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University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
(title page) People's Party Hand-Book of Facts. Campaign of 1898.
State Executive Committee of the People's Party of North Carolina.
Raleigh, N. C.
Capital Printing Company, Printers and Binders
Call number C329 P42 1898 c.4 (North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill)
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The People's Party State's Central Committee recently issued a little pamphlet headed by the question, "Is the Democratic Party Honest?" The contents of that pamphlet have convinced those who have read it that the Democratic machine is thoroughly dishonest in its professions, and this pamphlet will establish the fact that the same party machine is unqualifiedly dishonest in its practice. It will show that the accession to power of the Democratic party, as at present organized, managed and controlled, is fraught with danger, dishonor and degradation to the people of the State, and will convince every honest citizen who reviews the statements herein made, that it is his duty to bend his efforts and energies in every honorable and legitimate way to save the State from such disastrous conditions.
This assertion may appear to be violent, and it may appear to show evidence of a spiteful, partisan spirit, but all such appearances will be removed by a review of the statements set forth.
It is but fair and just to say in the outset, that the masses of voters who have been affiliating with the Democratic party have always been deceived by their party machine in
two ways, viz.: The failure of the Democratic press to tell the truth, and its persistency in inventing and circulating the most outrageous and villainous lies that the genius of an organized liar can invent. There has never been any adequate means in North Carolina for exposing its general, fraudulent, lying character, but the truth has been gradually forcing its way to the front for nearly six years, and as fast as it has dawned on the honest voters, they have denounced and deserted the Democratic party until there is nothing left of it but its plundering machine and those who have not yet seen the light. The people are to be congratulated that the number that has "not yet seen the light" is growing beautifully less every day. For this number there is hope and sympathy, and at no time are these to be regarded as subjects of the criticism which will appear in this pamphlet against the Democratic machine. The fraud, dishonesty and low scoundrelism of this machine are what deserve denunciation. Nothing can justly be said against the voter who has been deceived and blinded up to this time, even though it may appear that he is to blame for being so stupid as to permit himself to be deceived and blinded for so long. It is certain, however, that when the trickery and knavery of the machine shall appear to him, he will quickly follow those who have spurned it and left it.
An elaborate and detailed review of the action and procedure of the Democratic party would be more voluminous than it is proposed to make this little document. It can be asserted, however, that for the present campaign, the Democratic manipulators, who have, through their National and State Conventions, made vociferous declarations and professions in favor of various reforms, have, as the initial movement of their campaign for 1898, completely and entirely ignored every profession heretofore made, have abandoned all discussion of every principle heretofore declared for, and have taken as a basis for their every action the old cry of "nigger."
This party has lost all hope of ever being able to convince the intelligent citizen and virtuous voter that there is any truthfulness or honesty in it, and as a last, desperate resort and despairing effort, has undertaken to arouse the wildest prejudice and fiercest passions of men and citizens toward one another, with the hope that they may gain by lying, lawlessness and riot, what they can never attain by argument, reason, record and truth.
In a State populated by two races, there is a possibility of some success in an effort to incite lawlessness and riot, not so much by making appeals for it as by a cowardly, sneaky, secret procedure of hiring individuals or sets of individuals to begin such riots. In the
Does this appear to be a violent or exaggerated statement? Well, do not take anything for granted. Has there been an unduly offensive case of this kind in your vicinity? If there has, first take down the name of the offender. Then find out who is talking to him and who he is talking to. Then find out what business they have to talk about, and you will then be right where you can tree the scoundrels and smoke them out. Rumors and reports of just such rascality as this are too common to permit the supposition that there is nothing to base them upon. Smoke the rascals out!
It is a fact so well known as to make it superfluous to repeat it, that wherever the Caucasian race dwells it rules. It is a work of supererogation to declare that it will always rule in this State. The cry of "negro supremacy" and "negro domination" is as absurd as a discussion of racial amalgamation. Neither is possible. No person or organization can more fully appreciate and understand this statement than the editors of Democratic papers and the Democratic party itself. At no time of its history has the Democratic party feared or apprehended what they are now pretending to cry against. During a period of twenty years in which that party swayed overwhelming power in North Carolina, it never passed a law nor made an effort to disfranchise or take from the negro the power of the ballot which they now declare they so mortally dread. On the other hand, if there has been any positive course of procedure with reference to the matter at all on the part of the Democratic party, such procedure has been a covert, sneaking retention of the power of the ballot to the negro, in order that that party might fatten on the prejudice it could raise against the very power it established.
In nearly every Southern State except North Carolina, the negro is disfranchised, with the result that racial antagonism cannot be aroused, because of the absence of a basis on which to proceed. The same power that disfranchised the negro in these Southern States has been wielded by the Democratic party in North Carolina for twenty years, and yet no advantage whatever has ever been taken of that power. This can be nothing less than conclusive evidence that the Democratic party experienced no terror, and did not even feel any very serious concern over the bugaboo of "negro domination." The truth is, the only thing that has preserved to the Democratic party in this State any life at all, is what is left of the prejudice that
has heretofore been aroused over the "race question." On any issue of economics, or any question of political principle, that party has always been wanting in competency and honesty. Its fraudulent and hypocritical character was fully exposed in the campaigns of 1894 and 1896, when such matters were discussed, and the people promptly and vigorously repudiated it. And now, in the campaign of 1898, this Democratic party no longer attempts a discussion of issues of political and economic significance, but flies back to its old cry of "nigger" on which it managed to exist so long, with the insane and drivelling hope that such a cry will resuscitate it, and give it a few more years of license to plunder the State in such a manner as the figures presented in this pamphlet show they have heretofore plundered and robbed and looted it.
The living fact is, that the Democratic party and its managers have preferred that the negro should be a voter; but when the Democratic party was in power that vote was either purchased, coerced, manipulated or stolen in such manner as to always inure to the advantage of that party. Numerous rich instances of this fact might be cited.
For example, take the county of Halifax, which is known to be a county in which the negro voters outnumber the white voters very largely. Under a Democratic regime and manipulation that county was made to show, in 1892, a Democratic plurality of about 2,000. Under an anti-Democratic regime, with an honest election law and a count of votes as cast, this same county shows an anti-Democratic plurality of about 2,000.
When the Democratic party controlled the election machinery, the county of Edgecombe was made to show a Democratic plurality of about 700. Under an honest count in 1896, the anti-Democratic plurality was about 1,000.
Democratic regime made Anson county give a Democratic majority of about 1,000. Under an honest election law the same county goes anti-Democratic by about 100.
Democratic regime made New Hanover county give a Democratic plurality of over 1,000. Under an honest election law, the same county gave an anti-Democratic plurality of about 1,000.
Democratic regime made Northampton county give a Democratic plurality of about 1,400, Under an honest election law and a count of the ballot as cast, this county gives an anti-Democratic plurality of more than 700.
Democratic regime made Richmond county give a Democratic plurality of about 1 700. Under an honest election law and a count of the ballot as cast, this county gives an anti-Democratic plurality of more than 600.
Numerous other instances of the same kind might be cited, but those here presented are sufficient for the illustration desired. Anyone desiring further information may send to the Secretary of State for a copy of the comparative vote of 1892 and 1896, from which the above figures are taken, a study of which will bring some astonishing revelations.
These illustrations show the sneaking character of Democrats, who, being too weak or too cowardly to stand up as men and enact laws disfranchising the negro vote, which laws would have been constitutional, and which would have removed forever such a thing as a basis of discussion as to "negro domination," which they
now profess to fear, pursued the course of pretending to give the negro population the right to vote, and then counted that vote as they chose, without regard to how it was cast. In this way only has the Democratic machine been able at any time to preserve life in what it calls the Democratic party.
Under the Democratic regime it was common for that machine to appoint
numerous negroes as poll-holders at election times, and to appoint the most ignorant and most easily purchasable negroes that could be found, despite the protest of people who demanded intelligent election officers. This was called giving representation to a certain party, but it amounted to nothing less than a plan to return the vote cast at the polls where these poll-holders were appointed, just as the Democratic machine, or parts of it, decided that it should be returned.
It must not be supposed that the Democratic machine confined its election machinations to such counties as it thought it could manipulate, and did manipulate, on account of the presence of the negro vote. Encouraged and emboldened by its success in such counties, it enlarged its field of operations; and along in 1888, 1890 and 1892 it embraced in its plan of campaign a considerable number of Western counties, in which there is a large number of white voters who have never had the best educational advantages. These the Democratic machine classified as THE ILLITERATE WHITE VOTE, and according to the idea of the machine these white voters were there for the SAME PURPOSE that the negro vote existed in some of the Eastern counties, viz.: to be manipulated in the interest of what was called the Democratic party. A few illustrations will show that the ballots of the white voters of these Western counties were as successfully handled by the machine as the ballots of the negro voters in the Eastern counties.
Democratic regime made Davidson county show a Democratic plurality of about 100. Under an honest election and a count of the ballot as cast, this county shows an anti-Democratic plurality of about 500.
Democratic regime made Surry county show a Democratic plurality of about 300. Under an honest election law this county shows an anti-Democratic plurality of about 500.
Democratic regime made Watauga county show a Democratic plurality of about 100. Under an honest election law this county shows an anti-Democratic plurality of about 150.
Under a Democratic regime the county of Forsyth was made to show a Democratic plurality of about 600. Under the honest election law of 1896, the anti-Democratic plurality was more than 1,100.
Under Democratic regime Buncombe county went Democratic by about 400 plurality. Under an honest election law the same county went anti-Democratic by about 400 plurality.
Democratic regime made Guilford county go Democratic by about 300. Under an honest election law the same county went anti-Democratic in 1896 by nearly 1,000.
Let it be repeated again that these figures are taken from the official records of the vote for Governor in 1892 and 1896. They show conclusively that the Democratic machine fears the honesty and integrity of the ballot; that it fears the white vote as much as it professes to fear the negro vote, and that the only way it preserved life for itself for a number of years was by stealing and falsely counting the ballots of white and colored voters alike. Living figures attest the truth of this statement. A party that cannot face an honest ballot is a party to be both feared and despised by the people.
A final total illustration of the fraud and manipulation of the ballot is that under Democratic regime the total ANTI-DEMOCRATIC VOTE
been, under the Democratic election law, a stealing or manipulation of from 30,000 to 40,000 votes by the machine, and until an outraged people defied and dared that machine to tamper with their votes any further. The appointment of ignorant poll-holders is not the only instance of official preferment given to the negro by the Democratic party. It set the precedent for appointing negro Justices of the Peace. A Democratic Legislature appointed and elected a large number of negroes as magistrates in many of the Eastern counties of the State in 1876-77. It is true that this course was opposed by nine members of the Legislature, who entered a protest against it. But the fact remains that the Legislature, being Democratic, made the appointments and thus established a course of procedure which the Democratic machine and press now think it a winning policy to denounce. It may be of interest to present here some record of this action. When the Legislature of 1876-'77, which was largely Democratic, decided to appoint these negro magistrates, and they were probably as numerous as they have been under any party administration, a protest was formally entered by some of the Democratic members. That protest appears in the House Journal of 1876-'77, and is as follows: Mr. Moseley, by consent, presented the following protest against the policy of a majority of the General Assembly, pursued in the election of Magistrates yesterday, and it was ordered to be spread upon the Journals of the House: "The undersigned, respectfully but earnestly, protest against the policy, which appears to have been approved by a majority of the Democratic members of this General Assembly in the election of colored magistrates in and for certain counties of this State. We believe that in the said election of magistrates by the General Assembly, a record, to some extent, has been made for the Democratic-Conservative party of North Carolina, inconsistent with the principles and purposes of the party as expressed during the recent and previous campaigns, in its party platform, and as expressed by its thousands of speakers upon the stump, who asserted the superiority both by nature and education of the white race over the colored, and the consequent greater fitness of the former for public office as rulers and dispensers of justice--aye, more than that, who maintained unhesitatingly, freely and repeatedly, that the colored people, especially as citizens in the same county and government with white people, were absolutely unfit for these public positions. We believe that in the late campaign the appeals made by the press and speakers of the Democratic-Conservative party to the pride and sympathy of the white race in behalf of its own color, to secure its rescue from negro domination, was in every part of this State, one of the strongest and most effective means used for obtaining the success of our cause. "We express the belief now, that these principles and opinions asserted by our party, and the grounds upon which we based our appeals to our white brethren, all being in harmony, are just and reasonable and true, and that if the Democratic-Conservative party varies from its position in behalf of white supremacy, it will, to some extent at least, lose that strength, solidity and unity of purpose resulting from devotion to principle. We believe that in the black Republican counties of the eastern portion of this State, or wherever they may be found in the State, the fidelity of the white people to their political principles, and the material aid they give in swelling the aggregate vote for all officers elected by the State at large, and the high taxes they pay to carry on the State government, and for other purposes which we forbear to mention, entitle them to the same consideration from their party friends in the General Assembly which Democratic counties receive through their members elect. "While we would exercise and advocate the right and practice of choosing white men for office in preference to colored men, we hereby distinctly disclaim any desire to deny the colored race the equal rights before the law guaranteed to them by the 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution of the United States. "Our feelings toward the colored people are kind and humane in every particular, and we believe the ultimate effect of the course we advocate, if pursued by our party, will be best for the country, for the people, both white and black, and if the latter are not flattered and blinded by advocates of the mistaken policy we oppose, we believe many of them will be able to see the situation as we do, and that thus, by their better understanding, we may hope the antagonism between the white and colored races will subside, and their difference will be settled upon a somewhat reliable basis, with less prospect of disturbance than if we abandon the principles and policy which our party has heretofore maintained. "If Democrats do what they have persistently abused and condemned Republicans for doing, how can they hope to escape just censure? "We protest in sorrow rather than in anger, against the action of our political associates, who we believe, with pure motives, have acted unwisely, nor are we without hope of a change of views on their part at some day in the future, however remote, and an acknowledgment by them of the correctness of the position we have in this protest assumed, with due respect, personally, for both our Democratic and Republican fellow-citizens. (Signed) "A. G. MOSELEY, A. C. SHARPE, N. H. FENNELL, JAMES G. KENAN, R. W. SINGLETARY, WALTER W. KING, R. JAS. POWELL, JOHN M. HOUK, J. E. HARTSELL," It should be recalled, with some significance, that the bill appointing these negro magistrates, against which this protest was entered, passed the Democratic Senate of which Thomas J. Jarvis was the President, and yet, there is the spectacle of this same Jarvis to-day joining in the cry of "Nigger." There are still further evidences of Democratic preferment for the negro official. People who have lived long enough to remember the instance, easily recall the contests for the position of Assistant Door-keeper in 1870-'71 and 1872. Democrats were in control of the State Senate in both these sessions of the Legislature, and in both instances they elected, by a large majority, a negro named Guilford Christmas, of Warren It is recalled by some that at one of these sessions, when the Democratic caucus for selecting candidates for this position was held, a crippled Confederate soldier named Webster, from Chatham county, was a candidate before the caucus for this office. But the Democratic majority, in its vast wisdom, expressed an overwhelming preferment for the negro candidate. The negro candidate received the caucus nomination and consequently was elected. But when a similar action is taken by another party the The Democratic machine has so long been, and is now so determined, that the cry of "Nigger" shall be its campaign slogan, that when no real instance or circumstance can be found on which to base that cry, they are manufactured for special use. Here is an illustration: Several years ago the Democrats raised a wail of woe over the report that in
some Eastern county a white woman, a pauper, had been let by the county to a negro to keep because the negro had made the lowest bid to the county. Flaming cartoons and wild pictures were scattered over the State showing the horrors of the scene. There was truth in the report, but investigation showed that this white woman (if she was white), was the MOTHER OF THE NEGRO TO WHOM SHE HAD BEEN FARMED OUT. But, nevertheless, the Democratic machine made this incident the chief basis of its campaign. To-day, in the year or grace 1898, the State is being flooded with Democratic cartoons showing white girls and white ladies subjecting themselves and their private apartments to the private inspection of a negro, the ladies being represented as pupils or teachers in a State institution. A more villainous and vile slander was never perpetrated against the white women of North Carolina by any scoundrelly biped claiming to be a white man. Anyone with the least instinct of common decency knows that such a proceeding would not be submitted to by the white women of this State. They would unhesitatingly and with inexpressible indignation leave any institution on earth sooner than endure even the mere suggestion of such a procedure. The cartoons, with the comments under them, attempt to leave the impression that the negro man is chairman of and controls the Board of Trustees of the State Institution for the Blind, and that in the capacity of "boss" and member of the Board he goes officially and alone through the private apartments of the Institution on visits of inspection. All this is intended to fool the people--to deceive them--to make them believe what is pictured actually occurs, and is intended to make the public believe that such proceedings are sanctioned by the present anti-Democratic administration. Well, a meaner, baser, more contemptible falsehood and slander on white women was never spawned by the low-born, sneaking, cowardly defamer who invented it and circulated it. No negro has ever been chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Institution, and there was no negro member of the Board when these cartoons were sent out. But this makes no difference to the Democratic machine and its minions. An organized liar will not stop lying simply because it cannot FIND something to lie about. It will invent something. There are some instances which the Democratic machine press might embellish and put forth, greatly to the edification of its readers, if it chose to do so, but in these particular instances that same Democratic press is deathly silent. It might tell that the Democratic Board of County Commissioners of Warren county did actually farm out a poor white woman to a negro named Fleming. This is a fact of record. Why not "horrify" over it? It might tell that the Democratic Board of County Commissioners of Mitchell county bound out two helpless little white orphans to a negro. This is a fact of record. Why not "horrify" over it? It might tell that M. F. Thornton, the negro Register of Deeds of Warren county has been bonded by such Democrats as O. T. Powell, Robt. B. Thornton and Sol. Buxton Williams, and that some of these Democrats have acted as Thornton's deputies. This is a fact of record. Why not raise the cry of Democrats aiding and abetting "negro domination?" The foregoing figures and illustrations are presented as object-lessons only. They are no argument, and do not constitute a discussion as to the right of the negro race to rule. Such questions are invariably settled when a settlement is needed. But what has been shown and recited is an argument to the effect that the course of the Democratic machine is of a low, hypocritical and sneaking character.
It has failed to command the respect and support of the people by its record, and now seeks to gain support solely and only by efforts to inflame the evil natures of men to such an extent as to result in political anarchy and civil riot. For such a course as this there is no necessity, nor is there any sort of reason. Neither this State nor any other State will ever be governed and controlled by any but the Anglo-Saxon race as long as that race shall dwell in it. Powers, both moral and physical, sustain the statement. The moral power is the innate consciousness of superiority on the part of the Anglo-Saxon, which will forever keep him in the ascendancy and a recognition by all other races of that superiority. The physical power is the great disparity of numbers between the races, especially in North Carolina, where, according to the census of 1890, the population is as follows:
FROM HOUSE JOURNAL 1876-'77.
been, under the Democratic election law, a stealing or manipulation of from 30,000 to 40,000 votes by the machine, and until an outraged people defied and dared that machine to tamper with their votes any further.
The appointment of ignorant poll-holders is not the only instance of official preferment given to the negro by the Democratic party. It set the precedent for appointing negro Justices of the Peace. A Democratic Legislature appointed and elected a large number of negroes as magistrates in many of the Eastern counties of the State in 1876-77. It is true that this course was opposed by nine members of the Legislature, who entered a protest against it. But the fact remains that the Legislature, being Democratic, made the appointments and thus established a course of procedure which the Democratic machine and press now think it a winning policy to denounce. It may be of interest to present here some record of this action. When the Legislature of 1876-'77, which was largely Democratic, decided to appoint these negro magistrates, and they were probably as numerous as they have been under any party administration, a protest was formally entered by some of the Democratic members. That protest appears in the House Journal of 1876-'77, and is as follows:
Mr. Moseley, by consent, presented the following protest against the policy of a majority of the General Assembly, pursued in the election of Magistrates yesterday, and it was ordered to be spread upon the Journals of the House:
"The undersigned, respectfully but earnestly, protest against the policy, which appears to have been approved by a majority of the Democratic members of this General Assembly in the election of colored magistrates in and for certain counties of this State. We believe that in the said election of magistrates by the General Assembly, a record, to some extent, has been made for the Democratic-Conservative party of North Carolina, inconsistent with the principles and purposes of the party as expressed during the recent and previous campaigns, in its party platform, and as expressed by its thousands of speakers upon the stump, who asserted the superiority both by nature and education of the white race over the colored, and the consequent greater fitness of the former for public office as rulers and dispensers of justice--aye, more than that, who maintained unhesitatingly, freely and repeatedly, that the colored people, especially as citizens in the same county and government with white people, were absolutely unfit for these public positions. We believe that in the late campaign the appeals made by the press and speakers of the Democratic-Conservative party to the pride and sympathy of the white race in behalf of its own color, to secure its rescue from negro domination, was in every part of this State, one of the strongest and most effective means used for obtaining the success of our cause.
"We express the belief now, that these principles and opinions asserted by our party, and the grounds upon which we based our appeals to our white brethren, all being in harmony, are just and reasonable and true, and that if the Democratic-Conservative party varies from its position in behalf of white supremacy, it will, to some extent at least, lose that strength, solidity and unity of purpose resulting from devotion to principle. We believe that in the black Republican counties of the eastern portion of this State, or wherever they may be found in the State, the fidelity of the white people to their political principles, and the material aid they give in swelling the aggregate vote for all officers elected by the State at large, and the high taxes they pay to carry on the State government, and for other purposes which we forbear to mention, entitle them to the same consideration from their party friends in the General Assembly which Democratic counties receive through their members elect.
"While we would exercise and advocate the right and practice of choosing white men for office in preference to colored men, we hereby distinctly disclaim any desire to deny the colored race the equal rights before the law guaranteed to them by the 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution of the United States.
"Our feelings toward the colored people are kind and humane in every particular, and we believe the ultimate effect of the course we advocate, if pursued by our party, will be best for the country, for the people, both white and black, and if the latter are not flattered and blinded by advocates of the mistaken policy we oppose, we believe many of them will be able to see the situation as we do, and that thus, by their better understanding, we may hope the antagonism between the white and colored races will subside, and their difference will be settled upon a somewhat reliable basis, with less prospect of disturbance than if we abandon the principles and policy which our party has heretofore maintained.
"If Democrats do what they have persistently abused and condemned Republicans for doing, how can they hope to escape just censure?
"We protest in sorrow rather than in anger, against the action of our political associates, who we believe, with pure motives, have acted unwisely, nor are we without hope of a change of views on their part at some day in the future, however remote, and an acknowledgment by them of the correctness of the position we have in this protest assumed, with due respect, personally, for both our Democratic and Republican fellow-citizens.
(Signed) "A. G. MOSELEY,
A. C. SHARPE,
N. H. FENNELL,
JAMES G. KENAN,
R. W. SINGLETARY,
WALTER W. KING,
R. JAS. POWELL,
JOHN M. HOUK,
J. E. HARTSELL,"
It should be recalled, with some significance, that the bill appointing these negro magistrates, against which this protest was entered, passed the Democratic Senate of which Thomas J. Jarvis was the President, and yet, there is the spectacle of this same Jarvis to-day joining in the cry of "Nigger."
There are still further evidences of Democratic preferment for the negro official. People who have lived long enough to remember the instance, easily recall the contests for the position of Assistant Door-keeper in 1870-'71 and 1872. Democrats were in control of the State Senate in both these sessions of the Legislature, and in both instances they elected, by a large majority, a negro named Guilford Christmas, of Warren
It is recalled by some that at one of these sessions, when the Democratic caucus for selecting candidates for this position was held, a crippled Confederate soldier named Webster, from Chatham county, was a candidate before the caucus for this office. But the Democratic majority, in its vast wisdom, expressed an overwhelming preferment for the negro candidate. The negro candidate received the caucus nomination and consequently was elected. But when a similar action is taken by another party the
The Democratic machine has so long been, and is now so determined, that the cry of "Nigger" shall be its campaign slogan, that when no real instance or circumstance can be found on which to base that cry, they are manufactured for special use. Here is an illustration:
Several years ago the Democrats raised a wail of woe over the report that in
some Eastern county a white woman, a pauper, had been let by the county to a negro to keep because the negro had made the lowest bid to the county. Flaming cartoons and wild pictures were scattered over the State showing the horrors of the scene. There was truth in the report, but investigation showed that this white woman (if she was white), was the MOTHER OF THE NEGRO TO WHOM SHE HAD BEEN FARMED OUT. But, nevertheless, the Democratic machine made this incident the chief basis of its campaign.
