoted
hospital steward, Nov., 1863.
Wood, S. E., enlisted 1863.
Worsham, John H., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
second sergeant April, 1863; first sergeant Dec.
1863; adjutant of 21st Va. Regt., Sept. 12, 1864;
wounded at Winchester Sept. 19, 1864; permanently
Worsham, Thomas R., enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted
sergeant Letcher battery, second lieutenant in 1862;
wounded at Spottsylvania C. H. May, 1864.
Wren, T. Porter, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted third
sergeant April, 1863; second sergeant Dec., 1863;
wounded at Cedar Run, Aug. 9, 1862; at Payne's
Farm Nov. 27, 1863; killed at Monocacy, Md.,
July 9, 1864.
Wright, Philip A., enlisted April 21, 1861; transferred
Zimmer, Louis, enlisted April 21, 1861; promoted captain
in ordnance department, 1861.
Dr. Frank B. Cunningham, enlisted April 21, 1861; as
surgeon of the company; promoted assistant-surgeon
in the army in 1861, and surgeon of Division
Dr. Peter Lyons, enlisted April 21, 1861; as assistant
surgeon of the company; promoted assistant surgeon
in the army in 1861, and surgeon, 1862.
This makes a total of one hundred and ninety-two
who belonged to the company during the war; below is
a list of changes that took place--casualties, transfers, promotions, etc.:
Died, 3; killed, 31; wounded, 49; captured by the
enemy, 19; transferred, 38; promoted to other commands, 57;
discharged, 16; resigned, 2.
Promoted to Navy . . . . . 5 Promoted Hospital Stewards . . . . . 4 Promoted Assistant Surgeons . . . . . 4 Promoted Surgeons . . . . . 2 Promoted Corporals . . . . . 14 Promoted Sergeants . . . . . 25 Promoted Jr. second lieutenants . . . . . 7
Promoted Second lieutenants . . . . . 16 Promoted First lieutenants . . . . . 28 Promoted Captains . . . . . 24 Promoted Majors . . . . . 10 Promoted Lieutenant Colonels . . . . . 4 Promoted Colonels . . . . . 3
I also give a list of casualties, promotions, etc., that
took place in F Company while the men were serving
with that company; these are included in list above:
Killed, 20; wounded, 27; captured by the enemy, 11;
died, 3; discharged, 16; resigned, 2.
Promoted Corporals . . . . . 12 Promoted Sergeants . . . . . 15 Promoted Jr. Second Lieutenant . . . . . 5 Promoted Second Lieutenant . . . . . 4 Promoted First Lieutenant . . . . . 4 Promoted Captains . . . . . 4
F. Company participated in the following battles:
1861, Acquia Creek, May 29, June 7-8; Crouch's, Aug. 15.
1862, Bath, Jan. 4; Sir John's Run, Jan. 6; Hancock,
Jan. 7; Romney, Jan. 17; Kernstown, Mch. 23;
McDowell, May 8; Franklin, May 11; Front
Royal, May 23; Midletown, May 24; Winchester,
May 25; Cross Keys, June 7; Port Republic,
June 9; Cold Harbor, June 28; White Oak
Swamp, June 30; Malvern Hill, July 1; Cedar
Run, Aug. 9; Second Manassas, Aug. 28, 29,
30; Chantilly, Sept. 2; Harper's Ferry, Sept. 13,
14, 15; Sharspburg, 16, 17; Fredericksburg, Dec. 13.
1863, Williamsport, Md., July 6; Hagerstown, Md.,
July 8; Payne's Farm, Nov. 27; Mine Run,
Dec. 1, 2, 3.
1864, Wilderness, May 5-8; Spottsylvania C. H., May
9 to 20; Hanover Junction, May 22; Bethesda
Church, May 30; Cold Harbor, 2 to 7; Lynchburg,
June 18; Monocacy, Md., July 9; Washington,
D. C., July 11, 12; Kernstown, July
24; Newtown, Aug. 11; Winchester, Aug. 17,
and Sept. 19; Fisher's Hill, Sept. 22; Cedar
Creek, Oct. 19.
1865, Hatcher's Run, Feb. 5-7; Fort Steadman, Mch.
25; near Petersburg, Apr. 2; Appomattox C.
H., Apr. 9.
Our Regiment, the 21st Va., was in the battles of
Chancellorsville, May 2-3, 1863; Winchester, June,
1863, and Gettysburg, July 2, 3, 4, while F Company
was absent recruiting. And F Company fought the
battle of Williamsport, July 6, 1863, while the regiment
was on its way from Gettysburg.
The following members of F Company surrendered
at Appomattox C. H., Apr. 9, 1865:
Corporal H. C. Tyree, William R. Richeson, William Rutledge, Joseph T. Smith.
The following old members of F Company belonging
to other commands surrendered at Appomattox C. H.:
Ira W. Blunt, Hospital Steward, 21st Va. Regt. George A. Haynes, Ordnance Sergeant, 2 1st Va. Regt.