To-day, in the year or grace 1898, the State is being flooded with Democratic cartoons showing white girls and white ladies subjecting themselves and their private apartments to the private inspection of a negro, the ladies being represented as pupils or teachers in a State institution. A more villainous and vile slander was never perpetrated against the white women of North Carolina by any scoundrelly biped claiming to be a white man. Anyone with the least instinct of common decency knows that such a proceeding would not be submitted to by the white women of this State. They would unhesitatingly and with inexpressible indignation leave any institution on earth sooner than endure even the mere suggestion of such a procedure.
The cartoons, with the comments under them, attempt to leave the impression that the negro man is chairman of and controls the Board of Trustees of the State Institution for the Blind, and that in the capacity of "boss" and member of the Board he goes officially and alone through the private apartments of the Institution on visits of inspection. All this is intended to fool the people--to deceive them--to make them believe what is pictured actually occurs, and is intended to make the public believe that such proceedings are sanctioned by the present anti-Democratic administration. Well, a meaner, baser, more contemptible falsehood and slander on white women was never spawned by the low-born, sneaking, cowardly defamer who invented it and circulated it. No negro has ever been chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Institution, and there was no negro member of the Board when these cartoons were sent out. But this makes no difference to the Democratic machine and its minions. An organized liar will not stop lying simply because it cannot FIND something to lie about. It will invent something.
There are some instances which the Democratic machine press might embellish and put forth, greatly to the edification of its readers, if it chose to do so, but in these particular instances that same Democratic press is deathly silent.
It might tell that the Democratic Board of County Commissioners of Warren county did actually farm out a poor white woman to a negro named Fleming. This is a fact of record. Why not "horrify" over it?
It might tell that the Democratic Board of County Commissioners of Mitchell county bound out two helpless little white orphans to a negro. This is a fact of record. Why not "horrify" over it?
It might tell that M. F. Thornton, the negro Register of Deeds of Warren county has been bonded by such Democrats as O. T. Powell, Robt. B. Thornton and Sol. Buxton Williams, and that some of these Democrats have acted as Thornton's deputies. This is a fact of record. Why not raise the cry of Democrats aiding and abetting "negro domination?"
The foregoing figures and illustrations are presented as object-lessons only. They are no argument, and do not constitute a discussion as to the right of the negro race to rule. Such questions are invariably settled when a settlement is needed. But what has been shown and recited is an argument to the effect that the course of the Democratic machine is of a low, hypocritical and sneaking character.
It has failed to command the respect and support of the people by its record, and now seeks to gain support solely and only by efforts to inflame the evil natures of men to such an extent as to result in political anarchy and civil riot.
For such a course as this there is no necessity, nor is there any sort of reason. Neither this State nor any other State will ever be governed and controlled by any but the Anglo-Saxon race as long as that race shall dwell in it. Powers, both moral and physical, sustain the statement. The moral power is the innate consciousness of superiority on the part of the Anglo-Saxon, which will forever keep him in the ascendancy and a recognition by all other races of that superiority.
The physical power is the great disparity of numbers between the races, especially in North Carolina, where, according to the census of 1890, the population is as follows:
These facts alone make the hysterical cry of "nigger supremacy" by the Democratic party sink into an absurdity and farce too pronounced to permit faithful description.
And now note carefully.
When the Democratic machine was manipulating and stealing the ballots of both white and colored voters alike, as shown in the foregoing pages, that same machine was squalling "nigger" for the purpose of trying to divert the attention of the people from its DIRTY WORK. DO YOU SEE?
It was remarked in the beginning of this chapter "that in nearly all cases in which a negro has made assumptions, either politically or socially, in such a way as to be repulsive to the Caucasian race it has been at the instigation of some low, venal, white wretch, acting as the tool of Democratic party wire-pullers." This statement needs no proof to observant men, but for the benefit of anyone who may read this pamphlet, and may refuse to believe any unsupported assertion on account of his partisan prejudices and blindness, a few illustrations are given. They could be multiplied almost indefinitely.
The following communication appeared in the Winston Republican. We did not publish it at the time, but have waited and taken the time to ascertain whether or not the statements made were facts. We have found that they are true. But even if we had published it then and had afterwards learned that it was a lie we would have been fair, honest and decent enough to have made the corrections. The communication in full is as follows:
Editor Winston Republican:--The Democratic press have been profuse in their lies about Republicans; what will they have to say about these facts from Johnston?
At the last September term of Johnston Court, Rufus Parker, a white man and a leading Democrat, was convicted for having hired a negro, Ben Bunn, to cowhide
E. W. Boyd, a white man, who was also a Democrat. Parker sent the negro to tell Boyd he wanted him at his house, and when the latter came he sent him to his barn lot and Parker went and stood by while the negro whipped Boyd with a horse whip, cutting him severely.
Parker's brother was a Democratic Justice of the Peace and he issued a warrant against the negro immediately and fined him one penny and costs. In the face of all these facts a host of Democrats testified in court to the good character of Parker, some of whom testified to the bad character of Boyd, though some of them gave him a good character, and all who knew him testified that he was a sickly fellow with but little sense.
After the jury convicted Parker and the court ordered him in custody of the Sheriff, his hosts of admiring friends implored the court not to send him to jail for the night as he could give bond in any amount for his appearance the next morning, but he went to jail.
The next morning the "Nancy Hanks" of the Democratic party, C. B. Aycock, appeared in behalf of Parker, but the Court was inexorable, and sent him to jail for six months.
The Democratic constable at Selma was also convicted for getting a drunken white man in the back yard of a bar-room at Selma, to be horse-whipped by one Preston Blackman and Jas. Parker. This Democratic official was sent to jail for twelve months, and Blackman, who was a Democratic local heeler, was at the same term convicted of stealing an ox, the property of Dr. Vick, and sent to the Penitentiary for one year. Jas. Parker, who is the nephew of a New York banker, has sufficient political pull to get into the lunatic asylum until after Court adjourns.
This is the way things are worked in the banner Democractic county of Johnston.
JOHNSTON.Smithfield, N. C., Nov. 29, 1897.
WELDON, N C., December 1, 1897.
Noticing the comment of your paper on the Chappell incident, I wish to state that recently in this town, in which a majority of the commissioners are Democrats, and the mayor a Democrat, with several negroes on the Board, all elected by Democrats and negroes fusing, there is a chief of police and one other white policeman, with several negro policemen, elected by the aid of white Democrats. I saw recently a travelling photographer arrested by a negro policeman on a warrant from a Democratic magistrate, and marched along the street under this colored guard. I have seen such things before, and there has been no comment. I believe in fair play. They talk so much about fusion, yet they fuse with the negro in nearly every town in the county.
KINSTON, N. C., November 9, 1897.
Editor Caucasian:--I have noticed that the railroad and monopoly organs and politicians are having a good deal to say about the negro postmasters which McKinley has appointed to fill offices in North Carolina. They brazenly charge that the People's party is responsible for McKinley appointing these negro postmasters, ignoring the fact that if it had not been for the People's party Bryan could not have carried this State in the last campaign. In fact it is noticeable that the papers and politicians who are loudest mouthed in their denunciation of our party as being responsible for the evil of negro domination, under which they allege the State is now suffering, are the very same papers and politicians who, in the last campaign, did all in
But it is not my purpose to review their past conduct. Their present effort to make political capital out of negro postmasters makes the trick which is now being worked by so-called leading Democrats in this town, suggestive. I therefore address you this communication to inform you of it, and I hope you will publish it in your paper for I have no doubt the same thing is being done under cover in other towns in the State.
The case briefly stated is this: There is a negro here, J. C. Hargett, who is an applicant for the post-office at this place. The Democrats, thinking that if he is appointed, it will make political capital for them and will enable them to easily carry the county Democratic, are not content with secretly wishing him appointed but have actually begun, under cover, an active work in his interest. They have circulated a petition setting out the fact that Hargett is a negro of good character, and that he would make a good postmaster. They have done this notwithstanding the fact that Hargett at one time was guilty of raising the amount of a check that was given him and was obliged to skip to keep from being prosecuted. They will, no doubt, circulate this information after he is appointed.
Yes sir, it is a fact that so called leading Democrats of this town have signed this negro Hargett's petition for the post-office at this place. I have the names of these Democrats, and if my statement is denied or questioned I will publish their names and prove that they were on the petition by the affidavits of persons who saw them there.
Now, is not this a pretty spectacle? These are the class of men, the State over, who, on the street corners, in their places of business, and in their homes express such horror of negro domination, of negroes being elevated to positions of trust over whites, and say what a shame it is for negroes to be put in post-offices where their wives and daughters have to go to call for their mail; and yet they, at heart, care so little for this that they are secretly doing all that they can in this town (and I have no doubt it is so in others) to put negroes in post-offices simply because they think it will give them party advantage. It is such things as these which prove the hypocrisy of these so-called Democrats in their loud professions for white supremacy, and make clear their object. Honest men are disgusted with their trickery and deceit.
The writer is a Populist and is in favor of white supremacy, but he believes that the line of fight which the
Caucasian is making is the fight to win true white supremacy and to defeat monopoly rule and corrupt machine politicians.
Mr. R. H. Hayes was around recently inquiring how many negro constables there are in the county. He was told that there are none. However, there has been one in the county who acted as constable or deputy sheriff--possibly that will answer their purpose. There is a paper on file in the office of the Clerk of Superior Court here, on the back of which is the following return:
"I hereby deputize Jordan Bray to serve the within subpoena. This Feb. 15th, 1892.
SPENCE TAYLOR, Sheriff.
"Rec'd Feb. 15th, 1892. Served Feb. 17th, 1892, by reading the within subpoena to the witness.
SPENCE TAYLOR, Sheriff.
by Jordan Bray, D. S."
This paper was served on five white men--Frank Fields, Bud Lane, Wm. Ellis, E. W. Phillips and Wm. Welch--and one colored man, Tod Forrester. Jordan Bray, who acted Deputy Sheriff under Spence Taylor, Democratic Sheriff, is a colored man; furthermore, at that time an ex-convict just from the penitentiary, we are reliably informed, not having been restored to citizenship and was, therefore, not a citizen when he acted as D. S. for the Democratic sheriff.
And it may be of interest to our readers to know that "Deputy Sheriff" Jordan, Bray voted the Democratic ticket when a citizen.
As Democrats are hunting for negro officers and favors shown ex-convicts, this may be of service to them.
WILSON, N. C., November 17, 1897.
Editor Caucasian:--In the "nigger racket" campaign, which the Ransom machine has begun, our Democratic brethren in Wilson county find themselves very much handicapped by their own action. They are out of the band-wagon entirely, and the attitude in which they have placed themselves is a ridiculous one, to say the least, and it is all on account of being too previous. The trouble is this: Before the fiat had gone forth from the Democratic machine that Bryan and the reform issues for which he fought should be relegated to the rear, and that the State campaign must be fought on the race question, the Democrats of Wilson fused. Yes sir, they fused, but that is not all of the painful truth. They fused with the Republicans! Think of it! Fused with the party that stands for negro domination and control of our State institutions!! But this is not all yet. They fused to put negroes in office. I would that the Democratic papers had relieved me of the painful duty of unfolding this tale, which is indeed enough to harrow up the very soul of the monopoly organs and politicians, but as they have not, it must be told. It runs thusly:
On the first Monday in June, the time provided by law for the election of a county board of education, J. T. Sharp, Republican Senator from this district, in the interest of his Republican friends, made a fusion proposition to the Democratic Clerk of the Court, two Democrats, who claimed to be Commissioners by virtue of appointment (who were not elected by the people), and the Republican Register of Deeds, to co-operate and take charge of the schools of the county. The Democrats, knowing that unless there was a fusion between them and the Republicans to control the schools, the management of the schools of Wilson would fall into the hands of the Populist county commissioners who were duly elected by the people, immediately accepted the Republican proposition. (You know that as much as the Democrats are opposed to fusion between Republicans and Populists, they love to take a hand at it themselves when it promises them power). This "unholy" alliance of Democrats and Republicans at once proceeded to elect George W. Connor, Democrat, Nathan Bass, Democrat, and S. H. Vick, Republican, and a negro to boot, as a Board of Education for the county, ignoring entirely the Populist Board of County Commissioners, who were elected by a large majority of the qualified voters of the county, and who had appointed a County Board of Education composed of white men entirely. I hope this starting statement will not be too much of a strain upon our naturally credulous people of North Carolina. I confess I would not have believed it myself if I did not know it to be true. And if they had only stopped at putting a negro (who, by the way, was postmaster of Wilson under Harrison's administration, and who was Congressman White's man for the same position this time, and who would have gotten it if the Democratic incumbent had not been confirmed before the expiration of Cleveland's term,) on the Board of Education, it would not have been so bad; but they even went further and appointed at least one negro school committeeman for each township in the county. They have done this, too, in spite of their allegation that these negro school committeemen control the white schools of the different townships.
Mr. Editor, were I to follow my own inclination I would stop here, but the worst is yet to be told. The
News and Observer heartily applauded the action of the Democrats of Wilson county and said that they had acted right, which meant that they did right to put negroes on the County Board of Education when they had the opportunity of accepting a board composed entirely of white men, and men, every one of them, in whom there is no guile, and who are distinguished for a life-long devotion to right and an uncompromising condemnation and opposition to wrong; that they did right in placing at least one negro on the school committee in every township.
We think we remember to have seen somewhere in some Democratic papers that all this was wrong, but I guess my memory is either at fault or the elastic conscience of Democrats will permit them to do anything that will suit their purposes, and it will still be right. You know they always do right?
A BRYAN POPULIST.
In 1889 and 1890 there was a considerable movement of negroes from the State, which was referred to as "the exodus." It was largely promoted by persons known as emigrant agents. The
mortal dread of "negro domination" on the part of the Democratic machine ought to have inspired that machine to hail with delight these emigrant agents as the saviors of the State. Did they do that? Not much. The machine elected a Legislature in 1891, and here is one of its laws--
The General Assembly of North Carolina do enact:
"SECTION I. That from and after the ratification of this act no person shall carry on the business of an emigrant agent in this State without having first obtained a license therefor from the State Treasurer.
SEC. 2. That the term "emigrant agent," as contemplated in this act, shall be construed to mean any person engaged in hiring laborers in this State to be employed beyond the limits of the same.
"SEC. 3. That any person shall be entitled to a license, which shall be good for one year, upon the payment into the State Treasury, for the the use of the State, of one thousand dollars in each county in which he operates or solicits emigrants for each year so engaged.
"SEC. 4. That any person doing the business of an emigrant agent without having first obtained such license shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction shall be punished by fine not less than five hundred dollars and not more than five thousand dollars, or may be imprisoned in the county jail not less than four months, or confined in the State prison at hard labor not exceeding two years for each and every offence, within the discretion of the court.
"SEC. 5. That this act shall not apply to any county west of the line as at present established by law for the receiving of patients by the North Carolina Insane Asylum, except the counties of Mecklenburg, Moore, Anson, Richmond, Cleveland, Gaston, Lincoln and Catawba.
"SEC. 6. That this act shall be in force from and after its ratification.
"Ratified the 6th day of February, A. D. 1891."
And thus it appears that the machine invoked the majesty of the law to keep within the State something against which it now professes to view with horror.
One of the most aggravated and infamous cases of Democratic tool instigation of meanness for political ends occurred at Wilmington since the 15th of August, 1898. A negro named Manly conducts a paper in that city and has, beyond doubt, been made the scapegoat of the vile meanness of some Democratic machine touter. He recently published the following impudent and villainous editorial:
"Poor white men are careless in the matter of protecting their women; especially on farms, they are careless of their conduct toward them, and our experience among poor white people in the country teaches us that the women of that race are not any more particular in the matter of clandestine meetings with the colored men than are the white men with colored women. Meetings of this kind go on for some time until the woman's infatuation or the man's boldness bring attention to them, and the man is lynched for rape. Every negro lynched is called a 'big, burly, black brute,' when in fact many of those who have thus been dealt with had white men for their fathers, and were not only not 'black' and 'burly,' but were sufficiently attractive for white girls of culture and refinement to fall in love with them, as is well known to all."
The insufferable and infamous slander continued in this utterance is sufficient to madden anybody, but the well-founded suspicion of the main cause and instigation
of it is worse. This negro makes no sort of pretence of belonging to the People's Party. He is officially repudiated and condemned by the Republican Party, and the unavoidable conclusion is that he is a tool and scapegoat of the Democratic machine. And this does not appear to be all. The Democratic machine papers, of course, gobbled up this editorial, and are trying to make political "nigger question" campaign thunder of it from one end of the State to the other. And in addition to this, it seems that another low, vile, Democratic machine tool wrote an anonymous note to the negro, stating that he must leave the town in twenty-four hours, or caused a spreading of the report that such a note had been written. This was for the evident purpose of instigating a race riot, over which more campaign thunder would have been made, but it failed.
The Republican County Committee of New Hanover county thus officially repudiates both the negro and the slander, as follows:
"Whereas, A little paper published in this city (Wilmington), called
The Daily Record, printed in its issue of a recent date (August 18, 1898), an article which is a base and vile libel upon countless thousands of good people, 'poor white people in the country' especially; and,
"Whereas, The Democratic papers here have copied said article, and given it prominence, and are seeking to place the responsibility of its composition and publication upon the Republican party, for political purposes, declaring that said paper (
The Daily Record), is 'the organ of the Republican-Populist fusion political crowd,' etc., and,
"Whereas, In truth and in fact, the said
Daily Record is not now nor never has been the Republican or fusion organ, and is not even regarded by our party as a Republican or fusion paper, but is generally classed and regarded as a kicking, disorganizing concern, being published by a few individuals who seem to think of nothing but their own importance and aggrandizement, and edited by an irresponsible upstart, who represents only himself and his own views in what he writes, now,
Resolved, That we denounce the article referred to as a base libel; we repudiate and denounce the writer of it as a michief-making simpleton, and declare that he represents and expresses only his own views and sentiments in said article, and we urge any and all Republicans who are now taking
Resolved, further, That we denounce and condemn the course and action of the Democratic papers in trying to place the responsibility of the libelous article upon the Republican party, when they either know, or could easily have ascertained, that our party not only did not endorse the article, but condemned it equally as strongly as they did."
And so it appears that the Republican party denounces the odious editorial and plainly says that it is designed to serve the interests of the Democratic party.
Some Populists are publicly quoted as saying that the negro defamer and slanderer ought to be asked to leave the State.
But nothing of this kind comes from the Democratic machine or its press. Their tool is too valuable to them, in their own estimation, to be repudiated or denounced or asked to leave the State. Their only course is to manifest the greatest glee over their success in securing so much to talk about, and to roll the editorial as a sweet morsel under their tongues!!!
In all the history of newspaperdom in this State there has been only one instance of vile slander that can parallel this. That instance is the editorials and column articles of the
News and Observer in malevolently and malignantly charging that the daughter of Sheriff Aldridge, of Pamlico county, was the victim and paramour of a negro man, with wretched results. This disreputable, lying sheet thus perpetrated
a slander on the white women of the State far more foul and
MY DEAR SIR:--I regret that I can not attend the Judicial
Convention on account of pressing engagements. Please put in a word to secure my nomination for Judge. While there is not much hope for an election, still the
remote possibility of riding the District with you is a GREAT PLEASURE. Wishing you success,
I am yours very truly,
(Signed) FRANCIS D. WINSTON.
When this letter was written Winston was a candidate for Judge and was nominated, and White was nominated for Solicitor by the same convention.
It is useless and unnecessary to extend this list. Similar cases could be given in such numbers as to fill an entire pamphlet of this size.
And now note carefully:
While all this is going on the Democratic machine is squalling "nigger," with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
Among the "issues" which Democratic machine journalism has tried to raise during the past two years is one about the payment of fees to attorneys who have been employed by the Governor to represent the State in certain cases. Of course it is clear that nearly all the services rendered to the present State administration, by attorneys, have been in connection with the effort of the administration to compel foreign corporations doing business in the State to become amenable to State laws, to modify or nullify the terms of the "fraudulent 99-year lease," and to prevent exorbitant charges and extortion by railroad combines and monopolies. There has been nothing else, of consequence, before the present administration that required legal advice and counsel to any great extent.
The employment of counsel in these cases has been made the "basis" of a great cry by the Democratic machine journalism, of extravagance--of spending the people's money in employing "rabbit hunting" lawyers--and all other kinds of spiteful and false comment in an effort to make political capital out of paying attorneys for services, &c.
As a matter of fact, this Democratic machine journalism doesn't care about the expense in these matters. It is mad because something like a genuine, honest fight is being made by Governor Russell against that big fraud--viz: "the Democratic 99-year lease," and unjust charges by foreign railroad combines and other corporations. The Democratic press is the servant of these combines, and a part of its business and service is to fight and denounce any man or men who oppose the encroachments and oppression of said combines and corporations.
Let this matter be made clear. It is stated above that the Democratic machine journalism does not care anything about the "expense" of employing attorneys. If it DID CARE for the expense--for the squandering of the people's money, as it is pleased to term it--it would not confine its comment to what is being done now. If it had the least shade of honesty in the matter it would discuss the expense of "extra counsel" heretofore made in cases not half so important to the people as those cases now pending.
Did you ever see or hear of a Democratic machine paper making any criticism of any fee heretofore paid to attorneys and lawyers? Did any one of them ever tell how much was being paid out by the Democratic administrations for extra legal counsel? No. They are too sneaky and cowardly for that.
Well, since they have raised the issue it is time that the people know something of the
previous extravagance, squandering, &c., and below is given a partial record of how the public money has heretofore been given to lawyers for extra legal counsel. There is not space to enumerate the services for which this money was paid, but anybody who will make a full investigation can easily think that some pretty heavy fees have been paid for some very trival services.