Richard W. Waldrop, Commissary Sergeant, 21st Va. Regt. John A. Craig, Hospital Steward, 2d Corps. Henry C. Bullington, Clerk, 3d Corps. William O. Harvie, Major, A. Q. M., Army N. Va. Philip B. Jones, Captain, A. Q. M. Walter H. P. Morris, Lieutenant and A. D. C. William A. Piet, Second Co. Howitzers. Peter A. Sublett, Second Co. Howitzers. George W. Peterkin, First Lieutenant and A. D. C. D. I. B. Reeve. E. B. Taylor, Sergeant Quarter-Master's Department. Robert T. Taylor, Major A. Q. M. Robert C. White. Louis Zimmer, Captain Ordnance Department. Peter Lyons, Surgeon. H. D. Danforth, Captain and A. D. C.
The following were at Appomattox C. H., but made their
escape and were not included in the surrender:
Thomas Ellett, Captain Artillery. James E. Tyler, First Lieutenant Artillery. William C. Barker, Second Lieutenant Artillery.
They destroyed their guns, etc., before leaving.
J. Hamden Chamberlayne, Major of Artillery, made his
escape and joined Gen. J. E. Johnston's Army.
C. C. Baughman, Artillery, and Greer H. Baughman,
Sergeant Artillery, made their escape and went to Gen. J. E.
Johnston's army, and thence to Gen. Kirby Smith's army.
Lt.-Col. Archer Anderson, Adjutant-General of Gen. J.
E. Johnston's army, surrendered with that army.
Major John J. Reeve, Adjutant-General, also served with
Marches of F Company from the commencement to
the close of the war:
Apr. 21. Marched to Wilton. Henrico Co. . . . . . 12 miles
Apr. 22. Returned to Richmond on barges by James River.
Apr. 24 Took the cars to Fredericksburg.
May. Left Fredericksburg on the cars to Game Point. Stafford Co.
June 14. Took cars for Richmond.
July 18. Marched to Central R. R. depot and took cars for Staunton . . . . . 4
July 20. Marched to Buffalo Gap. Augusta Co. . . . . . 10
July 21. To Ryans . . . . . 11
July 22. To McDowell. Highland Co . . . . . 18
July 23. To Monterey . . . . . 13
July 24. To Forks of Road . . . . . 15
July 25. To Napp's Creek. Pocahontas Co. . . . . . 13
July 26. To Huntersville . . . . . 8
Aug. 3. To Edray . . . . . 1
Aug. 5. To Big Spring . . . . . 17
Aug. 6. To Valley Mountain . . . . . 4
Sept. 9. To Marshall's Store. Randolph Co. . . . . . 4
Sept. 10. to Conrad Store . . . . . 5
Sept. 11. The 21st Va. Regt. went on picket to the front . . . . . 4
Sept. 12. To Crouch's . . . . . 2
Sept. 15. Back to Conrad's Mill . . . . .6
Sept. 16. To Marshall's Store . . . . . 5
Sept. 17. To Valley Mountain. Pocahontas Co. . . . . . 4
Sept. 24. To Middle Mountain . . . . . 2 miles
Sept. 25. To foot Middle Mountain . . . . . 2
Sept. 28. To Hogshead's . . . . . 5
Sept. 30. To Elk Mountain . . . . . 5
Oct. 1. To top of Elk Mountain . . . . . 3
Oct. 9. To Edray . . . . . 5
Oct. 14. To Greenbrier Bridge . . . . . 4
Nov. 11. To Harrold's farm . . . . . 11
Nov. 13. To Warm Springs. Bath Co . . . . . 22
Nov. 14. To Bath Alum Springs . . . . . 5
Nov. 30. To Milboro . . . . . 10
Dec. 4. Took cars at Milboro and went to Staunton. Augusta Co.
Dec. 18. Marched from Staunton to Mt. Sidney . . . . . 13
Dec. 19. To Harrisonburg. Rockingham Co. . . . . . 16
Dec. 20. To Cowan's farm . . . . . 13
Dec. 21. Mt. Jackson. Shenandoah Co. . . . . . 12
Dec. 22. To Strasburg . . . . . 24
Dec. 25 To Newtown. Frederick Co. . . . . . 11
Dec. 26. To through Winchester and camped on Romney Road . . . . . 16
Jan.-- F Company were ordered from this
camp to Richmond to recruit. Marched to
Guinea's, R. F.& P. R. R.; there took cars
for Richmond . . . . . 10
June 22. We marched from Camp Lee to Central
R. R. and took cars for Staunton; marched . . . . . 4
June 24. To Switcher's. Augusta Co. . . . . . 14
June 25. To Harrisonburg. Rockingham Co. . . . . . 11
June 26. To Williams . . . . . 15
June 27. To Edenburg. Shenandoah Co. . . . . . 17
June 28. To Strasburg . . . . . 18
June 29. To Winchester. Frederick Co. . . . . . 18 miles
July 1. To Bunker Hill. Berkeley Co. . . . . . 12
July 2. To Falling Waters . . . . . 18
July 3. To Potomac River, opposite Williamsport . . . . . 5
July 5. Crossed the Potomac and marched
east of Williamsport, Md. . . . . . 1
July 6. Battle of Williamsport . . . . . 1
July 8. To Hagerstown . . . . . 7
July 9. Marched and met our regiment, and
marched back through Hagerstown, with the
Second Corps . . . . . 7
July 10. Formed line of battle near Hagerstown . . . . . 1
July 13. The Second Corps left the line of
battle during the night and forded the Potomac
above Williamsport the morning of 14th
and camped in Berkeley Co., Va. . . . . . 14
July 15. To Darksville . . . . . 10
July 16. Back to and beyond Martinsburg . . . . . 15
July 17. To B.& O. R. R., where we went to
work destroying it . . . . . 6
July 18. To camp near B.& O. R. R. . . . . . 4
July 19. To camp on the Opequan . . . . . 3
July 20. To mill on Romney Road . . . . . 7
July 21. To Bunker Hill . . . . . 8
July 22. To Winchester. Frederick Co. . . . . . 13
July 23. To Manassas Gap, where we had
some brisk skirmishing with the enemy.