But here are the figures:
|Jan.||Paid to R. F. Armfield||$ 450 00|
|Jan.||Paid to John H Dillard||100 00|
|Jan.||Paid to W. N. H. Smith||100 00|
|Feb.||Paid to Strong & Smith||1,500 00|
|July.||Paid to D. G. Fowle||500 00|
|July.||Paid to John Gatling||250 00|
|July.||Paid to A. C. Avery||200 00|
|July.||Paid to Thos. Ruffin||50 00|
|Amount for 1877||$ 3,150 00|
|Dec.||Paid D. G. Fowle||$ 500 00|
|Jan.||Paid to J. M. McCorkle||50 00|
|Jan.||Paid to J. M. Leach||250 00|
|Jan.||Paid to J. H. Merrimon||100 00|
|Amount for 1878||$ 900 00|
|Jan.||Paid to G. N. Folk & R. F. Armfield||$ 200 00|
|Jan.||Paid to Smith & Strong||200 00|
|Jan.||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||250 00|
|Feb.||Paid to Moore & Gatling||250 00|
|April||Paid to T. P. Devereux||250 00|
|April||Paid to Gilliam & Gatling||500 00|
|April||Paid to A. M. Lewis||250 00|
|Paid to Thos. P. Devereux||250 00|
|June||Paid to Thos. P. Devereux||100 00|
|June||Paid to E. W. Thompson||50 00|
|July||Paid to Thos. P. Devereux||150 00|
|Aug.||Paid to Thos. P. Devereux||60 00|
|Amount for 1879||$ 2,510 00|
|Oct.||Paid to Thos. P. Devereux||$ 100 00|
|Oct.||Paid to Gilliam & Gatling||500 00|
|Dec.||Paid to F. H. Busbee||30 00|
|Dec.||Paid to W. S. Mason||150 00|
|Aug.||Paid to W. W. Peebles||75 00|
|Aug.||Paid to D G Fowle||250 00|
|Amount for 1880||$ 1,105 00|
|Nov.||Paid to A. M. Lewis||$ 250 00|
|Nov.||Paid to Mason & Devereux||150 00|
|Nov.||Paid to R. T. Merrick||500 00|
|Dec.||Paid to A. M. Lewis||100 00|
|Jan.||Paid to Thos. Ruffin||100 00|
|Jan.||Paid to Thomas N. Hill||75 00|
|Amount for 1881||$ 1,325 00|
|Oct.||Paid to R. S. Davis||$ 250 00|
|Jan.||Paid to John W. Graham||250 00|
|Feb.||Paid to Merrimon & Fuller||500 00|
|Mar.||Paid to Daniel G. Fowle||300 00|
|April||Paid to J. H. Dillard||200 00|
|May||Paid to John W. Graham||500 00|
|Aug.||Paid to F. H. Busbee||400 00|
|Amount for 1882||$ 2,400 00|
|Dec.||Paid to Dillard & Mordecai||$ 200 00|
|Nov.||Paid to Thos. Ruffin||250 00|
|Amount for 1883||$ 450 00|
|June||Paid to W. S. Mason||$ 300 00|
|June||Paid to Thos. Ruffin||250 00|
|Nov.||Paid to Pace & Holding||150 00|
|Amount for 1884||$ 700 00|
|June||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||$ 500 00|
|Paid to Graham & Ruffin||500 00|
|Aug.||Paid to W. A. Gash||100 00|
|Amount for 1885||$ 1,100 00|
|Feb.||Paid to John Gatling||$ 100 00|
|Paid to Battle & Mordecai||150 00|
|May||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||300 00|
|May||Paid to Graham & Ruffin||300 00|
|June||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||500 00|
|Oct.||Paid to Reade, Busbee & Busbee||100 00|
|Amount for 1886||$ 1,450 00|
|Dec.||Paid to Ruffin & Graham||$ 500 00|
|Dec.||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||500 00|
|Mar.||Paid to C. M. Busbee||120 00|
|June||Paid to R. Z. Linney||25 00|
|July||Paid to E. F. Lovill||25 00|
|July||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||200 00|
|July||Paid to Battle & Ruffin||200 00|
|Aug.||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||222 80|
|Aug.||Paid to Batchelor & Devereux||228 30|
|Aug.||Paid to Batchelor & Devereux||30 00|
|Aug.||Paid to R. F. Armfield||25 00|
|Oct.||Paid to C. M. Cooke||20 00|
|Amount for 1887||$ 2,096 10|
|Dec.||Paid to Howard & Martin||$ 50 00|
|Dec.||Paid to Batchelor & Devereux||25 00|
|Mar.||Paid to Graham & Ruffin||100 00|
|Mar.||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||100 00|
|June||Paid to C. M. Busbee||200 00|
|Aug.||Paid to R. H. Battle||25 00|
|Amount for 1888||$ 500 00|
|Dec.||Paid to C. H. Armfield||$ 50 00|
|Dec.||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||50 00|
|April||Paid to F. H. Busbee||35 00|
|April||Paid to W. A. Dunn||50 00|
|Oct.||Paid to F. H. Busbee||20 00|
|Nov.||Paid to R. H. Battle||281 00|
|Nov.||Paid to Reade, Busbee & Busbee||400 00|
|Nov.||Paid to Batchelor & Devereux||100 00|
|Nov.||Amount for 1889||$ 986 00|
|Dec.||Paid to Spier Whitaker||$ 200 00|
|Dec.||Paid to Armfield & Turner||100 00|
|Dec.||Paid to S. G. Ryan||100 00|
|Mar.||Paid to F. H. Busbee||10 00|
|Mar.||Paid to F. H. Busbee||15 00|
|Mar.||Paid to S. G. Ryan||150 00|
|Mar.||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||2,000 00|
|Mar.||Paid to Graham & Ruffin||2,000 00|
|April||Paid to S. G. Ryan||57 00|
|July||Paid to Batchelor & Devereux||35 00|
|July||Paid to Fuller & Snow||50 00|
|Aug.||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||101 39|
|Aug.||Paid to Armfield & Turner||125 00|
|Oct.||Paid to Fuller & Snow||215 00|
|Oct.||Paid to N. J. Rouse||25 00|
|Nov.||Paid to Batchelor & Devereux||100 00|
|Nov.||Amount for 1890||$ 5,283 39|
|Dec.||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||$ 100 00|
|Mar.||Paid to R. T. Gray||150 00|
|Mar.||Paid to Thos. H. Sutton||100 00|
|Apr.||Paid to F. H. Busbee||60 00|
|June||Paid to Batchelor & Devereux||100 00|
|July||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||40 00|
|Aug.||Paid to A. M. Waddell||300 00|
|Aug.||Paid to John Devereux||75 00|
|Aug.||Paid to Armistead Jones||25 00|
|Sept.||Paid to S. G. Ryan||100 00|
|Sept.||Paid to A. M. Waddell||100 00|
|Oct.||Paid to S. G. Ryan||200 00|
|Nov.||Paid to Geo. V. Strong||61 00|
|Nov.||Paid to S. G. Ryan||100 00|
|Amount for 1891||$ 1,711 00|
|Dec.||Paid to Armfield & Turner||50 00|
|Jan.||Paid to Thomas W. Strange||100 00|
|Jan.||Paid to John Devereux||25 00|
|Jan.||Paid to S. G. Ryan||65 00|
|Feb.||Paid to S. G. Ryan||35 00|
|Mar.||Paid to Battle & Devereux||50 00|
|June||R. O. Burton||100 00|
|July||Paid to John D. Bellamy||250 00|
|Aug.||Paid to S. G. Ryan||150 00|
|Sept.||Paid Batchelor & Devereux||20 00|
|Oct.||Paid to Armistead Jones||2,500 00|
|Oct.||Paid to Busbee & Busbee||2,500 00|
|Oct.||Paid to Busbee & Busbee||100 00|
|Amount for 1892||$ 5,945 00|
|Dec.||Paid to A. W. Haywood||$ 100 00|
|Jan.||Paid to John H. Small||50 00|
|May||Paid to R. O. Burton||3,925 02|
|June||Paid to C. M. Busbee||500 00|
|Sept.||Paid to S. G. Ryan||3,000 00|
|Oct.||Paid to F. H. Busbee||28 75|
|Oct.||Amount for 1893||$ 7,603 77|
|Dec.||Paid to A. W. Haywood||$ 75 00|
|Mar.||Paid to W. W. Zachary & J. C. Pritchard||50 00|
|Sept.||Paid to W. R. Allen||100 00|
|Sept.||Paid to F. H. Busbee||250 00|
|Amount for 1894||$ 475 00|
|Jan.||Paid to W. R. Allen||$ 150 00|
|Mar.||Paid to R. O. Burton||963 68|
|Mar.||Paid S. G. Ryan||963 68|
|Mar.||Paid to Jos. B. Batchelor||50 00|
|Mar.||Paid to William A. Guthrie||25 00|
|Mar.||Paid to Armistead Jones||50 00|
|Mar.||Paid to Armistead Jones||50 00|
|June||Paid to Jos. B. Batchelor||50 00|
|June||Paid to W. A. Guthrie||125 00|
|July||Paid to W. A. Guthrie||150 00|
|Oct.||Paid to W. A. Guthrie||100 00|
|Nov.||Paid to W. A. Guthrie||75 00|
|Amount for 1895||$ 2,732 00|
|Dec.||Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd||$ 75 00|
|Jan.||Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd||290 00|
|Mar.||Paid to W. A. Guthrie||100 00|
|April||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||311 00|
|April||Paid to Shepherd & Busbee||2,500 00|
|April||Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd||75 00|
|April||Paid to C. M. Busbee||85 00|
|April||Paid to Winstead & Brooks||50 00|
|April||Paid to W. A. Guthrie||100 00|
|April||Paid to Osborne, Maxwell & Co||50 00|
|June||Paid to R. L. Bynum||25 00|
|June||Paid to Battle & Thorn||25 00|
|June||Paid to Battle & Mordecai||90 55|
|June||Paid to Shepherd & Busbee||25 00|
|Sept.||Paid to W. R. Allen||100 00|
|Sept.||Paid to F. H. Busbee||250 00|
|Nov.||Paid to R. P. Buxtou||25 00|
|Amount for 1896||$ 4,041 00|
|Grand total||$ 45,138 26|
It is more than probable that the above figures do not include ALL the money paid out for extra legal counsel, for it is easy, in glancing through a long series of reports, to overlook items. But it is certain that there is no over-statement of the amount, for the items are given and show for themselves. The figures do not include a number of items charged as incidental expenses for the different Attorney Generals in making special trips. If these items were included, together with such as may have been overlooked, the grand total would undoubtedly closely approximate $50,000.
Now, let the "issue" be continued and let the Democratic machine journalists tell the people, if they dare, that it has been necessary to pay out about FIFTY THOUSAND DOLLARS for extra legal counsel for only THREE Democratic Attorney Generals. Whether necessary or not, it has been paid out.
And now note carefully:
When this immense amount of money was being distributed among the "faithful" Democratic lawyers, the Democratic machine was squalling "nigger," for the purpose of trying to divert the attention of the people from what was being done.
DO YOU SEE?
Perhaps one of the most flagrantly outrageous and scandalous jobs which characterized the administration of the Democratic party in this State was in connection with the State Printing. There has never been any explicit knowledge or familiarity on the part of the public in connection with this job, because it has always been to the interest of the Democratic press, as well as the party, to say nothing about it. It can be explained in this way: For many years it was customary for the Legislature to elect a State Printer. The State Printer was not a man supposed to have any knowledge of printing, but was one who was rewarded simply and solely for party service. The State prescribed a price for Public Printing to be paid to the State Printer. The State Printer always sublet the work to some printing house, and the printing house would pay to the State Printer fifteen per cent. of the gross amount of the price for the work done. All the State Printer ever did in connection with the work was to receipt his bills and pocket the fifteen per cent. bonus.
Among the State Printers have been P. M. Hale, Capt. S. A. Ashe and Josephus Daniels. It is unnecessary to mention the number of years during which this jobbery prevailed, but it certainly came in with the advent to power of the Democratic party.
Some knowedge of the scheme can be had by reference to a period of years. Take the period of time from 1883 to 1893. The gross amount of State Printing for those years, according to the Auditors' Reports, was $188,332.47. Fifteen per cent. of this amount went into the pockets of the men known as State Printers, and this fifteen per cent. on the gross amount just stated is $28,249.87. This much money was simply looted from the Treasury and given to the favored supporters of the Democratic party. These favored supporters never rendered a single act of service to the State in consideration of this princely pay.
Nor is this all. The term "State Printing" does not include the printing done for a considerable number of the public institutions of the State. For instance, the Agricultural Department has an immense amount of printing done every year, but it is paid for out of the special fund provided for the support of the Department, and while the cost of the printing for that Department is shown in its reports, that cost is not included in the amount shown to be spent for Public Printing in the Auditors' Reports. This same rule applies to the Insane Asylums of the State, the Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institutions and about all other State institutions. The State makes annual appropriations for these institutions, and they pay for their printing out of their special appropriations. But the Democratic State Printer never failed to get his fifteen per cent. on every job of work done for every public institution.
It is not easy to estimate the cost of the printing for these institutions for a long term of years, but it is very reasonable to say that it amounted to $12,000 from 1883 to 1893. So it easily appears that the amount paid for Public Printing from 1883 to 1893, will equal, if not exceed, two hundred thousand dollars ($200,000). Fifteen per cent. of this amount is thirty thousand dollars ($30,000), and this has gone into the pockets of the great Democratic "State Printers" from 1883 to 1893.
The same rule prevailed from 1876 to 1883, and during these years the amount of looting and boodle must have equalled what the Democratic party took from 1883 to 1893, because the jobbery was worse during those years than during the later period.
Of course there were aspirants at every session of the Legislature for the office of Public Printer. The job was so easy and the pay so munificent that the struggle among the Democratic spoilsmen was always tricky, vindictive, fierce and especially scandalous. This struggle finally reached the point at which cowhiding, cane thrashing and fisticuffs in the Capitol itself occurred among the candidates, and the jobbery became so openly vile and scandalous, that even a Democratic Legislature concluded it best to temporarily eliminate the jobbery feature of it, and this was done for two years of the Democratic
For seven of the years from 1883 to 1893, Josephus Daniels was State Printer. He was elected to that "high office" by manipulating a deal with the independent members of the Legislature of 1887, when John R. Webster was speaker. The cost of Public Printing during these seven years amounted to $125,024.91. The work was usually done by printing houses in Raleigh, which houses turned over to Josephus Daniels, State Printer, fifteen per cent. on the gross amount. Daniels' share of this job, therefore, for the seven years of his occupancy of the office, was $18,753.73. And if to this be added the fifteen per cent. on the work done for the various public institutions during that time, the amount of boodle pocketed by him will easily amount to twenty thousand dollars ($20,000).
For this snug little fortune, grabbed from the treasury of the people and passed into the pockets of the "State Printer," not a single act of service was ever done for the State. This was his pay for the same work he is now doing, and that work, on the one hand, was to declare to the public, through the papers which he edited, that the Democratic party was honest, while it was looting the treasury and stealing the public fund in the various ways illustrated in this pamphlet, and on the other hand, attempting to villify gentlemen of integrity and character, and everybody who ventured to raise a voice against the rascality and scandalous jobbery of the Democratic machine.
Such facts as these clearly explain why the Democratic press and machine is so wildly and desperately trying to arouse the prejudice and inflame the passions of the people by crying "nigger." Of all the purposes of this machine, the greatest purpose is to divert the attention of the people from the
facts of a Democratic record. No record made by that party in this State will stand the clear light of day, or survive the condemnation of honesty and reason.
The Legislature of 1897 provided that the Public Printing should be done under the supervision and management of the Council of State of the present administration, and the management of the printing was begun by the Council of State on July 1st, 1897. The general result shows that there must have been jobbery in this work in addition to the bonus paid to whoever held the soft chair of the great magnificent office of Public Printer. This can be illustrated by a comparison of the figures for some previous years.
For instance, the cost of Public Printing for the first twelve months under the management of the Council of State, the period being from July 1st, 1897, to July
1st, 1898, was $10,280.72. For the six years prior, for the same months, the cost of public printing, was as follows:
|July 1891 to 1892||$ 15,196 68|
|July 1892 to 1893||16,796 46|
|July 1893 to 1894||14,509 19|
|July 1894 to 1895||19,481 52|
|July 1895 to 1896||16,699 87|
|July 1896 to 1897||24,713 58|
This shows that for six years past under Democratic regime, the lowest cost of Public Printing for any one twelve months, from July to July, was $4,228 47 MORE than the cost has been for the first twelve months under the supervision of the present administration, and it shows an average saving for the past six years of more than $7,000 per year.
This does not include a large saving made on the Public Printing for the various State institutions, which institutions pay for their printing out of their regular annual appropriations.
These are facts and figures from the official records--they are carefully compiled and cannot be disputed. No fifteen per cent. bonus has found its way to the pocket of any Democratic party heeler. The money has been paid for service rendered and work done. And now note carefully:
When the Democratic machine was looting the public treasury as above shown, that same machine was squalling "nigger." And while the present anti-Democratic administration is saving the people's money and repudiating jobbery, as above shown, that same Democratic machine is squalling "nigger!"
DO YOU SEE?
A vivid and characteristic illustration of the general recklessness, carelessness and incompetence of Democratic machine administration is afforded by the office of Secretary of State under that regime. The people of the State would be loth to believe a true description--if, indeed, one could be given--of the chaos discovered there by the present State government, and this even after some effort was apparently made to "straighten matters out" before the time for the inauguration of the present administration.
When Secretary Thompson went into the office he proceeded to overhaul things and some of his discoveries were simply amazing! He found letters of old dates--several years back--containing checks, postal notes, postal money orders, greenbacks and specie stuck away here and there. Some of these letters were found in a great pile of waste that had been carelessly dumped into a brick building which was rented by the Democratic machine and called a "warehouse." All these letters were concerning public business, and should have had prompt attention at the time they were received. The checks, money, post-office orders and postal notes should have been promptly accounted for to the State Treasurer. Secretary Thompson, as soon as he could, opened correspondence with the writers of these letters with a view to adjusting the business on which they were written. Some of the writers were thus reached, and the money or checks either returned to them, or the business for which they were forwarded was attended to after a lapse of years. In the old "warehouse" were stowed a lot of book paper, many volumes of Supreme Court Reports, Laws, Journals, etc, bound and unbound, and in the waste was found a tremendous amount of stationery which might have been easily and advantageously used years ago. But a large proportion of it was spoiled and damaged beyond the point of utility. Some "leaks" in the "warehouse" roof let water on the paper stock, Supreme Court Reports and other volumes, and a large portion of all were rotten--not even salable as old waste. A considerable number of the "stray" money-orders and postal notes were sent on to Washington and redeemed by the government, and the amount thus realized promptly turned into the State Treasury, after first having made an effort to find the parties who wrote the letters enclosing them. Some illustrations of the foregoing statement are here presented.
In June, 1891, Mrs. T. C. Green, of Judson, Swain county, wrote to the Secretary of State, inclosing a grant, in which she desired a correction to be made, and sent the money to pay the fee. The letter and money were laid aside and entirely forgotten until Dr. Thompson found them, where they had been placed six years ago.
Mr. George Holmes, of Bowman's Bluff, on December 28, 1892, sent a letter, with papers for land grant, and check for $19.23; the grant was issued in January, 1893, but the check had been pigeon-holed, and there remained until found by Dr. Thompson, in the original envelope. He wrote to Mr. Holmes, and by his direction deposited the check in the bank for collection October 3, 1897.
Mr. Nathan D. Hart, of Bryson City, sent papers for land grant in 1891, together with $6 in money; the papers were out of date and grant could not be issued. The
proper thing for the Secretary of State at that time to have done was to notify Mr. Hart that the grant could not be issued and return the money, but instead, it was pigeon-holed, and six years after found by the present Secretary of State. He corresponded with Mr. D. Hart, and after proper investigation returned him the money by registered letter.
Mr. Wm. H. Oliver, an insurance agent at New Berne, in a letter, dated April 12, 1894, sent to the Secretary of State a check for $25, in payment for an insurance company license for three months. As a license could not be issued for three months, the check should have been returned to Mr. Oliver, with information to that effect. But neither was done until Dr. Thompson found the check and letter, corresponded with Mr. Oliver in regard to the matter and then returned the check to him.
Mr. T. S. McClure, of Shooting Creek, Clay county, sent papers for a grant, enclosing fifty cents in silver. The papers were out of date and grant could not be issued. Mr. McClure should have been notified of this fact, but instead, his letter was thrown aside with money. Dr. Thompson returned Mr. McClure's money October 27, 1897.
A letter dated October 24, 1894, from an insurance man in Virginia, enclosing a check for $45.00 in payment of insurance taxes, was received at the Secretary's office. Both were laid aside and neglected until Dr. Thompson discovered them in a pigeon hole of the Secretary's desk. The check was considered uncollectible. This was a loss to the State, and while the amount in itself is seemingly small, it reveals the carelessness and negligence of the conduct of that office.
In another place a check was found drawn in favor of Mr. H. M. Ramseur, by Mr. A. B. Fortune, on the Western Carolina Savings Bank, dated March 19, 1889, and endorsed on the back by H. M. Ramseur. This check had evidently been sent in payment of some license or fee. It was laid aside and never saw the light of day since that date until found by Dr. Thompson. The check is now considered worthless.
On January 22, 1895, Mr. W. B. Copeland, of Big Oak, Moore county, sent papers for land grant enclosing $3.00 in cash to cover expenses of having the grant properly recorded. This letter was also unearthed, and the Secretary wrote to Mr. Copeland for some information in regard to the matter. The following is Mr. Copeland's reply:
BIG OAK, N. C., Oct. 6, 1897.
Mr. Cyrus Thompson, Secretary of State.
DEAR SIR:--In reply to yours of the 5th inst., I will say that I sent those plots and $3.00 and got Coke's registered receipt for same; that is the last I ever heard of it until to-day. I wrote enclosing stamp for answer, but never heard anything from money or papers. I would say to you, that I want my grant as soon as possible. If there is anything wrong or anything lacking, let me hear at once. Please let me hear from you as soon as this comes to hand, as I am anxious to know.
W. B. COPELAND.
In May, 1895, Mr. Turner Turpin, of Whittier, N. C., mailed a letter to the Secretary of State containing some papers for a land grant, and also a money-order for $4.63, the necessary fee to cover the cost. This letter was thrown in the "scatter" and forgotten. About a year later the post-office authorities called the Secretary's attention to the fact that an unpaid money-order was in the post-office, whereupon the Secretary had a duplicate money-order issued and received the money in April, 1896. The original letter, with order, was found by Dr. Thompson, who wrote to the sender, and, after full investigation, learning that no service had been performed by his predecessor, he returned the money to Mr. Turpin.
On January, 26, 1895, Mr. D. Stradley, entry-taker of Henderson county, sent to the Secretary of State, for Mr. J. J. McCall, papers for grant for forty-four acres of land, inclosing a post-office order for $7.50 The original letter, with papers and money-order, were found in the general "scatter." Dr. Thompson finally effected an adjustment of this matter.
Among other things that Dr. Thompson found in overhauling his office were postal notes to the amount of $16.86; a post-office order from Kinston, but he was unable to learn what this money was sent for or to what fund it should be credited. He also found a post-office order for $3.43 from Mr. W. A. Hendricks, of Mocksville, in May, 1893. A duplicate was issued and paid to the Secretary of State.
The above are a few samples taken at random, of the carelessness with which the business of one of the most important offices of the State has been conducted under Democratic management. It is not necessary to use space in extending the illustrations, though they are not wanting in number. There are enough to fill a book. By such negligence both the State and public have suffered. But this is not all of the misdoings under Democratic administration of the Secretary of State's office. The foregoing are not the only evidences that can be shown of carelessness, irregularity and incompetence in the conduct of this department of State under Democratic rule.
Section 3070 of the Code plainly lays down a rule and requirement which should always be observed. That requirement is as follows:
"Sec. 3070. The Secretary of State shall furnish to the Auditor, on the first of each month, a statement in detail of the taxes and license fees received by him under this chapter during the previous month, and shall pay to the Treasurer the amount in full of such taxes and license fees."
Was this law complied with under Democratic regime?
The Democratic records of the office of Secretary of State are so incomplete as to make it impossible to get from that office any accurate information for any considerable length of time back, but the records there, together with the records of other departments, afford an illustration of how loosely the law was followed by Secretary Cooke.
Mr. Cooke was inaugurated on September 2, 1895. The accounts upon which he made returns into the Treasury are: "Fees," "Seal Tax," "Insurance Tax," "Insurance License," "Sale of Laws and Journals," and "Sale of Supreme Court Reports." On these accounts he collected and paid into the State Treasury as follows:
|Feb. 29, 1896.||Collected to this date||$ 21,643 76|
|Feb. 29, 1896.||Paid State Treasurer today||3,392 68|
|April 29, 1896.||Leaving in hand||$ 18,251 08|
|April 29, 1896.||Collected since February 29th||28,896 69|
|April 29, 1896.||Making total amount on hand||$ 47,147 77|
|April 29, 1896.||Paid to State Treasurer to-day||35,517 22|
|July 31, 1896.||Leaving in Secretary's hands||$ 11,630 55|
|July 31, 1896.||Collected since April 29, 1896||7,755 70|
|July 31, 1896.||Making total amount in hand||$ 19,386 25|
|July 31, 1896.||Paid Treasurer to-day||14,200 02|
|Nov. 30, 1896.||Leaving in Secretary's hands||$ 5,186 23|
|Nov. 30, 1896.||Collected since July 31||7,762 69|
|Nov. 30, 1896.||Making total in hand||$ 12,948 92|
|Nov. 30, 1896.||Paid into Treasury to-day||10,400 83|
|Feb. 12, 1897.||Leaving in hands of Secretary||$ 3,542 09|
|Feb. 12, 1897.||Collected since November 30, 1896||962 27|
|Feb. 12, 1897.||Making a total of||$ 3,504 36|
|Feb. 12, 1897.||Turned over to successor this day||3,504 36|
The Secretary of State collected on account of "Redemption of Land sold for Taxes," as follows: November 9th, 1895, $63.17; August 18th, 1896, $13.04; September 10th, 1896, $310.37; making a total of $386.58 received on this account, none of which was turned into the Treasury until after the inauguration of Secretary Thompson.