Warren Co. . . . . . 26
July 24. To camp on Luray Road. Page Co. . . . . . 16
July 25. To camp near Luray . . . . . 15
July 27. To Sperryville, Madison Co., crossing
the Blue Ridge at Thornton's Gap . . . . . 15 miles
July 28. To camp on road side . . . . . 13
July 29. To Robinson River . . . . . 10
July 31. To camp beyond Madison C. H. . . . . . 6
Aug. 1. To Montpelier. Orange Co. . . . . . 15
Aug. 14. To Liberty Mills. Madison Co. . . . . . 4
Aug. 16. To Montpelier. Orange Co. . . . . . 4
Sept. 4. To Review field east of Orange C. H.
back agin to camp . . . . . 12
Sept. 19. To Morton's Ford . . . . . 16
Sept. 25. To Willis Ford . . . . . 8
Oct. 8. To Mt. Pisgah Church . . . . . 20
Oct. 9. To Madison Co. poorhouse . . . . . 23
Oct. 10. To camp on road side. Culpeper Co. . . . . . 17
Oct. 11. To Culpeper C. H. . . . . . 10
Oct. 12. To Warrenton Springs. Fanquier Co. . . . . . 20
Oct. 13. To Warrenton . . . . . 7
Oct. 14. To near Bristow Station, Prince
William Co., where we formed line of battle
on O.& A. R. R. . . . . . 15
Oct. 16. To Bristow Station . . . . . 4
Oct. 18. To near Bealton Station. Fauquier Co. . . . . . 20
Oct. 19. To camp in Culpeper Co. . . . . . 8
Oct. 21. To camp near Brandy Station . . . . . 4
Oct. 26. To near Bealton Station. Fauquier Co. . . . . . 8
Oct. 28. Back to camp in Culpeper Co. . . . . . 8
Nov. 7. To Kelly's Ford and then to near Culpeper C. H. . . . . . 18
Nov. 8. To camp in Orange Co. . . . . . 15 miles
Nov. 9. To Morton's Ford . . . . . 4
Nov. 12. To Mt. Pisgah Church . . . . . 8
Nov. 18. To Willis Ford . . . . . 12
Nov. 26. To Bartley Mill . . . . . 8
Nov. 27. To Payne's Farm, where we fought
the battle . . . . . 7
Nov. 28. To Mine Run, and formed line of
battle to meet Meade . . . . . 3
Dec. 2. To Morton's Ford . . . . . 5
Dec. 3. To Raccoon Ford and back to Morton's Ford . . . . . 5
Dec. 19. To Orange C. H. . . . . . 14
Dec. 22. To Mt. Pisgah Church . . . . . 6
Dec. 24. To Crenshaw's farm near Mt. Pisgah Church,
where we went into winter quarters . . . . . 1
Marching in the Following Counties:
Albemarle, Amelia, Appomattox, Augusta, Bath, Bedford,
Berkeley, Botetourt, Campbell, Caroline, Charles
City, Chesterfield, Clarke, Culpeper, Cumberland, Dinwiddie, Fairfax, Fauquier, Frederick, Green, Goochland, Hampshire, Hanover, Henrico, Highland, Jefferson, Loudoun, Louisa, Madison, Morgan, Nelson, Orange, Page, Pendleton, Pocahontas,
Edward, Prince George, Prince
William, Rappahannock, Randolph, Roanoke,
Rockbridge, Rockingham, Shenandoah,
Spottsylvania, Stafford, Warren.
Frederick, Montgomery, Washington, and
District of Columbia.
IT is stated that the American Civil War was one of the bloodiest of
which we have any authentic record; the carnage on both sides was
fearful. On the Federal side: 4,142 officers were killed in battle; 2,223 died
of wounds; 248 met death by accident. Of the men 62,916 were killed in
battle, 40,789 died of wounds, 8,810 met death by accident (most of them by
drowning). The deaths from disease were 2,712 officers and 197,008 men. On
the Confederate side: 2,086 officers were killed and 1,246 died of wounds;
50,868 men were killed and 20,324 died of wounds. The war lasted about
four years. The Federal army had enrolled 2,778,304 men, and the
Secretary Stanton made a report to Congress in which it
appears that of all the prisoners in the hands of the
Confederates during the four years, there died in all Confederate prisons
22,246; while of the Confederate prisoners held by the United States there
died 26,576. The whole number of prisoners captured and held by the
United States numbered 200,000, while the number held by the
Confederate States numbered 270,000. We are accused of ill-treatment of
prisoners, starving, etc.; these figures tell the truth as to that. We had
more Federal prisoners and the deaths were less by their own statement,
and that statement prepared by one of their bitterest partisans!
Here also is the truth about the exchange of prisoners, taken from a
letter written by Gen. Grant:
"City Point, Aug. 18, 1864.
"To Gen'l Butler:--
"On the subject of exchange, however, I differ from Gen. Hitchcock.
It is hard on our men held in Southern prisons not to exchange them, but
it is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight our battles. Every man
released on parole, or otherwise, becomes an active soldier against us at
once, either directly or indirectly. If we commence a system of exchange
which liberates all prisoners taken, we will have to fight on until the
whole South is exterminated. If we hold those caught, they amount to no
more than dead men. At this particular time, to release all Rebel prisoners
North would insure Sherman's defeat, and would compromise our safety
I agree with Gen. William T. Sherman, who said, "War is Hell!" and
the private soldier of Lee's army, who did not see it, walked very close
to the burning pit, and caught glimpses of the fiery furnace.
In closing, I would like to add my little meed of praise. Where in all
pages of history can you find greater deeds of heroism than those
exhibited in the Southern army?
Here is what Lt.-Gen. Early says in his "Memoirs of the Last Year of
the War for Independence in the Confederate States of America":
"I believe the world has never produced a body of men superior, in
patrotism, and endurance, to the private soldiers of the
Confederate armies. I have repeatedly seen those soldiers submit with
cheerfulness, to privations and hardships which would appear to be
almost incredible; and the wild cheers of our brave men (which were so
different from the studied hurrahs of the Yankees) when their
lines sent back the opposing host of Federal troops, staggering,
reeling, and flying, have often thrilled every fibre in
my heart. I have seen, with my own eyes, ragged, bare-footed,
and hungry Confederate soldiers perform deeds,
which, if performed in days of yore, by mailed warriors
in glittering armor, would have inspired the harp of the
minstrel and the pen of the poet."
"A King once said of a Prince struck down,
'Taller he seems in death!'
And this speech; holds truth, for now, as then,
'Tis after death that we measure men;
And as mists of the past are rolled away,
Our heroes who died in their tattered gray
Grow 'taller' and greater in all their parts;
Till they fill our minds, as they fill our hearts;
And for those who lament them there's this relief,
That glory sits by the side of grief.
Yes, they grow 'taller' as the years go by,
And the world learns how they could do and die."
Alabamian, A lone, 215. Amelia, C. H., 282. Anderson, Archer,
19, 30, 303. Anderson, Henry V., 9, 30, 115, 303. Anderson, Joseph
H., 162, 225, 303. Anderson, Junius H., 19, 30, 303. Anderson,
General, 100-250, 251. Anderson Major; Officer of the day at
Spottsylvania C. H.,
May 11-12, 1864, 219. Archer, William S., 19, 23, 30, 162,
303. Arms, Take! 236. April 3, 1865, 286. Artillery Men, charge
the enemy on their lead horses, 87. Artillery, one piece of the
enemies hurry Early's wagon train, 263. Ashby, General Turner, 59, 66,
71, 72, 91, 95. Ashby's, General; Horse at the bridge at Mt. Jackson,
91. Aquia Creek, 16, 25. Averill, General, 244. Ayers, Edward
W., 19, 20, 303.
"B." Company, Flag presentation, 36, 83. Baltimore&
Ohio Rail Road, Tearing it up, 149, 248. Banks, General,
88. Barker, William C., 19, 23, 30, 303. Baskerville, Commissary H.
E . C., 36. Barber, N., 162, 303. Bates, Edward, 163,
303. Bates, W., 162, 282, 303. Bath Alum Springs, Camp at,
51. Bath, Battle of, 57. Baughman, Charles C., 19, 30,
303. Baughman, George C., 19, 33, 303. Baughman, Greer H., 19, 30,
304. Beers, Henry H., 19, 23, 30, 304. Bethesda Church, Battle of,
224. Berkeley, Lieut. Colonel, 163. Bible, The, 27, 28. Binford,
James M., 19, 23, 30, 304. Binford, Robert E., 19, 23, 30,
304. Bloody Angle, 183. Blunt, Ira W., 19, 30, 304. Booker,
Lieutenant John A., 147. Boonsboro, 139. Bowe, H. C., 162,
304. Boyd, James N., 304. Breckenbridge, General, 234,
241. Bridle of wagons, 81, 92. Bridges, Jr., David B., 19, 30,
304. Bridges, Richard M., 19, 23, 30, 304. Broad Run,
183. Brock, R. Alonzo, 19, 30, 304.
Brown, A. D., 162, 282, 304. Brown, A. H., 162, 304. Brown,
George W., 162, 206, 304. Brown, Henry, 162, 304. Brown, James R.,
162, 304. Buford, General, 173. Bullington, Henry N., 19, 23, 30,
304. Burnside, General, 151. Buttons, Brass buttons cut off
Confederate uniforms, 293.