This shows that the law requiring a detailed statement of receipts on the first of each month was utterly disregarded by the former official (Cooke), and yet his management seems to have been much better than that of preceding officials. Carelessness! Negligence!! Incompetence!!! Which? No such irregularity and confusion is possible in any State Department now.
Irregularity may be further illustrated by returns made of sales of Supreme Court Reports for a number of years back. These returns show the following:
|1897, by Cooke||516 09|
|1897, by Thompson||2,617 45|
|1898, to July 31st||2,074 69|
All these figures are taken from the books of the State Treasurer.
Well, what next? Besides the intelligence, competence and regularity of the reports now made monthly according to law, which characterize the present administration, it appears that the office of Secretary of State is turning into the State Treasury a vastly larger
|1893, Coke, Secretary of State||$47,474 21|
|1894, Coke, Secretary of State||49,738 10|
|1895, Coke and Cooke, Secretaries of State||48,082 60|
|1896, Cooke, Secretary of State||63,548 26|
|1897, Thompson, Secretary of State||91,552 71|
Here it appears that Secretary Thompson, during his first year in office, reported to the State Treasury nearly thirty thousand dollars more than a Democratic regime
ever paid in in any one year. To take an average for a long term of years, the showing for the Democratic regime is bad--very bad. Here is the average.
First period, from January 1, 1881, to Coke's last payment, May 31, 1895, just fourteen years and five months:
|Total payments||$396,474 43|
|Average per year||27,501 16|
|Average per month||2,291 76|
Second period, from last payment of Coke, May 31, 1895, to the inauguration of Dr. Thompson, January 12, 1897, one year, seven and two-fifth months, covering Cooke's time.
|The payments were||$82,130 50|
|Average per year||50,802 42|
|Average per month||4,233 53|
Third period, from January 12, 1897, to July 31, 1898, one year, six and three-fifth months, under Thompson.
|The amount was||$163,356 14|
|Average per year||105,326 40|
|Average per month||8,777 20|
These figures show the actual collections of Secretary Thompson, the amount turned over to him by Secretary Cooke being placed to Cooke's credit.
In the foregoing, plain, incontrovertible facts are given. Their significance is left to the reflection and conclusion of the public. The Democratic machine tries to "clear things up" by claiming a large increase in the lines of business from which the Secretary of State collects this revenue. It is perfectly natural that business should increase when the blight and blast of a Democratic machine administration is lifted from State and nation, and if there has been such an increase of business in this State since that machine was retired from the responsibilities of government, it is logically plain that said machine ought never to be allowed to govern again.
But "increase of business" does not explain away the wild incompetence and carelessness shown by the letters referred to in the beginning of this chapter.
The Secretary of State kept no books before September, 1895. There is no way to tell how much was collected all those years.
"Increase of business" does not explain away the carelessness and negligence in the matter of making monthly reports as required by law, as shown by figures quoted. It does not explain the failure to pay over for sale of Supreme Court Reports in 1892 and 1894.
And since "increase of business" does not explain these matters, the people can
judge for themselves as to whether it explains away the vast difference in the
returns made by the Democratic machine, and in the returns made by the present administration.
|Gross earnings from operation||$1,592,217 93|
|Less operating expenses||1,148,772 59|
|Income from operation||$443,445 34|
|Deductions from income--|
|Rents paid for lease of road||$266,000 00|
|Total deductions from income||290,820 16|
|Net income||$152,625 18|
Now examine these figures. To begin with, "operating expenses" are first deducted from the entire amount of earnings. These operating expenses include the proportionate part of the big salaries paid to all railroad officials, so the first
item the big railroad syndicate gets out of this deal is big salaries for themselves and all salaries paid to employees. This leaves over $443,000 of profits to be divided up in some way. The next item the railroad syndicate gets by this deal is what it calls the "rent" or "lease" money, but which is really
six and one-half per cent. on the capital stock of the road, amounting to $266,000. (It will be $286,000 in 1902). Now does it not seem that big salaries and six and one-half per cent. profit on the investment combined ought to satisfy any reasonable public business concern? But does it? Let's see!
The next item the railroad syndicate gains by this deal is the
taxes on the road, and then there plainly appears to be an arrangement by which big salaries, free rent and free taxes are all gained by the big railroad syndicate in the great "midnight 99-year lease." There are but few concerns on this earth that can make bargains and deals by which they can get the use of valuable property free, and get big salaries for using it besides. But that is what has been accomplished by the Democratic machine and the railroad syndicate. Is this all? Let's see!
Besides the free rent, the free taxes and the
big salaries, this railroad syndicate gained over one hundred and fifty thousand dollars cool net cash for the year 1897 according to its own report; and it thus clearly appears that the Southern Railway is charging and collecting tolls from the people heavy enough to pay big salaries, all rents, all taxes and then have more than $150,000 to divide up among the Rosthchilds, Pierpont Morgan, campaign funds, etc. All this is to go on for 99 years! Population will increase, business enterprises will multiply along the road, passenger travel and freight shipments will be greatly augmented during this period of three generations, and there is no estimating what the earnings of this road may be before the expiration of 99 years. But if there should be no increase at all, the final result will be that the syndicate will rake in from the people the stupendous sum of about FIFTEEN MILLION DOLLARS, besides big salaries, rents and taxes.
And this is what the Democratic machine says is right. It said so when it made the "midnight 99-year lease." It said so when it voted almost solidly in the Legislature of 1897 to prevent any interference with this "lease." It said so by assembling "The Great Railroad Lawyer Convention" in Raleigh on June 25, 1898. It says so now when it makes a fusion with this big syndicate for the purpose of further pillaging and plundering the people.
And now note carefully.
While all this was being done and is now going on, the Democratic machine is crying "nigger" with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
Perhaps the object of the most unanimous attack and the subject of the greatest number of lies by the Democratic machine press, during the last sixteen months, has been the State Penitentiary. That institution affords the wildest illustrations of the extravagance, corruptness, incompetence and barbarity of the Democratic machine, and that machine dreads the exposure, which will be made here more, perhaps, than anything else. Democratic machine managers have always known that the management of the Penitentiary under their regime has been persistently disgraceful, scandalous and outrageous, but it was careful to suppress the truth about it. When the management went into the hands of the present administration the Democratic machine knew that if conditions should
remain only half as bad as they had always been, and such conditions could be exposed, great campaign thunder could be created therefrom.
The fusilade began when there was a scandal in which Dr. Kirby Smith figured. Now, Kirby Smith was a Democrat. He had never been anything else. He was appointed to the position he held by Dr. J. L. Kirby, another Democrat who has medical charge of the Department of Criminal Insane at the Penitentiary, and the result is that the anti-Democratic administration has learned a severe lesson on the utter folly and foolishness of permitting the appointment of Democrats to any position. This lesson will not have to be learned TWICE. From then on the Democratic machine kept up its fusilade of distortion and misrepresentation, hoping thereby to draw attention from its old regime.
From 1876 to 1896--twenty years--the Democratic machine controlled this
not be sustained if they were not made, and prove that the machine did not think the institution was self-sustaining, or could be made so. Yet in the face of this fact some Democratic machine papers declared in 1897 that "the Penitentiary has been so long self-sustaining," etc. This declaration was in connection with some other statement in which an effort was made to show that the thing was sinking, under the present administration, thousands of dollars and going to eternal smash. The truth is that the Legislature of 1897 did not appropriate a cent for the Penitentiary, and it was perhaps the first Legislature that ever met since the institution was established without making such an appropriation. Still the Penitentiary is in existence, and is being ably and efficiently conducted, and is in better shape and condition physically, morally and financially than it has ever been. The Penitentiary passed from the hands of the Democratic machine April 1, 1897, and Capt. John R. Smith became Superintendent, and at that time the conditions were simply disgraceful. The Legislature of 1897 had made no appropriation for the Penitentiary, and with only $1,783.10 in the Treasury and $127.72 in the drawer, and as shown by Mr. Leazer's report on pages 22 and 89 for the year 1896, his figures, the Penitentiary started the first of January with $20,061.27 less in farm products on hand than the Penitentiary started with the first of January, 1896. In his estimate of farm products on hand the first of January, 1897, Mr. Leazer puts the total value of the cotton on hand, as a part of the farm products, at $77,111, when in fact the cotton actually sold for $71,533.16. He deducts $29,000 from the $77,111, the amount drawn on the cotton, and thus the Penitentiary was charged with having on hand in cotton the first of January, 1897, $48,000. On January 5th Mr. Leazer drew $8,000 more on the cotton, leaving cotton on hand and charged to the Penitentiary at a valuation of $40,111, when, in fact, the cotton remaining on hand when sold only brought $36,533.16. The total amount of the cotton sold by Capt. Smith brought only $20,558.38, Mr. Leazer having drawn out before the first of April $50,426.68. These figures show that on the first of April, 1897, there was only $20,558.38 in cotton on hand, and in the Treasury $1,783.10, and in the drawer $127.72. Total with which to start business the first of April, $22,469.16. The amount expended for horses and in paying the bills of Mr. Leazer more than consumed the cotton on hand and the cash turned over to Capt. Smith. On all the farms there were a number of worn out horses and mules, some of them badly crippled and useless, although they had been valued on the first of January, 1897, from $75 to $100 per head. They were condemned as useless by Leazer's Supervisors who were in charge at the time Smith took control. Seventeen of those that could be moved were sent to Castle Hayne and a partial crop made with them. After the crops were made the Chairman of the Executive Committee ordered them sold, and if no one would have them, to kill them. They were sold to Mr. D. A. Grantham at a nominal price. There were a number of others so worthless that the Supervisors were directed to get rid of them to the best advantage. Three old mules were traded by one of the Supervisors for one horse; one at Anson for a cow; one at Halifax was such a mass of sores that he could not be sold, and was given away to avoid having him killed. At the Halifax farm there was a thirty-horse power engine and saw mill in almost a worthless condition. A large per cent, of all the tools and farming implements were broken and useless, and badly scattered over the farms. Few wagons were in fairly good condition, and most of the machinery was in like bad order. The cotton gins were so out of repair that new gins had to be supplied. There was scarcely a week's supply of provisions on hand anywhere, and on some of the farms no corn and fodder or other forage. (This statement corresponds with the report made by Mr. Leazer in January, 1897, in which he says, "The corn saved will be sufficient till Spring.") In the face of such a situation as this, Mr. Leazer, who knew he would not long remain Superintendent of the Penitentiary, walked around the Legislative halls, claiming that no appropriation was necessary for 1897. Yet the records show that in 1895 Mr. Leazer asked for $50,000, and obtained an appropriation of $44,158.71. It would be interesting to know why this was appropriated to an institution that was self-supporting! The records also show that he obtained for 1896 an appropriation of $25,000, and later an additional appropriation of $5,000. And yet this man who had been persuading Democratic Legislatures to make him appropriations was before the Legislature of 1897 stating that no appropriation was necessary. The management of the Penitentiary for 1897 and 1898 under the present administration has been such as promises, in ACTUAL FACT, what the Democratic machine was always claiming, when, at the same time, it was sinking thousands of dollars annually--that is, a self-supporting Penitentiary. In order that the public may judge for themselves of the conditions as they exist to-day, a statement and estimate of the probable condition of the Penitentiary at the close of the year 1898 is here given: In his report to the Board of Directors for 1896, Superintendent Leazer stated that "the area cultivated in all crops this year is estimated to be 11,300 acres; that the average number of convicts this year is only 1,198." The number of acres during the years 1897 and 1898 (present administration), not including garden, cane and potato patches which will amount, this year, to 240 acres, is as follows:
MATERIAL CONDITION IN 1898.
Oats and Wheat.
Caledonia, No. 1
Caledonia, No. 2
not be sustained if they were not made, and prove that the machine did not think the institution was self-sustaining, or could be made so. Yet in the face of this fact some Democratic machine papers declared in 1897 that "the Penitentiary has been so long self-sustaining," etc. This declaration was in connection with some other statement in which an effort was made to show that the thing was sinking, under the present administration, thousands of dollars and going to eternal smash. The truth is that the Legislature of 1897 did not appropriate a cent for the Penitentiary, and it was perhaps the first Legislature that ever met since the institution was established without making such an appropriation. Still the Penitentiary is in existence, and is being ably and efficiently conducted, and is in better shape and condition physically, morally and financially than it has ever been.
The Penitentiary passed from the hands of the Democratic machine April 1, 1897, and Capt. John R. Smith became Superintendent, and at that time the conditions were simply disgraceful.
The Legislature of 1897 had made no appropriation for the Penitentiary, and with only $1,783.10 in the Treasury and $127.72 in the drawer, and as shown by Mr. Leazer's report on pages 22 and 89 for the year 1896, his figures, the Penitentiary started the first of January with $20,061.27 less in farm products on hand than the Penitentiary started with the first of January, 1896. In his estimate of farm products on hand the first of January, 1897, Mr. Leazer puts the total value of the cotton on hand, as a part of the farm products, at $77,111, when in fact the cotton actually sold for $71,533.16. He deducts $29,000 from the $77,111, the amount drawn on the cotton, and thus the Penitentiary was charged with having on hand in cotton the first of January, 1897, $48,000. On January 5th Mr. Leazer drew $8,000 more on the cotton, leaving cotton on hand and charged to the Penitentiary at a valuation of $40,111, when, in fact, the cotton remaining on hand when sold only brought $36,533.16. The total amount of the cotton sold by Capt. Smith brought only $20,558.38, Mr. Leazer having drawn out before the first of April $50,426.68.
These figures show that on the first of April, 1897, there was only $20,558.38 in cotton on hand, and in the Treasury $1,783.10, and in the drawer $127.72. Total with which to start business the first of April, $22,469.16. The amount expended for horses and in paying the bills of Mr. Leazer more than consumed the cotton on hand and the cash turned over to Capt. Smith.
On all the farms there were a number of worn out horses and mules, some of them badly crippled and useless, although they had been valued on the first of January, 1897, from $75 to $100 per head. They were condemned as useless by Leazer's Supervisors who were in charge at the time Smith took control. Seventeen of those that could be moved were sent to Castle Hayne and a partial crop made with them. After the crops were made the Chairman of the Executive Committee ordered them sold, and if no one would have them, to kill them. They were sold to Mr. D. A. Grantham at a nominal price.
There were a number of others so worthless that the Supervisors were directed to get rid of them to the best advantage. Three old mules were traded by one of the Supervisors for one horse; one at Anson for a cow; one at Halifax was such a mass of sores that he could not be sold, and was given away to avoid having him killed. At the Halifax farm there was a thirty-horse power engine and saw mill in almost a worthless condition. A large per cent, of all the tools and farming implements were broken and useless, and badly scattered over the farms. Few wagons were in fairly good condition, and most of the machinery was in like bad order. The cotton gins were so out of repair that new gins had to be supplied.
There was scarcely a week's supply of provisions on hand anywhere, and on some of the farms no corn and fodder or other forage.
(This statement corresponds with the report made by Mr. Leazer in January, 1897, in which he says, "The corn saved will be sufficient till Spring.")
In the face of such a situation as this, Mr. Leazer, who knew he would not long remain Superintendent of the Penitentiary, walked around the Legislative halls, claiming that no appropriation was necessary for 1897. Yet the records show that in 1895 Mr. Leazer asked for $50,000, and obtained an appropriation of $44,158.71. It would be interesting to know why this was appropriated to an institution that was self-supporting! The records also show that he obtained for 1896 an appropriation of $25,000, and later an additional appropriation of $5,000. And yet this man who had been persuading Democratic Legislatures to make him appropriations was before the Legislature of 1897 stating that no appropriation was necessary.
The management of the Penitentiary for 1897 and 1898 under the present administration has been such as promises, in ACTUAL FACT, what the Democratic machine was always claiming, when, at the same time, it was sinking thousands of dollars annually--that is, a self-supporting Penitentiary.
In order that the public may judge for themselves of the conditions as they exist to-day, a statement and estimate of the probable condition of the Penitentiary at the close of the year 1898 is here given:
In his report to the Board of Directors for 1896, Superintendent Leazer stated that "the area cultivated in all crops this year is estimated to be 11,300 acres; that the average number of convicts this year is only 1,198."
The number of acres during the years 1897 and 1898 (present administration), not including garden, cane and potato patches which will amount, this year, to 240 acres, is as follows:
Total all crops 10,099 acres for 1897.
The average number of convicts from January 1st to July 1, 1897, was 1,143.
|1898.||Cotton.||Corn.||Peanuts.||Oats and Wheat.||Peas.||Rice.|
|Caledonia, No. 1||1,050||1,300||275||25|
|Caledonia, No. 2||1,050||1,000||125||300|
Total all crops 1,257 acres for 1898.
The average number of convicts from January 1, 1898, to July 1, 1898, was 1,050.
So it appears that with 1,198 convicts, 11,300 acres were cultivated on the State farms in 1896 under Democratic regime, while with 1,050 convicts 12,257 acres are being cultivated on the State farms in 1898 under an anti-Democratic administration. In addition to this, during 1898 there have been carried on railroad work with ninety hands, a shirt manufactory with an average of thirty State convicts, and brick-making with an average of twenty, all of whom are included in the 1,050 convicts reported.
The various crops on the farms at this time are better than they have ever been before. Of course it is possible for them to be damaged by storm or freshet. But on the basis of their present appearance a very conservative estimate shows the reasonably probable condition that the Penitentiary will be in on January 1, 1899:
|Indebtedness to August 20, 1898||$ 90,000|
|Probable indebtedness from August 20th to January 1, 1899|
|Commutation for convicts||1,250|
|Total to January, 1899||$136,500|
|From U. S. Government for supporting Federal prisoners||$ 5,000|
|Wheat (in excess of what will be needed)||2,000|
|Corn on hand||4,000|
|Estimate of cotton growing--3000 bales||60,000|
|Cotton seed--80,000 bushels||8,000|
|Bills due and collectible||1,500|
|Total resources to January 1, 1899||$146,500|
The above figures are extremely conservative, the lowest probable prices being estimated, and the lowest probable yield of crops being stated. Yet there appears to be a well assured balance of $10,000 in favor of the Penitentiary.
There has not been a dollar of appropriation. The institution has run entirely on its own credit and resources for 1897 and 1898. The above estimate takes no account of garden products, potatoes, fodder, straw, hay, sorghum, etc., a large amount of which will be on hand at the end of the year.
No such favorable showing has ever been made before, and no such showing could ever be made under Democratic machine management.
The marvelously peculiar business ability of the Democratic machine in connection with the Penitentiary is exemplified by some of its bargains. Here is an illustration: In Northampton county the machine leased a tract of land for a State farm for a term of ten years. The tract consists of about 1,200 acres in round numbers. The taxable value of this tract is fixed at $5,467 dollars--less than five dollars per acre. The lease provides for a payment of twelve hundred and fifty dollars ($1,250) per year, or something over one dollar per acre per year, and provides that the tract may be purchased, if desired, for fifteen thousand dollars ($15,000).
An analysis of this magnificent business bargain shows the following:
The Penitentiary pays rent at the rate of more than twenty-one per cent. on the taxable value of the land.
The amount of rent paid would buy the land in less than five years at its taxable value.
The tract which is valued at $5,647 is offered to the Penitentiary for $15,000.
In Anson county the machine leased 946 acres of land from R. T. Bennett for a term of ten years. The taxable value is reported at about three dollars per acre. The lease provides for a payment of nine hundred and forty-six dollars ($946) per year, or one dollar per acre per year, and provides that the tract may be purchased, if desired, at nine dollars per acre.
An analysis of this bargain shows the following:
The Penitentiary pays rent at the rate of more than thirty per cent. on the taxable value of the land.
The amount of rent paid would buy the land in less than four years at its taxable value.
The tract which is valued at about $3,000 is offered at sale to the Penitentiary for about $8,500.
These two transactions illustrate the general business ability of the Democratic machine. The judgment on that ability is left to the people.
During the first year of the present State administration the Democratic machine press of the State raised a great cry about the Executive abuse of the pardoning power. These sheets charged that the Governor was depopulating the Penitentiary at a most rapid rate; that he was turning out upon the public, thieves and robbers and murderers just as fast as the clerks in the executive office could prepare pardons for them; that the lives and property of the people were in danger of utter destruction at the hands of the Governor and his liberated felons; that Russell's administration was most flagitious and wicked in comparison with that of the able, elegant and saintly Elias Carr, who guarded the Penitentiary with jealous care, and never turned any one out of prison who was below the degree of a persecuted saint. The following facts, taken from the official records, will show how the Democratic liars outdid themselves in this instance:
|First year of his administration||36|
|Second year of his administration||47|
|Third year of his administration||68|
|Fourth year of his administration||56|
Or an average per year of 51¾.
|First year of his administration||51|
These figures include both jail and penitentiary pardons.
It will be seen that the present Governor lacks just three-fourths of a pardon of doing as badly during the first year of his administration as that saintly Governor, Elias Carr, did upon an average each year of his able, faultless and immaculate management! Oh, that Elias could have been just a little more virtuous, or that the Democratic papers could have been less able and enormous liars than they are! Then, verily, the party of broken faith and bankrupt manhood would not have been in the hole they now find themselves struggling in.
The Democratic machine press has had much to say about the escapes of convicts from the Penitentiary, and every such incident has been heralded far and wide as an evidence of the "lax," "incompetent" management of the same by the present administration. Well, here are some official figures on that score of the two administrations. Some years and the number of escapes are as follows:
The average number of escapes per year under the Democratic machine for the past ten years has been fifty-six, while the number of escapes for the first year of the present administration, 1897, was only forty. And thus does the Democratic machine illustrate and condemn its own "lax and incompetent" management.
The average number of deaths from disease for each year of the last ten years of Democratic regime was fifty-seven.
The number of deaths from disease during the first year of the present administration was only nineteen.
If all the truth and facts could be told concerning the prison management of the Democratic machine while it controlled the Penitentiary, the people would be shocked and dazed from one end of the State to the other.
No greater change and improvement have occurred anywhere than in this institution during the past eighteen months. The condition of the prisoners shows a vast improvement. Instead of the surly, unkempt crowd seen under the Democratic regime, the prisoners are now tidy and clean.
A very strong commendation of the cleanliness and good management of the prison is the fact that, after an examination of all the Southern prisons by U. S. Government inspectors, the inspectors recommended that this be made the repository for Federal prisoners from North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, etc. No such stamp of approval would have ever been given the prison under the conditions that formerly prevailed.
Another evidence of the vast improvement in the management is shown by the fact that under the last four years of Democratic management the death rate was forty-one per cent. per thousand, while under the present management the death rate has been reduced to nineteen per cent.
The sanitary condition of the State Prison under the present administration is admirable. On going through the whole vast building, from kitchen to dormitories, everything is found to be neat and spotlessly clean. A weekly bath is compulsory. Prisoners are ordered to report to the physician when complaining of feeling unwell, and many cases of illness are thus checked in a nascent state.
For the custom under the former administration, see the evidence further on.
During the month of August a visit was made to the Penitentiary, and by permission of the Warden, some inquiries were made of employees who have been in service for a number of years, and also of convicts.
One of the first items of peculiar information elicited was the fact that under the former administration, the general public was never admitted to the women's department. No reason could be learned for this rule, but an official who has shown hundreds of visitors through declares that it
was the rule.
The information generally given to questions would turn the stories of cruelty to Siberean exiles green with envy. The convicts were asked: "Have you any complaint to make of the treatment you have received and receive now? Is there any difference? If so, what?"
"As nearly as I can draw a comparison," said an intelligent life-term white convict, "the difference is as great as that between night and day." "We used to be treated as brutes, but now as human beings," declared the life-termer.
"Of course there are the necessary restraints of prison," answered a white man, "but otherwise we are treated as well as can be."
An old negress declared, "It is not now as it used to be. This is heaven to what it used to be!"
One old fellow who is serving a life sentence, facetiously remarked, "I know I ought to be here, but if ever the Democrats get in again, I hope the Lord or the Governor one will take me out."
For a number of years before the Penitentiary changed hands there were rumors, vague and uncertain, of brutal treatment of the prisoners. Several attempts to prove cruelty resulted badly for the informing convicts--for instances see the Green and Cunningham evidence under III and IV--and the officers protested against the "sensational reports." Credulous as we were, we accepted their prejudiced and selfish denials; but miserable men and women behind those grim walls knew the truth, while bruised and bleeding bodies proved their knowledge.