Cabell, J. Caskie, 19, 305. Callis, G., 162, 303. Canty,
General, 289. Cannon, Hurrah! they are ours, 202. Cars and
Locomotives, Captured and saved at Martinsburg, 65. Campbell, Colonel,
86. Cary, Captain R. Milton, 19, 23, 26, 27, 301. Cedar Creek,
Battle of, 275. Cedar Run, Battle of, 108. Chamberlayne, J.
Hampden, 19, 21, 33, 301. Chancellorsville, Battle of,
173. Chantilly, Battle of, 136. Chapman, Isaac W., 19, 23, 30,
305. Charleston, Skirmish at, 250. Cheering, No, 165. Child,
Jesse, 19, 23, 26, 30, 305. Clarke, Maxwell T., 19, 23, 30,
305. Clopton, Dr. John, 19, 33, 305. Close Up, 157. Cocke,
Lorenzo G., 19, 30, 306. Cold Harbor, Battle of, 225. Cole, Addison
C., 19, 23, 30, 306. Cocks, Game, carried in the army, 75. Coleman,
N., 162, 306. Coleman, Surgeon R. L., 36. Color Bearer, One arm,
179. Colors of the 21st Va. Regt., 284. Communications, Attack on
Grant in the Wilderness, 205. Conclusion, 341. Congress,
Confederate States, 70. Confederate Soldier, His poverty,
276. Conrad's Mill, Skirmish at, 44. Coolest thing of the war,
217. Cooks, Negro, 199. Cooks, Negro, in battle, 197. Couch, L.
M., 162, 206, 277, 306. Cowardin, John L., 19, 306. Craig, John A.,
19, 30, 306. Crenshaw, Lieutenant James R., 26, 301. Crook,
General, 244, 265. Cross Keys, Battle of, 91. Cumbia, W. S., 162,
306. Cumbia, W. E., 163, 212, 306. Cunningham, Surgeon Frank B.,
21, 317. Cunningham, Lieut. Richard H., 19, 26. Cunningham, Captain
and Colonel, 30, 75, 78, 94,
100, 112, 113, 301.
Dabney, Major says about the Second Brigade in the battle of Cedar
Run, 116. Dabney, Virginius, Sergeant Major, 36. Danforth, Henry
D., 19, 23, 30, 306. Daniel, General, 226. Davis Brigade,
213. Davis, President Jefferson, 36, 99, 100.
Dill Jr., Adolph, 19, 30, 306. Dillard, R. H., 162,
306. Divers, W. H., 162, 249, 306. Doggett, Francis W., 19, 30,
306. Doles Brigade, 211, 226. Dowdy, Nathaniel A., 162, 206, 265,
282, 306. Dungan, Colonel, 246. Dunker or Tunker Church, 143, 146,
Early, General, 146, 225, 234,
242, 251, 258, 279. Early, Breckenbridge and Gordon, Generals,
260. Earlys, Tribute to the Confederate Soldier, 342. Edmunds, W.
B., 220, 307. Elk Mountain, 47. Ellett, Thomas, 19, 23, 26, 30,
158, 302. Ellett, Robert, 19, 23, 31, 307. Ellerson, Jock H., 19,
23, 33, 307. English, J. C., 265, 307. Etting, Samuel M., 19, 23,
33, 307. Equipment of the army in the beginning of the war,
106. Evans Brigade, 223. Evans, Randall, The colored cook of
Winchester, 63. Evacuation of Richmond, 285. Ewell, General Richard
S., 81, 82, 90,
110, 119, 126, 174, 176, 200, 225. Exall, Charles H., 19, 23, 31,
307. Exall, William, 19, 23, 31, 57, 307. Execution of three
Confederate soldiers, 191.
F. Company, 13, 25, 27, 37, 38, 39, 57, 114, 145. Battles,
318. Canteens, 14. Casualties, 317. Knapsacks, 14. Marches,
321. F. Company, Muster Roll, 28. Mustered into service,
28. Ordered to Richmond to recruit, 161. Promotions, 317. Spends
the day in Richmond, July 12, 1862, 105. Surrendered at Appomattox C.
H., Who, 319. The best fight of the. war, 173. Transferred to other
commands, 317. Uniform, 13. Zouave Drill, 25. Field, William G.,
19, 307. Fifth Va. Regt. Inft., 68. Fiftieth Va. Regt. Inft.,
155. Fight, I did not want to, 111. Fisher's Gap, 150. Fisher's
Hill, Battle of, 264. Fist Fight, Yankee and Confederate at the
Wilderness, 203. Floyd, Geo. J., 162, 307. Ford the river at Front
Royal. They did not see us, 207. Fontaine, R. Morris, 19, 31,
307. Fort Steadman, Battle of, 282. Forty-eighth, Regt. Va. Inft.,
55. Forty-second, Va. Regt. Inft., 55. Forward, 200. Forward,
Double Quick! 170. Forty-fourth, Va. Regt. of Inft., 155. Fourth of
July, Picnic, 233. Fox, Henry C., 162, 241, 282, 307. Families
leaving their homes, 54, 55. Franklin Pendleton Co., Va.,
80. Frederick City, 138.
Fredericksburg, 16, Battle of, 149. Freemont, General, 89, 90,
93. Front Royal, Battle of, 82.
Game Point, Camp, 22. Garnett, Colonel, 40. Gentry, John W.,
19, 31, 307. Gentry, M. G., 162, 307. Georgian, The littler,
171. Gettysburg, Battle of, 173. Gibson, William T., 19, 31,
308. Gilham, Colonel William, 36, 45, 55, 60. Gilliam, Robert H.,
19, 31, 115, 308. Gordon, General John B., 214, 215, 223, 228, 236,
241, 256. Gordon fought his corps to a frazzel, 283. Gordon, Ramsuer and Rodes, Division
leave General Early
for Petersburg, 278. Gouldman, E., 162, 308. Grant, General, 199,
200, 205, 224. Gray, W. Granville, 19, 23, 31, 52, 56, 75,
306. Gray, Somerville, 19, 31, 306. Green, John W., 19, 31,
308. Green, Thomas R., 19, 308. Gregg, General, killed,
154. Griffin, J., 162, 308. Grigsby, Colonel, 86, 144,
147. Guerrillas of the 21st., 145. Guns! Halt, load your,
200. Gunboats at Aquia Creek, 24.
Halltown, Skirmishing at, 250. Hampton, General, 229. Hancock,
General, 211. Hanover Junction Battle of, 222. Hamilton's Crossing,
Battle of, 152. Harper's Ferry Captured, 140. Harrison, Thomas R.,
19, 23, 308. Harvie, William O., 19, 308. Hawkins, L. A., 162,
308. Hatchers Run, Battle of, 280. Haynes, Geo. A., 20, 23, 31,
309. Hays, General, 226. "Hell broke loose now,"
259. "Hell Spot," 113. Here they come, 129,
131. Henry, Dr. Patrick, 20, 31, 309. Hill, General A. P., 98, 102,
127, 131, 143, 147, 148, 182. Hill, General D. H., 99. Hobson,
Deane, 20, 23, 33, 309. Hostilities, The commencement,
13. Howitzers, Richmond, 15, 211. Hudgens, Malcolm L., 20, 31, 145,
162, 277, 309. Hull, Irving, 20, 309. Hunter, General,
229. "Hurry up, Boys," 238.
"It is Longstreet," 130. Irish Battalion, 55, 155.
Jackson's Division takes a bath, 104. Jackson's Division captured
at Spottsylvania C. H., 213. Jackson, Stonewall, 53, 54, 57, 59,
63, 66, 68, 74, 76, 82, 86, 95, 112, 123, 147, 152. Jackson Lieut.
General, 164. Jenkins, William S., 20, 309. Johnson, Captain of the
50th, a gallant deed, 188. Johnson, Colonel Bradley T., 122, 128, 139,
186. Johnson, General Edward, 77, 174, 226.
Johnston, J. W., 162, 309. Johnston, General R. D., 226. Jones,
David B., 20, 23, 31, 309. Jones, General J. M., 174, 206. Jones,
General J. R., 155. Jones, Jr., Phillip B., 20, 31, 309. Jordan,
Reuben J., 20, 31, 145,162, 225, 280, 281, 301. Julip, Second Corps
treated to brandy, 230.
Kayton, P. W., 162, 309. Kelley, Major A. D., 163,
309. Kellogg, Timothy H., 20, 31, 36, 309. Kernstown, Battle of,
66. Kernstown, Second Battle of, 245. Kershaw, General,
275. Kidd, J. A., 162, 282, 309. King, Shirley, 19, 23, 26, 30, 303.
Lee, General R. E., 42, 45, 99, 100,
147, 164, 176, 180, 214, 299. Lee, Gen. R. E., His wife and
daughters knitting socks for
the men of his army, 298. Lee, Gen. R. E., Shaking hands
with an old private, 300. Lee, General R. E., "To the Rear,"
214. Lee Camp, 28. Lee, General Fitz, 257. Leetown, Skirmishing
with the enemy's cavalry at, 251. Legg, A. C., 163, 206,
309. Lewis, Assistant Surgeon, Richmond, 36. Lindsay, Roswell S.,
20, 23, 31, 113, 310. Longstreet, General, 98, 102,
131. Lorentz--20, 310. Loring, General, 41, 43, 44.
Lynchburg, Battle of, 227. Lyon, Assistant Surgeon, Peter, 21,
317. McCausland, General, 230. McClellan, General, 97, 102,
144. McDowell, Battle of, 77. McDowell, General, 89, 97. McEvoy,
Charles A., 20, 33, 310. McLaws, General, 146. Macmurdo, Richard
C., 20, 31, 310. Maddox, R. G., 20, 310. Magruder, General,
102. Mail for the soldiers, 158. Malvern Hill, Battle of,
103. Man sleeping on Post, 42. Manassas, Battle of,
40. Manassas, Second Battle of, 118. Manassas Second, The first
shot, 122. Manassas Junction, Capture of,
and the great time Jackson's Corps had their, 119, 120, 121. Mason, J.