To two or three good women, whose husbands were officers under Democratic good (?) government, do many prisoners owe much gratitude for their merciful intercession, and the people at large their thanks for many of these facts. An instance of their intercession will be found in the Wright case.
Punishment under both administrations consisted in: Confinement to dark cells with only bread and water; ball and chain and flogging; but there is much difference.
For instance, under the former administration when a prisoner was confined to the dark cell, only a small piece of corn bread and one cup of water were furnished each day; one blanket was also given--no bed, and in winter the window was left open. Now, a sufficient supply of bread and water is made and the prisoner has enough bedding to make his condition endurable. Then the whip consisted of two pieces of heavy harness leather, three inches wide, sewed together, that bruised and broke the skin; now a piece of more humane size is used, though seldom. A man by the name of Wadford, who now is connected with a low grog shop in Raleigh, flogged men and women alike. Invariably the back and sometimes more would be bared, and the body swung almost clear of the floor by a rope tied to the manacled wrists, and the whipper would ply the lash.
"How can you whip a woman?" exclaimed a Christian lady one day. "Why," he replied, "that is my delight; I grow fat on it." It is said that now, leaning on the counter he talks to those who listen over the fact that he whipped women on their naked backs.
The treatment of prisoners above spoken of in a general way is attested and emphasized by the following instances.
I. Alf Dodd is a negro serving a term for larceny. He testified: "The food is better and there is plenty of it. Under Capt. Fleming I have gone hungry to work many a day and have actually fainted from exhaustion. If I complained of feeling unwell--not down with sickness--I was not allowed to go to the physician, but made to work, being given a little quinine, maybe. The work was often more than a man could stand."
II. Sam Waters was a crippled negro that had fits. Because he worked slower than the other men on the Caraleigh Cut he was whipped severely and knocked in the head with a shovel. He was hauled to the hospital in an unconscious state in a cart. The men spoke of the overseer's striking men on the head with sticks and shovels as an every day occurrence.
III. Some convict, on leaving the Penitentiary in 1889, told old aunt Charity Cunningham down in Warren that her son, Abe, was being whipped unmercifully. She was terribly disturbed and took the complaint to Col. Cook. Inquiry was made to a Director; the letter was forwarded to the Superintendent; from him to the overseer; and when Abe's time was out a few months later, he reported that the worst beating he had ever had was caused by this inquiry.
IV. Delia Green had an investigation started of the same nature, and as a result she received three terrible whippings.
V. Henry Gunter, a white boy only fifteen years old, was to be flogged for some trivial offence. Having a boil on the lower part of his back, he begged that he should not be struck there. The first brutal blow bursted the boil and the boy fainted.
VI. When Willis Plummer returned to his cabin home in Warren
VII. W. E. Harris, a white prisoner, was shot in the foot while attempting to escape. The wound was dressed and the man confined to the dark cell. The wound made him so ill that for seven days his stomach refused the only food offered him, a bit of corn bread, and he was allowed nothing else. A man starved for seven days!
VIII. Henrietta McGee was ordered by Miss Kennedy, who had a hard heart in a woman's body, to be held in the bath-tub by the attendants while the hot
water was turned over her. This was because the girl was idiotic, and would not talk. From the tub the girl went to the hospital, and from the hospital to the insane asylum.
IX. In 1890, while Jane Morrison was in the wash-house one of the male convicts slipped through a window and attempted to assault her. She did not submit; but both being caught, the man was given the dark cell, and the woman flogged. From the whipping-block she went to the hospital, and from the hospital to the cemetery.
X. John McMahan is an Irish Catholic from the mountains. Homicide in self-defense is almost unquestionably the crime for which he is serving a life sentence. An instance of the man's character is not amiss here. He works incessantly in spare hours in making trinkets which he sells to visitors. When a prisoner who has a good record leaves for home, John gives him part or all his savings with a few words of advice to lead an honest life. "Have you ever been punished?" he was asked, and in reply he gave this terrible tale, which is vouched for, part by part, by a half dozen men:
"During the Spring of 1891, being sickly, I would take a part of my breakfast into my pocket to eat during the day. This I knew was against the rules, but if I did not have something between meals I became faint and unfit for work. One day on leaving the table, from my allowance of two biscuits I slipped one that I did not care to eat into my pocket. Later on Capt. Fleming saw it and asked if I stole it from the kitchen. On receiving a truthful reply, he answered, "You could not have told a bigger lie if you had tried," and ordered me to the dark cell to be whipped. After Mr. Wadford had given me seven licks, Capt. Fleming asked if I would tell the truth then. When I reiterated my statement, he ordered the flogging to be continued. As he could not force me to tell a lie, I was put into the dark cell for twenty-four hours without a bite of bread or a drop of water. After that I was flogged on the four succeeding days and confined to the cell on bread and water. Finally, my back being lacerated and bloody, the physician rescued me and had me made a helper in the hospital." "Not a black mark against him since I have been here," said the Warden. "One must only look into this man's face to know that he speaks the truth; and Capt. Fleming punished him, not with any proof of his guilt, but merely on suspicion."
XI. Andy Winecoff was considered "a bad nigger," and doubtless he was. He had whippings innumerable, and doubtless many were deserved. But it is only of the inhuman treatment that he received on one or two occasions that mention is made here.
Mr. Wadford, the foreman of the shoe-shop and boss whipper, was in the habit of recounting his money every pay day and putting it into an unlocked drawer in the shop. The temptation was too great for Andy; so, one September night in 1896, the $304 disappeared. The theft was traced to Andy and the money recovered. Of course the dark cell and flogging were very justly ordered. When Capt. Wadford appeared with his whip, however, and Andy was being strung up, he begged one request of Capt. Fleming. "What is it?" the Warden asked. "Captain, I deserve a whipping, I reckon," pleaded Andy, "but please don't let Capt. Wadford give it to me. I stole the money from him and he won't be human in the punishment." "Oh, hello!" said Capt. Fleming, "If that's all, go ahead, Mr. Wadford." This plea of old Andy was based, though unconsciously, on a tenet of common law that the man who suffers shall not administer legal punishment. First and last Andy received 105 licks, most of them across the small of his back. Then he was confined to the dark cell for eleven and a half days, during
five of which his back was so raw that he could not lie on it. To-day he is suffering from kidney trouble brought on by the flogging across his kidneys. He has had one whipping under Warden Russell for fighting, and admits that it was deserved. That is the only black mark that he has had for nearly two years.
XII. In 1892 Plunk Daniels, a white man, was incarcerated. One leg was partly paralyzed, so that he could hop along only on the toe. He was ordered to walk firmly on it, but either because the order did not come from one empowered to work miracles or because the prisoner's faith was insufficient, he could not. His sound leg was tied up--the foot doubled back to the hip--and he was swung up by the thumbs for three days, having a choice of standing on a partly paralyzed leg or swinging by the thumbs. During this time he was flogged--one informant says twice, another three times. Finally the prisoner was turned over to the physician who used electricity and liniment with only partial success.
XIII. Arminta Wright, a colored girl, had a fight with another convict during the winter of 1895-96. For punishment Capt. Fleming ordered her hands to be pulled through the bars above her head and then manacled. In this terrible position the wretched girl was kept for five days, only being released at night, until the good wife of one of the officers went to her husband in behalf of the victim. "Mr_____, I cannot stand it," the good woman pleaded. "I shall go crazy if this poor girl's suffering is not relieved." Yielding to his wife's entreaty, the officer released the girl. When Capt. Fleming returned he and this officer had violent words about the matter, and as a result of their quarrel, and for no other cause, Arminta was returned to punishment for five days more. During this time there was a heavy snow on the ground and the prisoner contracted a violent cold which developed into consumption, and in eighteen months the scapegoat of this quarrel died as a result of the disease.
She was given the first Christian burial that ever took place at the Penitentiary.
XIV. Here, perhaps, is one of the saddest as well as the most cruel cases in the record of the prison management. The first night Warden Russell spent at the Penitentiary he was kept awake until nearly dawn by cryings that sounded half beast-like and half human. Upon investigation the next morning he was informed, "Oh, it was nobody but old Abe Hensley." But that would not do for the Warden; he demanded to see the prisoner. With reluctance one of the officers conducted him up stairs and threw open the door of a filthy and foul-smelling cell. There, chained around the right ankle, by an eight-foot chain, a white man paced up and down from corner to corner, like a restless hyena, as he had done for six long years. His food was thrown to him as to a dog and was picked up and eaten savagely in spite of the filth. He had to be tied when shaved, and that operation as well as bathing took place seldom enough. If the demented fellow made too much noise, another convict flogged him with the regulation bull-whip until his back was covered with blood. When the flogger would approach the poor fellow would cry out, "Do you believe in the Lord Jesus Christ? Well, don't whip old Abe! Don't whip old Abe!!" But, in spite of all his pleading, he was beaten like a beast.
Mr. Russell gave him, as a keeper, a good conduct prisoner, had him unchained and treated as a human, washed and shaved once or twice a week, and in two months there was not a more docile prisoner in the Penitentiary. To-day he walks about the Criminal Insane Department entirely harmless and quiet. The attendant bared his back, and there, though eighteen months old at least, are dozens of brutal scars where the lash cut into and bruised the flesh. Around the right ankle there are yet scars and scabs where the anklet wore into the flesh.
XV. Collis Shoemaker was sentenced to five years in the Penitentiary for attempting to burn a jail. Here is her prison history as told by a prominent member of the Womans' Christian Temperance Union, and corroborated by the wife of a Democratic officer:
"I saw the Shoemaker girl when she was first brought to the Penitentiary. She was a strong girl, buxom, and rosy-cheeked, but being called away from Raleigh soon afterwards, I did not see her again until early in January 1894. On going back again I saw Collis in the sewing-room with her head bowed on the the machine. So much changed was she that I scarcely recognized her, and did not until Miss Kennedy called her name. The bloom was all gone from her complexion, and in the hollows of her cheeks one could have placed a guinea egg. Her emaciated frame and sunken eyes told of serious illness, and I asked Miss Kennedy what was the matter with her. "Nothing," she replied, striking the girl's face sharply with her hand, "except laziness. Go to work," she snapped to the girl. As Collis raised her head and began automatically to peddle the machine, I saw that she was in a dying condition. She did not seem to see anything before her, or to know that there was any cloth on the machine, her eyes being set in a dazed way. I remonstrated and asked Miss Kennedy how she dared strike the prisoners so. "Oh, they know better than to hurt me; I would have them killed," she retorted. Collis was soon afterwards taken from the sewing-room, in her dying condition, and cruelly beaten by Wadford, and before day broke her soul had passed before a just Master, where no doubt she found the peace that earth denied her."
These cases are not an exhausted list by any means, but are instanced simply to show what terrible brutality has been practiced here in the very shadow of Christian churches. The present officials do not try to make prison life attractive, nor do they, as some newspapers facetiously charge, feed the men on strawberries and cream, but they do treat the prisoners kindly and firmly and not as brutes. The food and service to us free men seem coarse enough even now, and it is hard to imagine that they ever could have been worse, but there is ample proof of the fact. These acts of brutality mentioned above were done in the central prison. Many of the prisoners declared that the treatment on the farms was far worse, but there has been opportunity and time to gather only these facts. But are they not sufficient to fire the blood of any humane man?
It is possible that in making an almost entire change of officers, some unfit men were secured. It could scarcely have been otherwise in so great a number of new men, but they have been weeded out as fast as possible, and now the administration is giving the best service that has ever been had. NEITHER BLOW NOR LASH HAS BEEN LAID ON A WOMAN'S BACK DURING THE MANAGEMENT OF THE PRESENT ADMINISTRATION.
The foregoing "numbered" statements were collected at the request of a member of the People's Party State Executive Committee, and are substantiated by the following certificate:
RALEIGH, N. C., August 31, 1898.
We, the undersigned, certify that we have read the entire statements above; that we have made such inquiries and elicited such information as to authorize us to assert that we believe them to be true.
JNO. + HOLDERFIELD,
W. H. JOHNSON,
Mr. Holderfield has been in the employ of the Penitentiary for sixteen years. He was on guard duty till January, 1898, since which time he has been engineer.
Mr. Johnson has been in the employ of the Penitentiary four years--three under the Democratic machine administration, and one under the present administration. He is now commander of the guard.
Mr. James Mott is a son of J. J. Mott, of Iredell county, and is now Superintendent of the shirt factory.
The following letter was written for the
The writer of this letter is a Democrat; has always been a Democrat; and has been honored more than once by his party, in both State and Nation.
Tatham was appointed Postmaster at Andrews, in Cherokee county, N. C. in 1893, under the administration of Mr. Cleveland; and, he says, he was appointed through the personal efforts of Hon. W. T. Crawford, at that time a member of Congress from the Ninth District, and at this time a candidate for election to Congress from the same District. Mr. Crawford is looked upon as the Demosthenes of the Democratic party in Western North Carolina, and it is not to be supposed that he would have had one appointed Postmaster in his own district, who was not a good Democrat!
Then, too, the writer of the following letter was honored by his State and the Governor of his State. The records in the Executive office at Raleigh show that Tatham was appointed by Governor Carr, on February 9, 1894, a Justice of the Peace in and for the county of Cherokee, and that this appointment was made upon the recommendation of the Chairman of the Democratic Executive Committee of that county.
These facts are mentioned to show that the statements in the letter which follows are not prompted by political prejudice.
Let the letter speak for itself.
Editor the Register, Asheville, N. C.:
SIR:--I see a piece written in the "Tuckasiege Democrat" by an ex-convict, denouncing the Republican party for their treatment of the State prisoners, and also every Democratic newspaper I can see is doing the same, and calling on the white men of the Western part of the State to come to the aid of their Eastern brethren and place the Democratic party back in power.
Now, Mr. Editor, I am a convict, and no doubt but some will say that because of that no one should pay any attention to what I say, but I am very well known in Cherokee, Clay, Graham, Macon and Swain counties, and whatever my faults may have been otherwise, I was not accused of being a liar, and now I wish to give you a few facts concerning the treatment of us who were so unfortunate as to become prisoners under Democratic rule.
In the first place, we did not expect to be treated as guests of honor, but we did expect to be treated as human beings, but were sadly disappointed. These same Democrats who are "hollerin nigger so loud" made us Western white men eat, sleep and mix up with negroes, without any regard to our color whatever. While I was down sick, unable to get out of bed, I was made to lie side by side with a
big black negro; had to sit at the same table with them, and wash out of the same tub, and instead of putting us white men in a
The overseers were allowed to beat the men out on the works with sticks or anything they chose. I have seen men roll wheelbarrows until they fell exhausted, and the overseer would go up and beat him with a shovel while lying there. I have had chills myself and had to go and lie down in the hot sun half a day with a scorching fever, and not a drop of water would the overseer allow to be given to me because I was not able to work, and, think of it, with water as plentiful as it is, and made by God for us all, I have had to buy water from the negro water-boys, the overseers allowing them to pass us by without giving us a drop unless we chose to pay them for it. I have seen them make a poor fellow who was sick with pneumonia fever break the ice and jump into the ditch and stand half a day when he was not able to work. He had to be carried in, and in three days was dead. Have seen them beat with sticks until they had to be carried to the hospital, and never came out alive. As to what they fed us, it was barely enough to keep us alive. I have seen white men go about over the yard, and to the slop buckets and pick up old mouldy pieces of corn bread, and eat it ravenously, and when we went to the Supervisor and asked him politely to give us something more to eat, he replied by cutting down our meat six pounds a day less than it was. We never knew what it was to draw a piece of manufactured tobacco, and I drew paper and envelopes three times in sixteen months while the Democrats were in control. Two pair of cotton socks a year, in November and March. That was all that they gave us for the year. I suppose, though, that the State allowed us paper, tobacco, etc., but where it went to I can't tell.
And, again, a man's temperature had to be above 100° before they would allow him to stop, and the State doctor (West), never let his hands touch a prisoner. If it was something that compelled him to use his hands, he was careful to put on his gloves first. He couldn't touch a convict, but I suppose he could take hold of the State money all right, which he drew for tending to these same convicts. We were made to sleep in our wet, muddy clothes that we had ditched in all day. Often they would be frozen stiff. Men were locked up in the dark cell for days at a time without food or water, and I saw them lock up a white man for wanting to preach on Sunday, at the same time they allowed the negroes to preach. I can't tell whether the man was competent to preach or not, as I don't believe much in Penitentiary religion, but I just show you the difference that was made. And when the Republicans took charge, the Democratic Supervisor left, carrying off about $50 of the prisoners' money that their people had sent them. They never got a cent of it. But enough of this. I could go on all day and not begin to enumerate the abuses, indignities, etc., which we had to undergo, and while it is not a paradise yet, there has been a wonderful change since the Republicans came into power. They feed us well, treat us more like we were human beings, and they have separated us, the white men and negroes in separate cells, have separate clothes, and treat us entirely different from what the Democrats did, although they are called the negro party.
We get our tobacco and writing material regularly. Instead of being allowed to write home once a month as formerly, we can write every week, or oftener if necessary, and we get our mail every day instead of weekly as heretofore.
Now, there may be some good Democrats in this section of the State, but I have failed to come in contact with them. The Penitentiary officials, and the men who were put over us as models, and to reform us, were a set of coarse, vulgar and
brutish men who had no refinement or gentlemanly principles about them, and I think they are a fair sample of the Eastern Democrats. They are nothing in common with the Western men; are a sordid, selfish lot (so far as I have seen). I know this is pretty rough, but when the same men stand up to my face when they have men in their power, and talk insultingly and disgustingly about my wife and sister without any cause whatever, it is enough to make my blood boil. I see that the people are amazed and shocked at the boldness of the negro editor of Wilmington, and I do not blame them for it, but he is no worse than those low-born white Democrats who use just as bad language about our wives and sisters. All this has been stopped. There is as much difference between the present Warden and former Warden, Mr. Fleming, as there is between day and night, or to be more plain, as there is between a gentleman and a brute.
And now a few words to the Western Democrats. Everybody who knows me, know that I was a partisan, and hot-headed a Democrat as there was in the State, and I have no love for the negro, but if the white men of my section had only undergone the cruelties that I have they would surely never vote another Democratic ticket in North Carolina. Now, doubtless some will say that we are convicts and don't deserve any better treatment. Still we are human beings, and while there are low down and degraded men here, there are others who are undoubtedly innocent of the crimes with which they are charged, and others, under force of circumstances, committed crimes which they deeply regret, and have as good principles as many a man on the outside. If the dead men who are buried on these State farms and in the railroad fills, could only rise up and tell the bitter trials and cruelties of their treatment under the "grand old Democratic party" it would certainly make a dark spot in the State of North Carolina. We hold up our hands in horror at the cruelties practiced on the Siberian exiles, and even go to war over the unjust treatment of the Cubans; but right here in our own civilized country, under the very spires of the churches, have been enacted for years under Democratic rule, cruelties and brutishness by which these other atrocities pale into insignificance. As long back as I can remember the old campaign cry has been for the Western white men to come to the relief of the Eastern Democrats. I do not know whether "negro domination" is as bad as they picture it, but I do know that they deserve no help at our hands. They have no sympathy for us and we should not have any for them. Surely no man who has a friend or relative in this place will ever vote to put the old party back over us, when we would as soon see our coffins as to see them placed over us again.
And now let me say in closing, that while I am a white man, and although I am in prison, I have as much respect and esteem for our women as any man possibly could have, rather than vote for a Democrat who lives east of the old Richmond and Danville Railroad, which crosses the State from Danville, Va., to Spartanburg, S. C., I would vote for the blackest negro in the State of North Carolina. I know this is pretty strong, but God knows I have seen enough to change me, and every other man in the State if they only knew it as I do.
A few more words as to our present Warden and I will worry you no further. He is a gentleman in every respect. I have never seen a man who has more feeling for us unfortunate beings, and he does everything in his power to treat us as fellow men, and to lighten as far as possible our burdens so that we can endure our imprisonment, and throws nothing in the way of our communicating with our loved ones at home and keeping alive the tender ties which bind us together, and which is the only hope or encouragement some of us have to try to live out our sentences. God forbid that such a man as
J. M. Fleming should ever be allowed to take the place which he now fills so well.
Mr. Editor, please publish this as I want the Western people to know these things, and they know I would not tell them if it were not so. I have not written half I could, but this is enough for the present.
TOM W. TATHAM.Raleigh, N. C., August 28, 1898.
And now note carefully.
While all of what is recorded in the Penitentiary chapter has been going on, the Democratic machine has been squalling "Nigger" with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
This chapter will give an illustration of how members of the Democratic machine made a "grab" at the Treasury for quite a snug little "pile," and how a Populist Treasurer nipped the cute little scheme in the bud.
The general oyster laws provide that citizens of the State may enter oyster beds or lands for the purpose of planting oysters thereon, but prohibits citizens from entering or taking exclusive possession of
natural oyster beds. About 1889 the Democratic machine passed a law under which citizens could purchase oyster lands or enter any grounds for the immediate cultivation of shell fish, etc. Under this law a big machine syndicate went to work. The syndicate could only enter ten acres for itself, but it adopted the plan of getting a great number of people to "make entries," then assign their entries to the syndicate. It appears that this did not prove to be as profitable a thing as the machine wanted. Then, in 1893 the machine passed a law by which any citizen who had ever made an entry of oyster lands or beds might be summoned to show that his entry did not include any part of a "natural oyster bed." If it did, the citizen could be made to vacate his claim. It was under this law that the grab was made, and was done in this way:
Summons were made out for hundreds of people to come to court and prove that they did not claim any "natural oyster beds." With each summons a bill of costs was made out against the State for payment. In Pamlico county summons were written in the names of 694 people, and in Carteret county 104 people. The bill of costs for Pamlico county amounted to $4,851.40, and for Carteret county $794.75. Total, $5,611.15.
The work of writing the summons and making out the bills of cost was quietly done, and nobody but the machine grabbers knew anything of the scheme. In 1896 the Democratic machine was knocked out of power in the State, and then the machine grabbers "hustled things up" to get their scheme through before the new administration should be inaugurated in January, 1897. So, in December, 1896, the machine grabbers presented their "bills of cost." A Democratic Auditor drew a warrant on State Treasurer Worth for these bills. The plum was almost in hand, and the grab scheme was about to be a big success. But there was a snap--Treasurer Worth (Populist), held the warrants up, and the scheme missed fire at the last moment.
If care had been taken to summons only such parties as were known to have made entries, there might have been some point of validity in the claims made against the State. But this does not seem to have been the purpose of the grabbers. Their plan was to pile up a big "bill of costs," collect the same and thus line their pockets with the public money; and for this purpose they "summoned" nearly everything in sight and many that were dead, and then presented a bill of costs with each summons regardless of whether the summons had ever been served or not. The bill of cost with each summons ranged from $4.75 to $16.65.
Among the names summoned were:
W. H. Sawyer and wife are in the list with a "bill of costs." Mr. and Mrs. Sawyer affirm that no summons were served on them.
Mr. C. M. Babbitt and wife are on the list with a bill of costs. They say they never had any kind of notice of any summons.
N. B. Augustine is on the list with the perennial bill of costs, though he has been dead six years.
The name of Fred Merritt is on the list. He lived in Pamlico county a short while, and is now a member of the staff of the News and Observer. The claimants charge $7.40 for writing his name on a "bill of costs," though he has never heard any summons in the case.
The name of Noah West is on the list. He died in 1892. The law under which the "bill of costs" is made out was not enacted till 1893.
The names of Sheldon Sawyer, Caroline Sawyer, Ella Sawyer and Sudy Sawyer are all on the list with a "bill of costs" for each, though no summons was ever served on any one of them.
The name of John Fenderson is on the list. He has been dead fifteen years.
Among other names in which summons were written and not served, and yet charged for in the bill of costs, are J. W. Rice, J. W. Miller, Jos. Harper, Lewis Wetherspoon, Nursy Wetherspoon, Christopher Lewis, Harriet Lewis, James Miller, Nettie Miller, M. A. Lewis, Renox Riggs, Tempie Riggs, Benj. McLane, Esther McLane, R. Johnson, A. Johnson, Jane Fenderson, R. D. McCotter (killed in 1892), J. T. Lincoln.