M., 162, 277, 310. Martinsburg, Captured, 231. Maryland, Campaign,
136. Mayo, Edward, 19, 23, 26, 30, 46, 52, 302. Mayo, Joseph E.,
20, 31, 51, 310. Meade Everard B., 20, 31, 310. Mebane, J. A., 20,
23, 31, 310. Medicine for the soldiers, 160. Mercer, Camp,
18. Meredith, John F., 20, 33, 310. Merriman, J. T., 162,
310. Middle Mountain, 45. Milboro, Camp, 52. Miller, Henry T.,
19, 26, 30, 52, 56, 302. Middletown, Battle of, 83. Mitchell, Samuel D., 20, 23, 31, 310.
Mittledorfer, Charles, 20, 31, 310. Montpelier, Camp, 176. Mine
Run, Battle of, 186. Monocacy, Battle of, 235. Morgan, Captain
William H., 36, 75, 111, 301. Morris Farm, Camp, 105, 107. Morris,
Walter H. P., 20, 31, 310. Moseley, Major John B., 75,
163. Moseley, Lieutenant Colonel William P., 163. Moss Neck, Camp,
Winter Quarters, 1863-64, 155. Mountcastle, John R., 20, 23, 31, 310. Munt, Henry F., 162, 310.
Nance, J. L., 162, 311. Needle Case, The, 27. "No whar was
safe," 173. Norwood, Jr., William, 20, 31, 311. Nunnally,
Joseph N., 20, 23, 31, 70, 115, 311.
"Old Jack" flanked his own men, 74.
Pace, George R., 20, 23, 26, 30, 311. Pace, Theodore A., 20, 32,
311. Page, Captain, 145, 147. Page, Mann, 20, 31, 246,
311. Pardigon, C. F., 20, 311. Patton, Colonel John M., 36, 67, 75,
86, 163. Pawnee, The gunboat, 15, 16, 24. 312. Paynes Farm, Battle
of, 186. Payne, James B., 20, 31, 56, 58, 311. Pegram, William A.,
20, 31, 162, 170, 172, 301. Pegram, William R. J., 20, 21,
311. Peaster, Henry, 20, 32, 311. Pegram, General John,
226. Pelham, Major, 153. Pendleton, Colonel A. S., Adjutant
General, Second Corps, 264. Peterkin, George W., 20, 23, 32, 75,
312. Picket Duty, 22, 45, 46, 48, 154. Picot, Henry V., 20, 31, 70,
312. Piet, William A., 20, 23, 14, 312. Pilcher, Samuel F., 21,
312. Pizzini, John A., 19, 23, 26, 30, 302. Pole Green Church,
98. Pollard, William G., 20, 32, 115, 312. Pope, General, 108,
117. Port Republic, Battle of, 92. Potomac River, Crossing first
time, 137. Powell, John G., 20, 31, 115, 312. Powell, John W., 20,
23, 312. Price, Channing R., 20, 312. Prayer in Camp,
22. President and Vice-President of
Confederates States Election, 48. Prisoners, The Exchange of,
342. Punishment of soldiers, 21. Purcell Battery, 21, 24.
Ramsuer, General, 225, 258. Randolph, J. Tucker, 20, 26, 30, 69,
224, 312. Randolph, M. Lewis, 20, 26, 33, 312. Rawlings Edward G.,
19, 23, 26, 30, 75, 132, 302. Rations for the soldiers, 195. Redd,
Clarance M., 20, 23, 32, 115, 313. Reeve, David I. B., 20, 23, 32, 313.
Reeve, John J., 20, 23, 32, 313. Religious Revival, The great,
181. Reconnoitering by Gen. J. E. B. Stuart at Cedar Run,
116. Reorganization of the army, 74. Rennie, G. Hutchinson, 20, 32,
282, 313. Retreat, The, from Petersburg, 282. Retreating and
Advancing at the same time, 76. Returning home, 292. Review of the
Second Corps, 179. Richeson, P. S., 162, 220, 313. Richeson, William R., 162, 281, 313. Richmond Light Infantry Blues, 16. Richmond, Getting out of, 152. Rison, John W., 20, 313. Rockbridge Battery, 67, 86. Robertson, William S., 20, 32, 313. Robinson, Christopher A., 20, 32, 313. Robinson, Richard F., 20, 32, 313. Robinson, Edward T., 26, 302. Rodes, General, 217, 242, 258. Rosser, General, 275. Route Step, On a March, 158. Rudes Hill, 66, 72. Rutledge, William, 162, 313.