A number of letters were received from parties who were told that summons had been written in their name and "bill of costs" charged, and from among these samples are presented:
BAYBORO, N. C., February 24, 1898.
Hon. W. H. Worth, Raleigh, N. C.
DEAR SIR:--We are informed and believe that our names appear among the list of oyster cases in Pamlico county, N. C. If such be the case, and our names are there, we have this to say: "We are all totally ignorant of the same. We have never made or attempted to make an entry upon any oyster grounds, and we are in no way a party to such claims."
We also see in the list names of people whom we know to have been dead from six to fifteen years, as well as others who live in Beaufort, Craven, Onslow and Jones counties.
We can furnish you with affidavits from the best people of our county corroborating our statement, if you should desire them.
(Signed), D. W. SIMMONS,
CLINTON D. PURGAN,
BAYBORO, N. C., February 25, 1898.
Hon. W. H. Worth, Raleigh, N. C.
DEAR SIR:--I see that my name appears as one of those who entered oyster grounds in this, Pamlico county. I just want to say that if all the names that you have came there as my name did, the whole thing is a fraud; for I never heard of such a thing until I saw it in the paper. I also see the name of John Fenderson as one who had entered oyster grounds. Now, sir, I know that that man has been dead for fifteen years, and lots of other names of people I see in the paper who I
know were dead long before 1893. I hope there may be some way to investigate this whole thing. We people down here feel proud of the stand you have taken in this matter.
Yours, very truly,
BAYBORO, N. C., Feb. 25, 1898.
Hon. W. H. Worth, Raleigh, N. C.:
DEAR SIR:--I see in the last week's Caucasian a list of names purporting to be a list of the oyster cases in this, Pamlico county. I see also that my name appears in the list. This is to say that I never made any entry for oyster grounds nor ever gave any one a right to do so; and further, I never heard that such a case existed in our county. In fact, if there are papers showing that I had such a case, it is forgery and fraud from beginning to end.
Very truly yours,
WM. E. SLADE.
A letter from a well known citizen of Pamlico county states that he found, after consultation with the ex-Sheriff (for 1896), that not over a third of the number of summons were ever served. In fact, concerning some of the summons, the Sheriff and Deputy Sheriff are reported as saying that they simply "threw them under the table," but the "bill of costs" for each and every summons is presented to the State for payment.
All the above information was voluntary.
An official investigation emphasizes and confims the fraudulent character of the claim made against the State in the "bill of costs." More than one hundred persons in addition to those above, in whose names summons were written and "costs" charged, testify that they never made an entry and that no summons was served on them. These names are on file in the office of the State Treasurer, and may be seen by any applicant. A considerable list of names of individuals appears who have been dead several years. The Sheriffs returned at least fifty-eight names as "not in county," yet the bills of cost for these were presented. Many of the summons were sent to the Sheriff of Craven county to be served. He says he does not know how many, and further says that he was advised that he was not bound to serve them without his fee and he left them lying around in his office. But the "bill of costs" was claimed from the State just as though they had been served.
Three hundred and thirty-two summons were found in the office of the Clerk of the Superior Court of Pamlico county and seventy in the Clerk's office of Carteret county. These show no evidence of ever having gone into the hands of the Sheriff at any time. In fact they appear to have been written out by the Clerk's and placed in the files of papers--never having been issued at all. Yet the "bill of costs" in each case was presented to the State by the machine grabbers for payment, and but for the watchfulness of a Populist Treasurer they would have been paid.
More particulars could be given, but the foregoing are sufficient to illustrate clearly the attempted grab, and they show also the character of some grabs that can happen under a Democratic machine regime. It must be remembered that a Democratic Auditor drew a warrant, and the money would now be in the pockets of Democratic machine heelers if a Populist Treasurer had not stopped it. The Democratic machine press ferociously assailed Treasurer Worth for refusing to pay the warrants, and said he ought to be impeached, and this same machine would doubtless impeach him if it had the power to pass sentence on him.
And now it is of some importance to note that the principal attorneys who brought up these big "bills of costs" ($5,611.15) and tried to secure their payment are:
There will be a "glorious" revel and riot in paying these bills if such men as these ever get control of the State again.
The "bill of costs" has not yet been paid by the State, though repeated demands for it have been made on the present administration. It never will be paid until the Democratic machine is put in power again, and then not only this "bill of costs" will be paid, but there will be a return to the policy of pillage and plunder which is so plainly shown by this pamphlet to exist under Democratic machine government.
And now note carefully.
While all this was going on the Democratic machine was squalling "nigger" with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
The election of 1894 and the Legislature of 1895 foretold the doom of the Democratic machine in this State, but while there was some power left in it, it attempted to "fix," everything in sight before all its power was everlastingly gone. The "midnight 99-year lease" is one illustration of what it proceeded to do. It made another grab for the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad, but did not make the attempt at midnight, and the representatives of the people nipped the game.
The capital stock of the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad is one million and eight hundred thousand dollars ($1,800,000). The State owns $1,266,000 of this stock. The road has, for the past three years, paid a dividend of two per cent., and the State's share of this dividend has been $25,332 per year. The machine tried to lease this road to a syndicate for a term of forty years, which syndicate was to pay a dividend on the capital stock of one and one-half per cent. for the first ten years. Under this agreement the State's share of the dividend would have been $18,990, a loss of $6,342 a year for ten years, making a total loss to the State for that period of time of sixty-three thousand four hundred and twenty dollars ($63,420), and as the road was easily making two per cent., it is clear that this sixty-three thousand dollars would have gone into the pockets of the syndicate.
During the next ten years the sydicate was to pay two per cent. dividend. This would have given the State no more than it was already receiving, yet there would have been a period of twenty years in which population would have increased, the country developed, and all lines of business greatly augmented. The road will probably be paying four or five per cent. by that time, but under this deal the State's loss would have been over sixty-three thousand dollars. For the third ten years the syndicate was to pay two and one-half per cent., and for the last ten years of the forty, the syndicate was to pay three per cent.
Ten years ago the road had never paid a cent of dividend. To-day, ten years later, it is paying two per cent. regularly. Ten years from now it will, in all probability, pay four per cent., and yet the machine wanted to lease it to the syndicate for one and one-half per cent. Forty years from now it must easily pay six per cent., for the country through which it runs is rapidly developing, and promises to be a great and progressive section of the State; yet the machine wanted to make a deal by which the syndicate could lease the road at three per cent. forty years in advance.
This is another one of the neat little schemes which the Democratic machine has in "soak," and one it will put into operation when the people elect it to power again. The game was temporarily stopped by a restraining order from Judge Robinson, and the Legislature of 1897 stopped it altogether.
And now note carefully.
While such schemes as this for turning streams of money into a syndicate's pocket was going on, the Democratic machine was squalling "nigger," with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
It is often possible to make a statement of fact in such a way as to distort the truth and leave a totally false impression, and this is one of the schemes being practiced by Democratic speakers and the Democratic machine press. Take an illustration. Suppose a man begins a business. Let us say that the expense of the business for the first year is ten thousand dollars; the business grows, and the second year the expense is fifteen thousand dollars; the third year twenty thousand dollars, and so on. But the business grows better and grows more profitable all the while, and the statement that the expense was more during the third year than during the first year might simply prove that the business was growing in value and acquiring stability and solidarity. Yet, an assertion of an increase in expenses could be made in such a way as to mislead anyone who did not investigate the business closely.
Democratic campaigners are announcing from the stump that during the years 1895; 1896 and 1897 (the years during which the Democratic party have had no control of the Legislature), the expenses of the State have been greater than for any three years during which the Democratic party
did control the Legislature and the State, and then they proceed to cry extravagance, mismanagement, bankruptcy and everything else.
Now let this statement be carefully examined. For the years 1895, 1896, 1897-- anti-Democratic years--the combined expenditures of the State have been $380,000 more than for the years 1892, 1893, 1894--three Democratic years. Well, for the years 1892, 1893, 1894, which were Democratic years--the combined expenditures were $3,573,201; and for the years 1886, 1887, 1888, which were Democratic years, the combined expenses were $2,897,483. So it appears that for
one recent period of three consecutive Democratic years, the expenditures of the State were $675,718 more than for another recent period of three consecutive Democratic years. When this happened did the Democratic campaigners go around the State whooping "extravagance, mismanagement, bankruptcy and everything else?" No, they simply cried "nigger." Nobody was ever informed by these Democratic campaigners as to what was going on in connection with the State's affairs. Now let us take further illustrations:
|Combined expenditures 1883, 1884, 1885||$2,607,030|
|Combined expenditures 1886, 1887, 1888||2,897,483|
|Combined expenditures 1889, 1890, 1891||3,289,434|
|Combined expenditures 1892, 1893, 1894||3,573,201|
The above four periods of three years each, during all of which time the Democratic party was in control of the State, show a steady increase in expenditures,
the increase before the first and last period being $966.171. And yet when an anti-Democratic Legislature authorizes an increased expenditure of $380,000 for three years, these Democratic campaigners squall themselves hoarse, tear their hair, foam at the mouth, and would make the people believe the State is being
run into wreck and ruin. Is not the hypocrisy and rascality of their efforts apparent? Does this not further show that their hope is to mislead and deceive the people by leaving upon them a false impression?
It may not have been so under Democratic rule, but under anti-Democratic administration the increase of expenditures parallels the illustration of the business man whose expenses grow as his business grows and becomes more thoroughly established and solid. With the increase of population comes the necessary increase of public expenditures.
The increase of expenditures for the last three years is practically accounted for in four items.
First, The fact that the years 1895, 1896 and 1897 (anti-Democratic legislative years) include the expenses of TWO SESSIONS of the General Assembly, amounting to about $140,000, while the years 1892, 1893 and 1894 (Democratic legislative years) include the expenses of only one session of the General Assembly.
Second, The amount of $103,000 received from the United States Government as appropriations to the A. and M. College and North Carolina Experiment Station, and paid out to those institutions. This money had been received for some years under Democratic regime, but it was not till 1895 that any official record was made of its receipt or expenditure.
Third, Interest on the State debt $38,805.54. The interest is paid as coupons from State bonds are presented at the Treasury, and the coupons presented during 1895, 1896 and 1897 amounted to $38,805.54 more than what was presented in 1892, 1893 and 1894.
Four, In the increased appropriations made for the public institutions of the State for 1895, 1896 and 1897, such as the North Carolina Insane Asylum at Raleigh, the State Hospital at Morganton, the Eastern Hospital for the colored race at Goldsboro, the State Institutions for the Deaf and Dumb and the Blind at Morganton and Raleigh, the North Carolina College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts at Raleigh, the Colored A. and M. College at Greensboro, the State University, the State Normal and Industrial College for women at Greensboro and like purposes. The public demand on these institutions is continually on the increase. If these demands are met there is an unavoidable necessity for an increase of expenditure. Let these sneaking, hypocritical, lying Democratic campaigners ask the heads of these institutions if the appropriations for them are extravagant and unnecessary. Let them ask Prof. Alderman (Democrat), President of the State University, if the appropriation is too large. Let them ask Prof. McIver (Democrat), President of the State Normal and Industrial College, if the State is too liberal or extravagant toward that institution. Let them ask Mr. John E. Ray (Democrat), Principal of the Institution for the Blind, if the State gives that institution more than it needs. Let them ask Prof. Goodwin (Democrat), Principal of the State School for the Deaf and Dumb, if that institution gets more of the public fund than it knows what to do with. Wonder if President Holladay (Democrat), of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, thinks his school is suffering from a plethora of public cash. Question Dr. Kirby (Democrat), of the Raleigh Insane Asylum. Question Dr. Murphy (Democrat), of the Morganton Hospital, etc., etc. Are they crying extravagance of appropriations and useless expenditure of the public fund?
It is a fact that the appropriations made for the various public State institutions by the Legislatures of 1895 and 1897 were made on the recommendations of leading Democrats who were found at the heads of these institutions, and WHO ARE THERE YET. Would they ask the State for more than was necessary for the proper care
and sustenance of the institutions under their care? If so, are they fit to remain at the heads of these institutions? Answer this question, oh ye lying Democratic campaigners!
Whatever may be said of these Democrats, to whom these institutions are intrusted, as to capacity, etc., they appear to be sadly wanting in the matters of candor and courageous manhood. They come before the Legislature. They make their wants known and submit their official recommendations. These recommendations are approved and what they want in the way of appropriations is granted. Then, when the contemptible, mendacious, lying press of their political party raises the cry of extravagance, they sit mum, quiet and unresponsive, clearly showing that they have made recommendations which they cannot defend, or that they have not the courage to denounce and condemn the partisan falsifying of that press. And it may as well be said here and now that such men are emphatically marked for future consideration.
Special attention should be given by the people to a circumstance connected with the increase in expenditures. If
DEAR SIR:--I bought, many years since, some of the first issues of your State 4 per cent. bonds that mature in 1910, at very much lower rates than they are now selling at, all of which I now hold as a permanent investment, and I consider them equally as good and safe to hold as the U. S. bonds. The coupons on them have always been promptly paid, and a
few days since I bought a few more of your State 4s at 108, and also ten thousand of your State 6 per cents, which mature in 1919, at 129¾, which shows a wonderful improvement in the credit and standing of your State. I am, very truly,
A. B. BURBANK,
140, Broadway Safe Deposit Company, New York City.
Now, what would that lying Rowan county Democratic speaker have replied to such a letter as this? Would he have said that this investor had made a mistake in his investment? Would he have told Mr. Burbank that the credit of the State was no good, that her bonds were worthless, and that nobody wanted them? If he would not have so replied, why does he want to lie to the people at home who hear him talk about it?
It may interest those who scan these pages to know just what kind of a reply Mr. Burbank did receive. Here it is:
RALEIGH, July 16th, 1898.
MR. A. B. BURBANK, Safe Deposit Company, New York:
DEAR SIR:--This is to tender you an expression of thanks for the kind things said of my State in your letter of July 13th. So far as matters human can be certain,
it is certain that the investments made by you in the securities of this State are as good as the best that can be established. You can rest upon the assurance that the administration of State affairs is now in the hands of an exceedingly earnest, painstaking and conscientious set of men, who regard the honor of the State above all things; and their administration is directed to the end that the credit of the State shall be maintained on an unqestionable basis. For the past twelve months there has been a gratifying increase in the receipts of the State's revenue, a marked increase in the valuation of taxable property, and an enthusing increase in business investments--all going to show the strengthening of the State's resources, and hence, a strengthening of her power to preserve her credit and meet her obligations.
HAL W. AYER, State Auditor.
Now the reader may decide for himself as to the worth and character of two citizens--one who seeks to blast the State's credit and character, or one who recites facts and declares an intention and purpose of seeing that her credit and character shall always be upheld and sustained.
When non-residents ascertain facts, and on the strength of these facts seek the State bonds as a safe investment, why should the people in the State be subjected to such wild and lying statements as the Rowan county Democratic speaker is reported to have made?
Plain and easily accessible figures show that the State is making unprecedented progress, that it is rapidly recovering from the disastrous blow given it and the blight put upon it by a National and State Democratic administration. This terrific blight began with the year in which Democrat Cleveland was elected President, the same year in which the last Democratic machine administration, suffered by this State, was elected to power. With the advent of that power, and its obstructive and restrictive policy, a depression fell over the State and people. Confidence and trust wavered and shook. Business trembled, tottered and crashed, and during a period of six years, 1891-1896, the taxable value of real and personal property in North Carolina decreased TWELVE MILLION DOLLARS ($12,000,000). Panic and ruin stalked abroad in the land, and for the time paralyzed the efforts and energies of the people. But hope dawned again in the latter part of 1896, when the Democratic incubus was hurled away, and in 1897, the first year of the present State administration, there was a recovery of effort and energy, and for the first time in several years the property and work of the people showed an increase in value. The returns made by the various counties of taxable values in 1897 showed an increase of about FOUR MILLION DOLLARS ($4,000,000) over the returns of 1896. These returns will be stated in the Auditor's Report for 1898, and, together with the advance in values of railroad property, will show a total increase of taxable values of more than EIGHT MILLION DOLLARS. And yet the Democratic machine impudently and mendaciously goes before the people of North Carolina with a platform, which deprecates the "deplorable conditions" of the State. Nor is this all of this matter. The overwhelming defeat of the Democratic machine in 1896 gave hope and courage to the business element generally. Confidence has been restored, and the spirit of enterprise is more active than ever before in the history of the State. There are visible and tangible evidences which forcibly attest this statement, but there is also an official record which gives indisputable documentary proof of the fact. The Secretary of State is authorized by law to grant charters to business enterprises of probity and character, and the records of his office declare the truth of what has been presented above with irresistible eloquence. Here is the record of that Department from 1894 to date:
|1894, business enterprises chartered||101|
|1895, business enterprises chartered||138|
|1896, business enterprises chartered||149|
|1897, business enterprises chartered||235|
|1898, to August 30, business enterprises chartered||124|
A most significant fact in connection with these figures is that a large number of well-known business men from other States are participants in these ventures, but by far the larger number of the promoters are well-known, substantial and reliable citizens of North Carolina; and these facts show that the Democratic machine and its defaming, lying press have totally failed to convince people, either at home or abroad, that the reports sent out are worth consideration or notice. The enthusing and exhilarating truth is that the "Old North State," freed from the selfish, narrow, bigoted and degrading shackles of the Democratic machine, is bounding forward with the elasticity of strong, vigorous youth; is convincing all onlookers and spectators that the legitimate and valid interests of every individual or organized body are intensely respected and held sacred, and that an open and cordial invitation is extended to all honest men who desire to do so to make their home within its borders, with assurances that their rights, their opinions and their political liberties shall have the noblest and best protection that an honest, loyal and brave people can give. For twenty years prior to 1897, no such assurance as this could have been honestly given.
And now note carefully.
While all this advance and activity is going on in the commercial and material interests of the State, the Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger," with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
The efficiency and competency of the present State administration resulted in the collection of $33,000 more for the public fund in 1897 than was collected in 1896 under the Democratic regime. This was accomplished in the face of the fact that the taxable value of real and personal property on which taxes were collectible in 1897 was one million dollars less than the value of the same kind of property on which taxes were collectible for 1896. It is true that the taxable value of railroad, telegraph and steamboat property was increased in value to the extent of two million and five hundred thousand dollars ($2,500,000), thus giving a total net increase in the value of taxable property of one million and five hundred thousand dollars ($1,500,000) in round numbers. But this increase in value afforded an increase in revenue of only two thousand two hundred and fifty dollars ($2,250). Where did the other thirty-one thousand dollars ($31,000) come from?
It was realized by efficient attention to official business. The public officers insisted and required that all parties subject to the various license taxes imposed by the State should pay those taxes, and while some changes in the Revenue Law of 1897 caused a considerable decrease of receipts from some sources, the net increase of public receipts was as above stated. This is accounted for by the increase of license taxes charged by the
State Auditor and collected by the State Treasurer from various corporations, etc., and from the increase of fees and licenses collected and reported monthly by the Secretary of State.
The Democratic machine may try to explain away this handsome showing by claiming that there has been an increase in the lines of taxable business from which these receipts were derived. Well, let them take either horn of the dilemma the showing puts them on. The increase is due either to superior efficiency and competency of public officials, or to an increase of business.
If to the first, it shows the great advantage to the State of an anti-Democratic administration over a Democratic administration. If to the latter, it shows no less forcibly that business conditions in the State are much more favorable under an anti-Democratic administration than under a Democratic administration.
And now note carefully.
The Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger" with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from either horn of the dilemma the machine is on.
DO YOU SEE?
One of the lowest, meanest and most malignant efforts of the Democratic machine press, during the past two years, has been to attribute any crime that may have occurred in North Carolina to the fact that the machine had been hurled from power. It was a desperate effort to invent a basis on which to circulate lies. But like all of the infamous fabrications of that press, its effort flies back and gives it a terrific slap in the face, as shown by reliable statistics.
The New Orleans Times-Democrat, the leading machine daily paper of the South, prints the following record as being as nearly correct as a compilation of reports can make it:
Here are the numbers of lynchings in the United States for the last thirteen years:
They reached their highest point, it will be observed, in 1892, when they numbered 235, and have since that date been happily on the downgrade.
The Chicago Tribune, which "keeps tab" of these extra legal processes of executions, distributed the 166 lynchings which took place during the last twelve months among the States and Territories as follows:
Of the 166 lynchings in 1897; 140 were in the Southern and 26 in the Northern States. Of the 166 persons lynched 122 were negroes, 39 were whites, and 5 were Indians.
The alleged crimes for which the victims were lynched were as follows: Race prejudice, 4; arson, 5; murder, 69; robbery, 18; assaults, 39; writing insulting letters, 1; outlawry, 3; by white caps, 4; burglary, 6; elopement, 2; furnishing information, 3; unknown offences, 5; train wrecking, 1; mistaken identity, 1; insults, 1; concealing a murder, 1; disobedience of regulations, 1; running quarantine, 1.
One lynching, it will be observed, was a clear and admitted case of mistaken identity, and it would not be astonishing if a considerable number of other cases of mistaken identity went to make up the list.
It will be seen by this report that the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi and Texas, all of which have been controlled for the past thirteen years by the general Democratic machine--the party of GOOD GOVERNMENT!--are the States in which riot, crime and lawless anarchy prevail to the greatest extent.
And now note carefully:
While all this is going on the Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger," with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
The Democratic machine orators and press stop at nothing in the way of perverting facts; when they think by so doing they can mislead and deceive the people.
Only a few days ago the Charlotte Observer reported one of the machine orators as saying that the school election in 1897 cost $65,000. This statement has been completely nullified by the following letter:
To the Editor of the Observer:
I see in your Sunday's paper that Mr. Theo. Kluttz stated at Lincolnton that the election for schools in 1897 cost about $65,000.
I hope Mr. Kluttz never made any such statement.
Last Fall, after the election was over, I sent out blanks to every county in the State, in order to know just what the cost was.
From the seventy-two counties reported to me, the cost was $12,716.95.
I am sure that half of the remaining twenty-four counties held no election at all, and of course had no expense.
It is safe to say that the election did not cost more than $15,000, all told.
I write in justice to the cause of public education, and feel sure Mr. Kluttz has been misinformed and will not injure the cause of education for the sake of political or personal gains.
With best wishes.
C. H. MEBANE,
Superintendent Public Instruction.
There has been no time in the State's history when there has
There is greater interest among the people to-day of all classes and parties than ever before. This is largely due to the broad, liberal policy of Superintendent Mebane. He has shown that he is earnest in his work, and has merited and won the respect of all leading State educators, regardless of party.
Eleven townships voted a special tax for Public Schools at the last election. The amount of tax voted was $2,260.07. This was duplicated by the State making an extra fund for schools of these townships of $4,520.14.
About fifty townships raised private subscriptions, amounting to $8,596.63.
This amount was duplicated by the State, thus making a special fund under the provisions for donations of $17,193.26.
Thus under the local tax act the school fund in these townships was increased $21,713,50.
During the year 1897, the State Board of Education apportioned to the different counties $56,849.13. Adding to this the fund from local tax and special subscriptions donated, and we have an increase of $78,562.63 above the regular eighteen cents on hundred dollars worth of property, and fifty-four cents on poll.
The Colored Normal Schools have had $4,000 additional appropriations for the last two years, making $8,000 additional for training of colored teachers.
The State Normal College has had its appropriation increased from $12,500 to $25,000, making it equal with the University.
The University was given $5,000 extra for improvements.
The Agricultural and Mechanical College $5,000 for improvements.
The Agricultural and Mechanical College (colored), $5,000 extra.
More funds have been spent for the cause of education during the last two years, and a greater interest has been shown in the cause of education, than ever before.
And now note carefully.
While all this is going on, the Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger," with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
Anti-Democratic management of county affairs has proven and continues to prove to be of immense advantage to the people. In all counties where the Democratic machine has been removed from control there has been a marked improvement in the administration of county affairs. All the illustrations at command cannot be given here for want of space, but a few are presented for the information of the public. Take for example some of the Eastern counties.
Brunswick has made a net reduction of its debt of $2,000; Duplin of $2,024.18; Harnett from $34,000 to $25,000, a reduction of $9,000; Pamlico from $3,000 to $300, a saving of $2,700; Robeson's debt of $17,000 has been practically paid; New Hanover a decrease of $6,525; in Wilson a reduction of $4,756.15, and in Wake from $48,970.56 under Democratic control in 1896, to $37,894.69 under a co-operative board in 1897 a saving of $11,075.87.
These counties show that where the Democratic Commissioners were in debt in 1896 to the amount of $123,033.82; under the new administration, in just twelve months, that debt has decreased to $67,952.65, or a saving of $54,081.20 in the counties named.
Davidson county was under Democratic management from 1872 to 1897. At the beginning of 1897 the county was $6,000 in debt, and a fusion government took charge. To-day the county is out of debt, and in addition to this there have been more county improvements than ever before.
In New Hanover county the rate of assessment of taxes for connty purposes was, under Democratic rule in 1896, forty-seven cents. In 1898, under co-operative control, it has been reduced to thirty-two cents, and the amount of county taxes collected from the people has been reduced from $75,723.59 in 1896, to $56,208.72 in 1897.
Beaufort county expended in 1895 $13,510.14, while under Democratic control, and in 1897 under the new co-operative administration, $6,797.56, a saving of $6,712.58.
Brunswick county expended in 1896 $6,446.58, and in 1897 $5,613.99, a saving of $832.59.
Camden in 1895 $2,975.47, and in 1897 $1,500, a reduction of $1,475.47.
Chatham in 1896 $13,703.40, against $11,775.52 of the new co-operative administration in 1897, a saving of $1,927.88.
Columbus county expended in 1896 $9,465.21, and in 1897 $8,130.41, a saving of $1,334.80.
Craven in 1896 $21,478.27 to $15,990.27 expended in 1897 by the new officials; a saving of $5,488.
Dare from $7,900.23 in 1896 to $2,505.23, a saving of $5,395.
Duplin in 1895 expended $7,482.62, and in 1897 $5,331.01, a saving of $2,151.61.
Edgecombe, 1896 $14,016.51, and $13,216.23 in 1897, a saving of $800.28.
Halifax expended in 1896 $17,947.59, against $15,044.88 spent by the new board in 1897, a saving of $2,002.71.
Nash $10,604.35 in 1896 against $8,533.34 in 1897, a decrease of $2,071.01.
New Hanover expended in 1896 $46,784.99 against $39,703.11 in 1897, a saving of $7,081.88.
Pitt saved under the first two years of co-operative control $4,000.
Robeson's expenditures decreased from $16,994.96 in 1896 to $10,044.02 in 1897, a saving of $6,950.94.
Wake expended under a Democratic board in 1896 $32,927.71 against $27,834.86 under co-operative control in 1897, a saving of $5,092.28.
Washington in 1895 expended $3,135.90, and in 1897 $2,514.11, a saving of $621.79.
The above shows that in the sixteen counties mentioned the total DEMOCRATIC expenditure amounted to $229,373.93, while in 1897, the first year of co-operative control, it had fallen to $174,534.54, or a saving of $54,839.39 by the wise and economical administration of anti-Democratic commissioners.
Under the last Democratic administration in the city of Newbern the expenditures were (for half year ending May, 1897,) $10,824.86, against $7,597.76 for the corresponding period of 1898 under the new administration. The Democratic administration has evidently run short, as they borrowed $2,265.50 from the Farmers' and Merchants Bank to meet current expenses.
The new officials have not borrowed a cent, and had at the end of the half year a balance of $1,330.54. The Democratic board left outstanding vouchers amounting to about $2,000, and of this the new board has paid $1,000. It is charged that the railroad tax fund (a trust fund) amounting to $2,153.27 in 1897, was unlawfully expended instead of being held in the Treasury, subject to the direction of the court as is required, and this charge is laid up against the Democratic administration.
All vouchers of the city are now at par. This same fact will be especially noticed in those numerous counties where, under Democratic control, county script circulated below par.
Western counties that are under co-operative control show the same improvement in county finances.
In Stokes county the current expenditures were, in 1896, $490.22 in excess of receipts, while in 1897, under co-operative control, this was changed to a surplus of $112,90, although the Home for the Aged and some bridges had been improved at a cost of $639.22.
In Yadkin county the amount of claims audited under the Democratic Commissioners was in 1896, $3,816.65, against $3,339.20 under co-operative control in 1897.
In Buncombe county the expenditures for county purposes only increased $381,31 under co-operative control in 1897, although $20,000 of debts that had accumulated under preceding Democratic administrations were paid out of the taxes collected.
Forsyth county, under Democratic control, expended in 1896, $24,601.46; under the new administration, $19,490.39, or a saving of $5,111.07.
Now note some counties where Democratic Commissioners are in control.
The county of Caldwell expended in 1894, $4,480.69; in 1896, $6,532.15, and in 1897, $8,047.62.
Carteret county went from $5,133.08 in 1894, to $5,398.17 in 1896, and $5,975.14 in 1897. In connection with the Democratic management of the finances of this
county, it should be remembered that John D. Davis, ex-Collector of Customs, was engaged as an expert to examine the condition of the county's finances, and to ascertain the amount of the county debt, and report the same to the Board of Commissioners. If this report has ever been made it has never been given to the public or thrown open to inspection, but it is said by reliable parties that the floating debt is from $6,000 to $7,000. The county's paper is sold for 75 cents on the dollar, and most of said paper has passed into the hands of the Democratic bosses, and the county is paying six per cent. interest on this paper--one of the few counties in the State where county paper draws interest, except in cases where it is put into judgment.
Mecklenburg (general fund only) went from $104,517.41 in 1894, to $123,388.57 in 1897; and Rockingham county from $9,005.38 in 1894, to $9,734.01 in 1896, and $11,131.17 in 1897.
Just these four counties show the result of Democratic financiering, and have resulted in an increase in expenses of $25,405.94, and yet the Democratic machine press is trying to make the people of the State believe that the Democratic system of county finance was beneficial and saving to the tax-payers of the State. The result is known to the people, and despite the attempts of a falsifying press to hide the true issues of the present campaign, the people, with all the facts of the case before them, will, on a greater day in one mighty assemblage, forever decide the questions under dispute, by placing on economy the mark of their approval, and crushing to the earth the falsehoods of error, the "Old North State" will continue to advance in the glory of the world.
And now note carefully.
While all this is going on the Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger" with the purpose of trying to divert the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
The North Carolina Department of Agriculture was established by an act of the Legislature. The title of the act was: "To establish a Department of Agriculture, Immigration and Statistics, and for the Encouragement of Sheep Husbandry, as embodied in The Code."
In the Agricultural Building, and closely allied to it, are the offices and laboratory of the State Experiment Station and the State Chemist. The Director of the Experiment Station is the Acting State Chemist and he analyzes all the fertilizers sold in the State, under the direction of the Commissioner of Agriculture. Inspectors are employed, who go to every corner of the State and collect samples of fertilizers, sending them in to be analyzed, under seal, and if these samples are found not to contain as much, or more, of the ingredients as is claimed by the manufacturers, said manufacturers can be prosecuted, and the fertilizers condemned and sold at public action. In the same building, mineral and other waters, soil, minerals, and many other articles are analyzed for farmers or other citizens of the State.
It also contains the State Museum, the best of all State Museums, and the best of any kind in the South, which is being more rapidly enlarged and improved than ever before. Here can be seen specimens of all kinds of agricultural products grown in the State, fruits and berries, minerals, curios, specimens of timber, building stones, gems, ores, and prepared specimens of all the fish, fowls and animals found in the State; also specimens of all the medicinal roots, herbs and barks.
The Agricultural Building has been enlarged in the past two years, and the present officials have, within the past year, rearranged everything in the building, put in new furniture, carpets, and added many important items to the collection, including the famous "Stephenson collection" of minerals, formerly owned by a gentleman at Statesville.
About forty thousand people have visited the Museum in the past twelve months, many of them from other States, and not a few from foreign lands. Every visitor has expressed wonder and pleasure at the splendid exhibit, and the unanimous opinion is that such a display of resources has never before been gathered together from a territory no larger than that of the State of North Carolina.
The object here, however is not to attempt to describe what can be seen in the Agricultural Building, but rather to give the public a comparison between the management of the Department of Agriculture, the last year the Democrats had charge, and the management during the first year of an anti-Democratic administration. The people can then decide for themselves whether or not the present administration is doing its duty.
The Department is sustained by a tonnage tax of twenty-five cents per ton, paid by the manufacturer, on all fertilizers sold in the State. No appropriation is made for the Department by the Legislature. This tonnage tax is collected and is spent for inspection purposes, for pay of officials, for analyzing fertilizers, and to advertise the resources of the State in every way possible. A comparison of the finances under the last year of Democratic management and the first year of anti-Democratic management shows up decidedly in favor of the "fusionists."
From June 14, 1896, to June 14, 1897, under Democratic management
|the Department collected in tonnage tax||$ 52,602.73|
|During the same period they spent||67,470.79|
They disbursed $14,868.06 more than they collected, and, of course, drew upon surplus left over during former years.
The "fusionists," the "incompetents," the "incapables," took charge on the 14th of June, 1897. From that date until June 1, 1898, just
|eleven and a half months, they collected||$ 57,973.75|
|During the same period they spent||37,345.25|
Thus it is seen that the "fusionists" collected $5,371.02 more than the Democrats during the comparative fiscal years and spent $30,125.54 less than they spent. Now let the question arise as to who has made the best record.
The Democratic machine press has made some comment about a "great many inspectors" being employed by the present management. Well, during the last fiscal year, the "fusionists" employed
two more inspectors than the Democrats had during the previous year. They were only at work a few months of the year, and the total cost of the seven inspectors employed by the "fusionists" during the year was but $900 more than of the five inspectors employed by the Democrats during the previous year. In other words, the present administration managed the inspection so well that they collected $5,271.02 more tax than Democrats collected, at an additional outlay of only $900. Was not that a wise investment with good results?
Now, farmer friend, who has managed your Agricultural Department with the greatest efficiency?
It is proper to state that, during the past year, the Department has caused the standard of commercial fertilizers to be raised, and another plan is on foot which will result in still greater advantages to the fertilizer purchaser.
During the last year of Democratic management, the circulation of the monthly "Bulletin," which is free to all farmers, was 21,000. The circulation is now a little over 30,000 monthly.
During the past year the number of fertilizer samples taken and analyzed, was about twenty-five per cent. in excess of the previous year.
And now note carefully.
The Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger" with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from such facts as these.
DO YOU SEE?
In the foregoing pages of this pamphlet there are some remarks which "intimate" that the Democratic machine press is not over-careful about telling the truth. To
emphasize those intimations it is proposed to present here some "sample lies." The general supply for one year would fill a book about as big as all the Democratic machine papers issued in the State for one year would make. They are not presented consecutively, but they are numbered for the sake of convenience. They are of all grades and sizes.
RUSSELL WILL USE THE STATE GUARD TO KEEP CALDWELL AND PEARSON OUT OF
THE CLUTCHES OF THE SUPREME COURT, AND IF THE GUARD MUTINIES,
THE GOVERNOR WILL FALL BACK ON CAPTAIN C. S. L. A.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 3.--Governor Russell is quoted in Wilmington as saying that he "will protect Railroad Commissioners Caldwell and Pearson against the rule recently issued by the Supreme Court of the United States to the full extent of his resources as commander-in-chief of the State militia."
He is reported as having advised resistance to the order of the Supreme Court, saying that the object of the removal of the Wilsons as Railroad Commissioners was to precipitate a conflict between the State and Federal Judiciary. "I will go to jail," he is quoted as saying, "to make the question of Federal usurpation the paramount issue in the next State campaign."
It is not believed here that the State Guard will respond to his call in the event of resistance on the part of Commissioners Caldwell and Pearson. But the Governor's Guard, a colored company of Charlotte, commanded by Capt. C. S. L. A. Taylor, has offered its services in anticipation of the Governor's failure to utilize the State Guard.
In an interview given out to-night, Governor Russell says: "The statement accredited to me with regard to remarks concerning resistance to the order or decree of the Supreme Court of the United States, is unqualifiedly false, and has not even the shadow of foundation, and was concocted by my enemies to injure me and my appointees."
We are glad to see that Governor Russell denies having said, as reported in this paper's Washington correspondence, and that he would resist, with force or otherwise, the decree of the United States Supreme Court attaching his Railroad Commissioners for contempt. We regret that our Washington correspondent was misinformed in the matter. The Observer would not consciously do injustice to Governor Russell, however much it opposes his administration of State affairs. In this connection we call attention to the card of Capt. C. S. L. A. Taylor, in this issue, denying that he had tendered the services of his company to the Governor, or that they had been asked for.
NOTE.--In the foregoing instance the touters over-did themselves in trying to take back what they put out. They tried to make it appear that the Governor had given them an interview in which he denied the statement. The truth is the Governor never noticed them at all.
In today's Charlotte Observer the captain of the only negro military company in the State, and whose company was in Raleigh during the late negro State Fair, uses the following denial of the soft impeachment, so far as he and his company are concerned:
"I notice in your issue of to-day, in reference to a threatened tilt between Governor Russell and the Supreme Court of the United States, it was published that I, as commander of the Charlotte Light Infantry B, N. C. S. G., have tendered the services of my command, in an anticipation of the Governor's failure to utilize the State Guard. This
"C. S. L. A. TAYLOR,
"Com. C. L. I. Co. B, N. C. S. G."
In 1897 Ewart got an act through giving him, in addition, civil jurisdiction with an increase in salary of $500. The Supreme Court held this latter act totally invalid, but the Auditor, under the advice of our blonde Attorney-General, is continuing to pay the $500 for services which are not and cannot be rendered.
The letter of advice from the Attorney-General to the State Auditor stated that it was not clear that Judge Ewart was
Mr. Joshua B. Hill, Chairman of the Board of County Commissioners, is a Republican, and is not out hunting for Democratic newspapers to talk about his party or the actions of men elected by it. All the same, it has come out that Mr. Hill is not at all pleased with certain things with which his position as Chairman of the Commissioners has brought him in contact, and is pretty thoroughly tired and disgusted. One of the chief of these thorns in the flesh has been and is that belated settlement of Sheriff Jones.
So completely has Mr. Hill had enough that he does not propose to stand for re-election to the Board of County Commissioners. Those who are anxious for the job Mr. Hill has found ready cut out for him are welcome to it after his present term expires.
To the Editor:--Noticing the article in the
News and Observer this morning, headed, "Mr. Hill Has Enough," requires, I think, in justice to Sheriff Jones and
myself, that I should make correction. Please allow this in to-morrow's paper. It is not true that I refused to stand for election again as County Commissioner because, as is alleged, of a belated settlement of Sheriff Jones of his taxes. Other reasons move me to decline the honor, which I think is unnecessary to state here. Sheriff Jones has settled in full, State and county taxes for 1897--is all straight so far as I know, and we are personally good friends.
J. B. HILL.
RALEIGH, N. C., August 16.
DEAR PROFESSOR:--* * *I was exceedingly mortified to read the false report in the
News and Observer this morning relative to you and your books. Being the only Democrat on the committee, I am naturally fearful lest you should think the reporter of that paper had gotten his information from me, and I wish to disclaim anything of the kind. With best wishes,
Yours very truly,
B. F. DIXON.
NOTE.--The News and Observer seems to have made a desperate effort to kill the Agricultural and Mechanical College, and to slander the present administration, but every lie it told proved a boomerang to itself.
"Miss Florence Duncan, the little blind daughter of Rev. H. J. Duncan, of this county, while here on vacation this summer, told friends that Jim Young was accustomed to inspect the White Blind Institution almost every week: that he went through all the departments, vested with full authority to give orders to the white lady teachers in charge. Miss Duncan said all this was considered a disgrace and a shame. This comes from one of the victims of the infamy which fusion has brought upon poor old North Carolina."
Hon. John E. Fowler, of Clinton, writes that the statement attributed to Miss Florence Duncan, a blind pupil, that she saw Jim Young on his tour of inspection at the white Deaf and Dumb Institution, is incorrect--that she did not make the statement.
This lie is the crowning glory and success of the Democratic Lying Machine for the campaign of 1898. It is a composite sort of a lie in that it is made up of false statements and lying illustrations.
It consists of two pictures or cartoons, one showing a negro man in a school room with a white lady teacher and white pupils, and the other showing a negro man in a white lady's apartment
alone with the lady. The lady is represented as a teacher in one of the State institutions. In this composite lie there are numerous smaller lies which go to make up the whole. They may be mentioned as follows:
A white lady submitting to the inspection of her private apartments by a negro, which is a scoundrelly and villainous slander. A white lady admitting a negro man ALONE TO HER APARTMENT--a worse slander. The white lady makes no protest--a still baser and more vile slander. No white man in North Carolina who has within him the slightest instinct of decency could ever have made such a representation as this. No white lady would, for a moment, stay in or near an institution that tolerated such a
And a seventh feature in both is that the Democratic Principal of the institution silently submits to what the "pictures" portray. Does the Democratic Principal admit all this as a fact? If he
does not, and says it is not so, then somebody has LIED OUTRAGEOUSLY.
The statement under one of the pictures, is as follows:
Jim Young, the negro politician, is at the head of the Committee on Education in the State White Institution for the Blind, located at Raleigh. It is the duty of that committee to "endorse or prescribe all rules or regulations for the GOVERNMENT of pupils" (white blind children); to settle all "questions of discipline or of misunderstanding between teacher and pupil, or teacher and Principal" (white teachers, white blind children, white Principal); "to prepare and conduct, in conjunction with the Principal, examination of teachers" (white teachers to teach
white blind children); it is required by section 5 that "the Principal (white man) shall report to Educational Committee (that is to the negro, Jim Young) annually before the election of teachers (white teachers) upon the work of the several teachers, their relative efficiency, and of their improvement professionally, and the following additional power is conferred upon this negro politician: "Teachers (white ladies) shall instruct their pupils under the direction of the Principal and the Educational Committee (Jim Young is the Committee) and PERFORM SUCH OTHER DUTIES AS THEY MAY PRESCRIBE."
The statement under the other picture is this:
"Jim Young CONTROLS the Board of Directors of the only Institution in the State at which the white blind children can be taught. Article 4 of the by-laws require "the Committee of Inspection to visit each department of the Institution twice every month, and make a written report to the Board." It is the custom to appoint the members of the Board by turns on the Inspection Committee, who shall visit the rooms and apartments of the Institution, make an inspection, and report "as to their condition." This picture illustrates the power conferred upon a negro politician in an Institution in which most of the teachers and
There is in both these statements the evidence of a tricky, sneaking LIAR The pictures show ONE THING, but the miserable defamer and slanderer dares not say in words what he tries to convey by illustration.
His pictures slander and malign every white lady in the institution, which is the Institution for the Deaf and Dumb and Blind.
Lie Number 12 is effectively nailed by the statements below. As a matter of fact, there was no negro on the Board when the cartoons were made and sent out.
At the beginning of 1897, the Board was controlled by Democrats, and B. F. Montague, Democrat, was chairman. This chairman appointed Young at one time as an inspector of the
Colored Department of the institution. It should be remembered that there are two departments--white and colored--and that they are about a mile apart, but both are under the management of one Principal, Mr. Jno. E. Ray, who is a Democrat.
Here is what he says:
"The law provides for a Board of Trustees of seven members to manage the affairs of the Institution. The Institution over which I have the honor to preside as principal is divided into two departments, white and colored. These departments are in separate buildings, on opposite sides of the city of Raleigh, nearly a mile apart. In selecting the Board of Trustees to be confirmed in March, 1897, Jas. H. Young was selected, probably, with the view of HAVING A COLORED REPRESENTATIVE ON THE BOARD TO GIVE SPECIAL ATTENTION TO THE COLORED DEPARTMENT. Young was confirmed with the others. Of course he met with the board, and it was his privilege to vote on all questions. He generally voted with his party friends, otherwise he avoided interference with the management of the white department. He never came there except to attend the board meetings more than two or three times. Then he saw me at my office, politely transacted his business and retired. I don't remember that he ever served on any committee of inspection of the white department. To me he seemed to studiously avoid doing or saying anything that would in the least embarrass any lady. He has always been respectful to me, both in my official and personal dealings with him. He resigned about June 1st, and has not attended a board meeting in three months. There is not
now a colored representative on the board."
[See? Resigned June 1st, and the lying cartoons were sent out in August.]
Mr. Wm. Royall, principal instructor of the white department, says:
I have always been treated with respect and courtesy. Though I have been absent from no duty during my connection with the Institution, yet I have never seen Jas. Young within its walls, or known of his being there, except at the meetings of the board in the Principal's office. As an instructor in the white blind department, I have had no reason to find fault with the general management at any point. As far as my knowledge extends I feel that I may say as much of the management as a whole.
Miss Laura B. Newsome, lady teacher in the white department, says:
I have at all times been treated with due respect and courtesy; I did not see Jas. Young the entire time he was a member of the Board of Trustees. He never entered my school-room nor did I see him while employed with my duties as a teacher; I never heard that James Young made his presence in the Institution in any way offensive. The general management of the Institution is excellent, everything working in perfect harmony.
And there are now on file similar statements from the following officers of the white department:
Mrs. L. F. Cosby, teacher; Miss Maggie Brumley, teacher; Mrs. N. J. Simpson, music teacher; Miss M. H. Davis, teacher; Miss Nina C. Parker, teacher; Mrs. Meadows, matron; Miss Lynnie M. Grubbs, stenographer; Miss M. E. Moore, teacher; Miss Mary D. Schenck, teacher; Miss T. E. Floyd, teacher; Miss Mary P. Wright, teacher; Mrs. Mary C. Brinson, assistant music teacher; Mrs. C. W. Costner, housekeeper; L. D. Speare, carpenter; M. D. Sawyer, engineer.
The Democratic machine press might have gotten the truth and facts from these ladies and gentlemen, but it did not want facts. It wanted to
lie, LIE, and it has lied. Even now, after what the ladies named above have said, that same Democratic machine press will continue its lying, and the Democratic machine will continue to circulate its slanderous cartoons. There will be no withdrawal of the statements made by the lying press. It has grossly and villaineously slandered the lady officers of the Institution, and this same contemptible, scoundrelly press will stick to its statement, even though by so doing it declares that every lady named above LIES. But what else can be expected of such an infernal, lying horde of political plunderers and pirates?
One bad effect of the lying of the Democratic machine press is the impression left on people abroad who do not know how North Carolina is cursed with such liars. Here is an illustration:
A Kentucky paper, published in the interest of the Deaf, Dumb and Blind, wrote an editorial deploring that the North Carolina Institution had fallen into bad hands. The editorial was based upon articles appearing in our State papers about the institution. But the editorial was so far from the truth that Principal Ray wrote a reply to the Kentucky editor. We reproduce the editorial and Mr. Ray's letter below:* * * * * * * * * *
The North Carolina School for the Blind and Deaf has a new Board of Trustees, of which a negro politician by the name of Young has been made chairman. His appointment has given great offense to the white people of the State, and stormy times seem to be in store for the school. Our old superintendent, Mr. John E.
Ray, is the head of the school. His friends in Kentucky regret to hear of the trouble.* * * * * * * * * *
On the authority of one of the leading daily papers in North Carolina, friendly to Mr. Ray, and professing to speak by the card, the above item appeared in the Standard last week. But a communication from Mr. Ray, who should certainly understand the situation better than anyone else, states that things are by no means as black as the article in question painted them. Though a majority of the governing body are new members, several old ones are left. The negro is not chairman of the Board, and Mr. Ray does not apprehend any trouble in consequence of the change in the Board. It gives us great please to make the above correction. It is a misfortune to any school for politics to get into it, and in addition, Mr. Ray has worked with a zeal and earnestness for the welfare of the school that deserves well at the hands of the people of the old North State. It is to be regretted, though, that such articles as the one in question should appear in the leading papers of the State, when there is so little foundation for them. They are calculated to stir up bitterness and make trouble where none already exists.
Principal Ray submitted the following report to the Board at their November meeting:
First day of session, 1896, there were enrolled in both departments about 188 (I say "about," because no exact record was kept.)
First day of session, 1897, in both departments, actually present, 231.
First day of October, 1896, when I took charge, there were in both departments, 208--97 whites and III colored.
First day of October, 1897, there were actually present in both departments, 262--124 whites and 138 colored.
To-day the enrollment is 127 whites and 148 colored--275, and yet there are 6 more expected this week.