Sailors Creek, Battle of, 283. Savage Station, Battle of,
102. Searles, S., 162, 313. Seay, M., 163, 313. Seay, W. C.,
163, 220, 314. Second Army Corps, 280. Second Army Corps, The
Returns, Aug., 1864, 259. Second Brigade, Jackson's Division, 55, 99,
113, 122, 144, 200, 237. Second Regt. Va. Inft., 89. Seven Days,
Campaign, 97. Sharpsburg, Battle of, 130, 144. Shebang, How to
make, 150. Sheets, Captain, 83. Shipps, Major Scott, 36,
55. Shields, General, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93. Shoes, Soldiers without,
151. Simpson, F. J., 163, 314. Singleton, A. Jackson, 20, 32,
314. Signal for troops to meet in
Richmond at commencement of war, 14. Sizer, Milton D., 20, 32,
314. Skinker, Charles R., 20, 32, 70, 314. Sheridan's Raid,
220. Sheridan's Fight at Trevillian's Depot, 228. Sheridan,
General, 256, 265. Smith, Edward H., 20, 23, 32, 314. Smith, Henry,
163, 206, 314. Smith, J. T., 163, 314. Smith, Thomas, 163,
314. Snow and hail, 59, 60, 61, 62. Soap, Making in camp,
176. Soles, Peter D., 163, 314. Spottsylvania C. H., Battle of,
206. Starke, General, 130, 134, 144. Stark's Louisiana Brigade,
117, 130, 134, 144. Stafford, General, 108, 206, 226. Stonewall
Brigade, 86, 89, 90,
99, 114, 144, 211. Stewart, General George H., 210, 220. Strasburg,
Streams crossed on the ice, 61. Strongest point I saw during the
war, 100. Stuart, General J. E. B., 98, 116, 146. Sublett, Peter
A., 20, 32, 314. Surrender, The, of Lee's Army, 290.
Tabb, Robert M., 20, 32, 277, 314. Talley, Daniel D., 20, 23, 32,
315. Taliaferro, General, 126. Tatum, A. Randolph, 20, 23, 32,
315. Tatum, Vivian H., 20, 32, 315. Taylor, General Richard, 81,
86. Taylor, Charles E., 20, 32, 70, 231. Taylor Clarence E., 20,
32, 315, Taylor, Edward B., 20, 32, 70, 315. Taylor, Robert T.,
20, 23, 32, 315. Terry, General William, 223, 258. Terry's Brigade,
223, 258. Tiney, W. C., 162, 172, 315. Thrilling Scene,
252. Third Brigade, Jackson Divison,
99, 114, 144, 201. Tompkins, Edward G., 20, 23, 32,
115, 315. Trainum, Charles, 163, 315. Trees, shot to pieces by
musket balls, 216. Trimble, General, 92, 94, 155. Twenty-fifth Va.
Reg. of Inft., 176, 205. Twenty-first Va. Reg. of Inft.,
36, 37, 38, 55, 66, 78, 88, 114,
181, 200, 201, 202, 209, 260. Tyler, James E., 20, 32, 315. Tyler,
John, 19, 23, 26, 30, 302. Tyler, R. Emmett, 20, 23, 32,
315. Tyree, William C., 163, 277, 316.
Umbrella man, The, 75. U. S. branded on nearly all our
horses and mules, 106.
Valley Campaign, 82. Valley of Virginia, 53. Valley of
Virginia, made a wilderness by Sheridan, 278, 279. Valley Mountain,
44. VanBuren, Benjamin B., 20, 32, 316. Virginia Military
Institute, burned, 231. Virginia Penitentiary, fire, July 1, 1861, 35.
Wagon trains, captured of enemy, 84. Waldrop, Richard W., 20, 32,
316. Walker, General, 218, 220, 226. Walker, T., 162, 172,
316. Wallace, General, 241. Wallace, R. H., 163, 316. Wash,
Major Meret C., 7th Indiana Inft., 201. Washington, D. C., Battle of,
242. War is Hell, 342. Watkins, Aurelius S., 20, 32,
316. Watkins, H. Harrison, 20, 23, 32, 115, 316. Welford,
Lieutenant Phillip A., 19,
23, 26, 30, 52, 302. White Oak Swamp, Battle of, 103. White, Robert
C., 20, 23, 32, 316. Whiting, General, 97.
Wilkins, J. M., 163, 316. Williamsport, Battle of, 166. Willis,
Joseph N., 20, 32, 316. Wilton, Our first march of the war,
15. Widows and orphans of soldiers, 184. Winder, General,
115. Winchester, 64, 86, 174, 249. Winchester, Battle of,
256. Winchester, Battle of, what brought it on, 265. Wise, Governor
H. A., 26. Winter Campaign, 57. Winter quarters, 1863-4,
184. Witcher, Colonel W. A., 163, 220. Woman's apparel in captured
Yankee wagons, 84. Women of the South, 296. Woods on fire, our
march through, 208. Wood, S. E., 163, 316. Worsham, John H., 21, 32, 145,
162, 254, 316.
Worsham, Thomas R., 21, 32, 316. Wren, J. Porter, 21, 23, 32, 115,
162, 240, 317. Wright, General, 211. Wright, Miss Rebecca, The
Yankee Spy, 265. Wright, Phillip B., 21, 317. Wyndham, Sir Percy, The
"English" Yankee, 95.
Yankee, First to arrive in
Richmond, 287. The first flag hoisted in
Richmond, 287. One of them knocked down
with flagstaff, 113. Nearest point they got to
Richmond, 221. Prisoners, 88, 94, 96. An amusing scene,
89. York, General, 223, 258.
Zimmer, Lewis, 21, 23, 317.