The work in nearly all departments of both Institutions is remarkably satisfactory.
JOHN E. RAY.
This report shows that the attendance increased from 188 in 1896, to 275 in October, 1897, an increase of 87 pupils. These 275 pupils were
supported during the school year of 1897-'98 upon the same appropriations as were allotted in earlier years when the attendance was less by 87 pupils.
Above are presented twelve samples lies of the Democratic machine.
Twelve hundred could easily be presented. There is just no end of them. It is outrageous to think that honest men and gentlemen can be attacked and lied about with impunity by such a raft of vicious scoundrels as is shown to exist in this State by the above samples. The people--the honest and respectable people are fast getting tired of such infernal outrages and a sentiment is rapidly growing in favor of peremptorily ordering them to STOP, and if they won't stop--to STOP them. The State has been maligned and slandered enough at their hands.
Any one who reads the Democratic machine press can easily recall a regular avalanche of its lies by a little effort.
There was the lie about Judge Robinson stuffing cotton in his ears to keep from hearing a legal argument.
There was the lie about Judge Sutton being intoxicated, which was launched by the Wilmington contingent of the Democratic machine press.
There is the lie about the charge Judge Adams made at Columbus court.
There is the lie about Governor Russell riding on a free pass and asking the conductor to "wait awhile" before he showed it.
There is the lie about desecrating and ruining the Capitol square, when, as a matter of fact, the square is more handsome and in better shape than ever before.
There was the lie about the Governor going down to the beech on Sunday with certain other prominent men and there holding a political caucus. Full details were given of what was said and done, with particulars of time, place and circumstances. This stuff was copied in the goldbug sheets all over the State. It was all a lie. The Governor on the Sunday mentioned was in Raleigh. There was no such caucus.
There is the lie about John R. Smith to the effect that his salary as Commissioner of Agriculture was increased so as to make it $2,500, the same as that he was receiving as Superintendent of the State's Prison. This lie has been frequently exposed, and yet their papers and speakers continue to tell it every day. The truth is that Smith receives precisely the same salary paid to his Democratic predecessor, that is, $1,800 a year, the salary for the Commissioner of Agriculture which was fixed under Democratic rule.
There is the lie about Governor Russell recommending that the First Regiment be mustered out and the Second Regiment be retained in service for "political ends." The official records will show just the contrary.
And so it goes on day after day--lies, LIES, LIES--a mountainous landslide of them. And then the Democratic machine imports some specially trained thug from another State, and the same lies that are told here are scattered all over another State. Surely there was never anything like it before. The slime and filth and dirt and slander of this miserable, slandering lying Democratic machine, are all squirted and thrown at public men of unimpeachable character; at the judiciary; at the public institutions; at the women of the State. Nothing is respected or honored by this disreputable and detestable horde, which is seeking to foist itself into a position that will enable it to renew the plundering and jobbery and thieving of which it is so clearly shown, in these pages, to be guilty.
And now note carefully:
While all this lying is going on, the Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger," with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
A gentleman who may, for the time being, condescend to discuss Lie No. 12, in the foregoing chapter with a machine Democrat, can make it mighty interesting for that Democrat if he chooses.
Sections 2853 to 2860 of The Code define the powers of legislative committees of investigation. The rules of the Legislature require the appointment of a committee of "Investigation" for the Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institution. Any member of this committee has full power to send for persons and papers, to compel attendance, to administer oaths, and it is the invariable rule of such committees to visit and "inspect" and "investigate" the institutions. The power of these committees is supreme. Nothing is higher in connection with the institutions.
Now, let's see if it is possible to start this hypocritical Democratic machine press off in a tornado of denunciation of its own crowd for appointing what it is pleased to call "negro inspectors," etc.
In the House Journal of 1879, page 76, it appears that Stewart Ellison (colored) and L. T. Christmas (colored) were appointed on the Committee of Investigation for the Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institutions. TWO NEGROES ON THIS COMMITTEE were appointed by a Democratic Legislature, of which Jno. M. Moring, Democrat, was Speaker. Have you heard the Democratic machine press raising the cry of "Nigger" over this action?
In the Senate Journal of 1891, page 75, it appears that L. Alston (colored), of Warren county, was appointed on the "Committee of Investigation" for the Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institutions. Gov. Thos. M. Holt was President of the Senate that made this appointment, and R. M. Furman, ex-Democratic Auditor, was Secretary. Have you heard the Democratic machine press raising the cry of "Nigger" over this action?
In the House Journal of 1893, page 33, it appears that J. M. Watson (colored), of Vance county, was appointed on the Committee of Investigation for the Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institutions. (1893 was the last year in which the Democratic machine had any power, and note now, that such power was used for the very purpose which the machine now professes to condemn). Lee S. Overman, Democrat, of Rowan county, was Speaker of the House that made this appointment, and he is now joining in the ridiculous, drivelling, sneaking, hypocritical cry of "Nigger."
Just compare the above-named actions of the Democratic machine with its present course. Does it not afford conclusive evidence that the machine is seeking to gain by sneaking hypocrisy and disgusting inconsistency what it cannot win by truth and record?
While the Democratic machine press is making such a great ado over the fact that a negro was at one time a member of the "Board of Directors" of the Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institution, is it not strange--VERY STRANGE--that this same press does not condemn its own machine for AUTHORIZING and REQUESTING such appointments? Why should this press condemn any procedure which its own machine declares for?
The Legislature of 1883 was Democratic--intensely Democratic. There were about two Democrats to one of any other party. And yet that Democratic Legislature passed the following resolution:
"RESOLVED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THE SENATE CONCURRING: THAT IN THE APPOINTMENT OF DIRECTORS IN THE COLORED INSANE ASYLUM AND THE INSTITUTION FOR THE COLORED DEAF AND DUMB AND BLIND, THE COLORED RACE SHOULD HAVE SOME REPRESENTATION, AND THE AUTHORITIES ARE REQUESTED TO APPOINT SOME SUITABLE AND WORTHY REPRESENTATIVE COLORED MEN TO SUCH POSITIONS.
"IN THE GENERAL ASSEMÆLY READ THREE TIMES, AND RATIFIED THIS THE 12TH DAY OF MARCH, A. D., 1883."
(See Laws 1883, page 621.)
This resolution is practically mandatory and is in force and effect to-day.
So, one by one the frail props of the "issue" raised by the Democratic machine snap and crash. There is nothing which that machine professes to condemn, of which it has not been egregiously guilty. Extended comment is not necessary.
It must be remembered that there has never been but ONE COMBINED INSTITUTION FOR THE DEAF AND DUMB AND THE BLIND in the State. That Institution is divided into TWO departments--one white, the other colored. Both have always been under the management of ONE BOARD OF DIRECTORS. A Democratic Legislature REQUESTS the appointment of negroes on that Board, and when such an appointment is made, Democrats raise a grand whooping-cry of "Nigger." The fact and the example speak for themselves.
And now note carefully:
While all this is going on, the Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger," with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
Reference has already been made in the foregoing pages to a matter which will be mentioned more particularly here. The Democratic machine press is copying and scattering from one end of the State to the other a vile and slanderous editorial that appeared in a negro paper at Wilmington. The condemnation of such an utterance is emphatically proper, but condemnation in this case has grown to be a revel with the Democratic machine press. The greatest end it has in view is to make "political capital" out of it, and this same detestable, disgusting press would only be too glad if two or three more negroes would write two or three more such scandalous effusions. They would immediately be taken up and reveled in as "campaign thunder" in the effort being made to hide incompetence and rascality behind the cry of "Nigger."
Not very long ago there was another vile, slanderous article in another paper in this State; but there has never been a word of condemnation or denunciation of it by the Democratic machine press. Why? Because the slanderous scandal was printed by a
Democratic machine paper. DO YOU SEE?
Now, let the two defamations appear side by side. See how they compare:
"Poor white men are careless in the matter of protecting their women, especially on farms. They are careless about their conduct toward them, and our experience among poor white people in the country teaches us that the women of that race are not any more particular in the matter of clandestine meetings with colored men than are the white men with colored women. Meetings of this kind go on for some time until the woman's infatuation or the man's boldness, brings attention to them, and the man is lynched for rape. Every negro lynched is called a big, burly, black brute when in fact many of those who have thus been dealt with had white men for their fathers, and were not only not "black" and "burly," but were sufficiently attractive for white girls of culture and refinement to fall in love with them, as is well known to all."
"Soon she grew accustomed to the negro's presence, and later, as her father was away for days and weeks, Bessie began to welcome the presence of the negro, and look upon him as a protector. Then something happened. It is useless to say that it is the old story of a weak woman tempted."
Does the reader pause? No wonder! The indescribable aud terrific outrageousness of this "sweet-scented" pair of defamers is enough to shock one to a standstill. A negro Democrat defames the women of the State in a general way. A white Democrat offers and asserts proof of what the negro Democrat says. The Democratic machine press makes an awful outcry over what the negro Democrat says. The Democratic machine press is silent as death over what the white
Democrat says. These are two "Twins of Defamation." Why should one escape being damned any more than the other?
Do you believe now, Oh reader, that this rotten Democratic machine press is "flying to the rescue," or do you believe it is seeking to intensify the cry of "Nigger" for the purpose of hiding its villainy?
Let us offer one more test of the "honesty" of the "Democratic machine press."
It has been published in the press, and sustained by the affidavits of ladies of the highest character that a now famous preacher, named John C. Kilgo, in a lecture delivered at Roxboro made this assertion:
"THE AVERAGE WOMAN CAN BE LED ANY WHERE WITH A DIAMOND RING."
Where, Oh where, was the Democratic machine press when this libel and slander on the women was uttered? It is perhaps couched in more elegant language than other slanders, because it comes from a "higher source," but it is none the less vile and villainous. But where, Oh where, was the valiant (?), the gallant (?), the defending (?) Democratic press when it was spoken? Ah, cowards! knaves! viperous, vermin-like hypocrites!! Jump on a negro for defamation. Right, VERY RIGHT. But why sneak away like so many cowardly curs when men, who make some claim to be white men, indulge in the same defamation?
The answer to all is that the outrageous, low and vile machine press thinks it sees "campaign thunder" in one, and no campaign thunder in the other.
Do you believe now, Oh reader, that this rotten Democratic machine press is "flying to the rescue," or do you believe it is seeking to intensify the cry of "Nigger" for the purpose of hiding its villainy?
It is clear that the Democratic machine in Craven county is making desperate efforts to hide the "negro rule" which it inaugurated and kept in force there for years by the frantic cry of "Nigger" that it is now making. There is no necessity for particularizing, at length, the Democratic machine record. Here are some of the facts.
The late Democratic Sheriff had two colored deputies. They were R. R. Davis and David Barrom. Barrom was also the jailer. J. P. Stanley, colored, was constable by election and grace of the Democratic machine.
Miles Shepard, colored, was on the Democratic ticket, and was elected and put in the office of Coroner of Craven county.
The Democratic Board of County Commissioners elected the following negroes as "road overseers" for white men to work under: Peter Petaway, in No. 3 township; Amos Koonce, in No. 8 township; George Artis, in No. 9 township.
Among the numerous negro magistrates appointed by the Democratic machine were Alexander Bass and Jesse Brooks.
E. R. Dudley, a negro, had been elected by Democrats as school committeeman for Newbern, in No. 8 Township, for many years, and has had to sign all the school vouchers for the white teachers of Newbern. General Battle, an ex-Confederate soldier, had to appeal to this Democratic pet to elect his daughter, who was the support of the family, when she was about to be thrown out by the Democratic machine. Dudley voted for her and she was retained.
In 1885 or 1886, B. F. Grady, Superintendent of Public Schools for Duplin county, held a Normal Institute for the teachers of the county in the Court House at Kenansville. Both white and colored teachers attended, and were taught in the same room and the same class by this Grady, who was and is a Democrat. The teachers of both races were so near together that a white lady teacher found it convenient to call on Amos McCullough, a colored man and teacher, to sharpen her pencil--he being nearer to her than anyone else. At the same "Normal Institute" a white lady and a negro woman sat at the same table writing together. Since this occurrence, this same Grady and his action have been endorsed by Democrats, who elected him to Congress for two terms, and he is yet a regular machine gold-bug Democrat. The Secretary of this "Normal Institute" was a Democrat, and he has been since then elected to the Legislature twice by Democrats.
Democratic regime appointed negroes as road-overseers in Robeson county, among them being Needham McEachern, in Blue Springs township, and white men had to work under them or hire substitutes.
The county of Duplin is one in which negro road overseers have been appointed for white men to work under. In Faison township, Simon Loften, colored, was appointed by H. D. Hicks, white Democrat.
The Democratic machine always appointed negroes as road overseers in Warren county. Among them were Gustin Alston, Hanson Williams, Ed. Lewis and others, and white men had to work under them.
NOTE.--The appointment of negro overseers by the Democratic machine was notoriously common. There is neither space nor necessity for but few examples.
And now note carefully:
While all this was going on the Democratic machine was squalling "Nigger" with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
The "secret circular" of Democratic Chairman F. M. Simmons, which was intended to disfranchise voters in 1892, and which did disfranchise thousands is well remembered by the people. That circular was in the nature of a "force bill" or a "packed game." Such a game could be played then because the Democratic machine had charge of the ballot boxes, registration books, etc., which could be manipulated pretty much as the machine directed.
Well, another "secret circular" is out by the same Democratic machine Chairman for the year of grace 1898. But what a change! There is no force or bulldozing in it. There is no "packed scheme" in it, all because present conditions will not permit such things.
Of all the snivelling, absurd, ridiculous boot-licking documents ever issued, this last Simmons secret circular is about the most pronounced. It begs and pleads and whines and whimpers with Populists to come to the aid of the Democratic machine, after the machine had done everything it could to insult the Populists and slapped them in the face.
No Populist now worthy of the name, or who ever has been worthy of the name, can regard this secret circular with anything but ridicule, fun and laughing contempt. The very idea of a machine Democrat trying to "influence" a true Populist!! It gives us the "funny grins." Here is an extract from the "secret circular:"
DEAR SIR:--I know you to be a zealous Democrat, anxious for the success of your party, because it means good government and white supremacy, things of the greatest moment to every honest man in the State. As Chairman of the State Committee, I want to make a personal and urgent appeal to you to exert every effort just at this time to try to persuade your Populist friends that it is their duty to themselves, their families and their neighbors to help us in this supreme struggle to save the State from negroism and the recklessness of the men that now control it. I firmly believe that more good can be done with our Populist friends, many of whom are now wavering, because they love their families and love their State, because they are honest and do not wish to do anything which they know will hurt their State just at this time, than at any other stage of the campaign. They are wavering now, and hence it is the opportune time to approach them upon the subject and their duty. Now, let me beg you that if there be such in your neighborhood or within your acquaintance, that you will see him and talk with him, as a neighbor and a friend, about this matter. It will do more good than literature or public speaking. It is the way, and the chief way, for us to get back these honest men who have left our party and joined the Populist party. Again let me ask you that during the month of August--for this is the best month for us to work--that you will put forth especial efforts with your friends and neighbors, whether of the Republican or of the Populist party, to bring them to a realization of the danger of continuing the present undesirable condition of public affairs in North Carolina; that you will use your personal effort to arouse interest in this election wherever you find a lukewarm or indifferent Democrat. I believe we are going to carry the State, but I am satisfied if we do carry the State that we have got to carry it by the
Please, if you have time, write me a letter and let me know what are the conditions in your section, what our friends are doing, and what you are accomplishing in the line of work that I have herein especially requested you to pursue.
F. M. SIMMONS, Chairman.
Since the writing--indeed since the printing--of the chapter on the Penitentiary in this pamphlet, there has been reported an occurrence which emphasizes and clamps the seal of proof on the statements set forth in that chapter. A convict has died on one of the Penitentiary farms, and it appears quite clear that his death was caused by brutal whippings and beatings. Jim Lowe is the dead convict, and Jim Sears is the name of the guard who administered the whippings. Inasmuch as the disgraceful and barbarous affair occurred during the present administration it is easy to suppose and natural to conclude that the present administration is responsible for it. Well, let that conclusion rest, BUT LET THE FACTS IN THE CASE BE KNOWN.
Reference to the Penitentiary reports for 1893, 1894 and 1895 will show that J. Sears (the name appears as James and Joe), was an employee of the Democratic regime for those years. In 1896, the name of "N. Sears" appears, and it is well known that a man named Sears was under Supervisor McIver (Democrat), for a number of years. All these names undoubtedly apply to the same individual, the changes being probably due to typographical errors.
Unless he had been a DEMOCRAT, he could not have held employment under a Democratic management. In some inscrutable way this man seems to have been retained as a guard or overseer by the present management, and his retention has brought disgrace on his retainers and employers.
Superintendent Mewboorne, of the Penitentiary, was advised of the convict's death by Dr. H. B. Furgerson, and the following is an extract from his letter:
HALIFAX, N. C., Sept. 6, 1898.
Col. J. M. Mewboorne,
DEAR SIR:--I reported the death the next morning in my monthly report. The facts are these: Jim Lowe was a well convict; he was brought in from the field Thursday evening dead. I examined him and found that he had been whipped, by the marks on his body, legs, chest and head. I then made a post-mortem examination. I examined his hair, heart, etc., but did not find anything sufficient to cause instant death. My opinion is that death was produced by over-heat, and I understand that Jim Sears gave him two or three whippings during the day, and by such force did cause his death. MR. SUMMERELL DISCHARGED HIM AT ONCE, and I think he left the county. HE AND THE BALANCE OF THE OVERSEERS HAD BEEN GIVEN POSITIVE INSTRUCTIONS ONLY A SHORT WHILE AGO NOT TO WHIP ANY CONVICT. I write this so that you may take any action you may see fit. Any information in regard to this case that I can give, will be glad to do so. I think this a very aggravated and brutal affair, and told Sears so as soon as I made the examination of the man.
(Signed) H. B. FURGERSON.
Now, the natural conclusions are these: Jim Sears is brutal and pitiless enough to whip to death a helpless man. He was in the employ of the Democratic management for several years, and this is conclusive evidence of the existence of brutal and barbarous deeds under that management.
He had been INSTRUCTED NOT TO WHIP CONVICTS a short time ago, but disobeyed his instructions. It must have been that he could not long refrain from old customs.
The present administration made the grand mistake of retaining a Democrat, for which it must partially suffer the odium that attached to Democratic machine Penitentiary management--all because of THE RETENTION OF A DEMOCRAT IN OFFICIAL SERVICE. Imprudence and misdeeds bring their own punishment, and here is a living illustration of it.
The only thing the present administration can now do is to bring this brutal miscreant to justice. An effort to that end is being made. A warrant has been issued for his arrest, and if caught he will be prosecuted to the utmost. This is, perhaps, the only instance on record in this State in which an effort has been made to arrest a Penitentiary employee for brutality to convicts. If there is such another instance, it has not been made public.
Jobbery and plunder are the chief characteristics of the Democratic machine and its press. They work together for boodle and pelf, as has already been shown, and here is another little illustration.
In 1887, the Democratic machine Legislature established a "Shell Fish Commission." The business of the Commission was to survey certain "oyster lands," etc., and to PUBLISH the account of their survey in certain newspapers The fees received from "entries" of these lands were to be applied to the EXPENSES of the Commission. This whole procedure was a scheme to put money into the pockets of the machine generally, though it did not "pan out" as profitable as it was supposed it would.
The records show that the receipts from "entries" under this law were $835.84. This money was divided up among certain newspapers as follows:
|News and Observer||$293 00|
|Elizabeth City Economist||50 00|
|New Berne Journal||75 00|
|Fisherman and Farmer||30 00|
|Wilmington Messenger||234 00|
It will be seen that the most disreputable, false and slanderous machine papers in the State got the "lion's share" of this deal, viz.: the
News and Observer and the Wilmington Messenger.
The "divy" only left $153.84 of the fund realized, and the Shell Fish Commission "kicked" on such a small amount to be divided among themselves. So, in 1889, the Democratic machine Legislature passed a law appropriating $150 additional for each member of the Commission, and thus the deal was completed, although it evidently fell far short of what the machine and its papers expected.
This is given as an additional illustration of the jobbery, trickery and pillage of which the Democratic machine is continuously guilty when it is in power.
And now note carefully:
While all such as this was going on, the machine was squalling "Nigger," with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it.
DO YOU SEE?
Among the many vicious efforts of the Democratic machine press has been one to magnify every failure to dot an I or cross a T by anti-Democrats, and to proclaim in consequence thereof the incompetency of a "fusion" Legislature, etc. It is known by those acquainted with the methods and course of legislation that nearly all the mistakes to be found in the laws are directly attributable to the engrossment and enrollment of the bills. Let us see by Democratic authority if this is not true. Octavius Coke, Secretary of State, in his report to Governor Holt, December 1, 1892, has this to say in reference to Democratic Legislatures:
I feel it my duty to call to your attention the evils following from the enrollment of the bills passed by the Legislature. These bills, in many cases, are so disfigured by erasures and blots as make them almost illegible. Omissions of one or more words in other bills have lost, in one case,
considerable revenue to the State, and in others have destroyed the real purpose of the statute and impaired the rights of individuals.
(See Public Documents, Session 1893, of the Legislature.)
Many instances could be cited in proof of Capt. Coke's statement.
Take Scarborough v. Robinson. 81 N. C., 409. This was a bill to consolidate and revise the Public School Law of the State. It passed its several readings in the House and Senate, was duly enrolled and ratified, as
Numerous other instances of Democratic blunders--gross, criminal blunders--could be cited did space, patience and charity permit.
Under the administration of the Democratic Governors--especially of Elias Carr, who joined the Farmer's Alliance, and by means of it got to be elected Governor, and then betrayed them--no Populist or Republican could be appointed to the little office of Notary Public. There was scarcely one in the State. Indeed not even a Democrat could be appointed, unless he was recommended by the Chairman of the Democratic machine in the county where he lived.
Under the present administration, pretty much every man who has got intelligence is appointed upon his application and reasonable proof of capacity. The Governor has frequently, no doubt, appointed some of the meanest and bitterest Democratic howlers, and given them commissions as Notaries Public, and these very men would rise in rebellion against a Democratic Governor who would appoint a Populist or Republican.
The conclusion of this pamphlet by no means concludes or exhausts what might be told of the incompetence, jobbery, hypocrisy and dishonesty of the Democratic machine. The purpose has not been to tell all that could be told, for the length of the recital would take more time than is necessary to convince the intelligent and honest voter of his duty. The object has been to give a few illustrations of the GENERAL PRACTICE of the Democratic machine.
It has been shown that this machine has no respect for the sanctity of the ballot.
It has been shown that this machine has looted and robbed and plundered the State when in power, and
attempted to do the same thing when out of power.
It has been shown that this machine has been grossly incompetent and barbarously cruel.
It has been shown that under the present administration the affairs of State are being better managed than ever before.
It has been shown that the Democratic machine has resorted to the cry of "Nigger" in the hope that it will be able to arouse the most devilish prejudice and inflame the wildest passions, and by this to hide what has been exposed in these pages.
That this last effort must fail ignominiously is as plain as the noon-day sun. It effects no one of intelligence and character. The women of the State are clearly seeing through the attempted scheme and deception. This is manifested by what they are saying and writing, and absolute proof of this statement is accessible. A lady recently wrote a strong essay on this very matter, and its presentation here shall be the conclusion of this little document.
Mr. President, Brethren and Sisters:
Perhaps some of you may be thinking that this subject is quite foreign to the Alliance, and may be wondering why so strange a topic should be chosen on this occasion.
But if you will just consider a few moments, you will easily remember when there was such a panic among the people concerning this fearful and wonderful bugbear, that the Alliance lost many of its members.
Every one of you whose hair is whitening, knows that when the negroes were first emancipated, and given the franchise, that the Southern States were overrun with men from the North, or elsewhere, going among the negroes and advising them to vote for the Republican party--"the party that freed you," they said--and warning them that if the Democratic party remained in power, the negroes would be put back into slavery. This sounded plausible to the ignorant colored men, and they were
Now, these men were evidently hired and sent on this mission, and it is quite probable that some of the most influential negroes may have received bribes, for we have not forgotten that they started in life remarkably well, considering the circumstances.
Well, at the same time this other cry of "negro equality," "negro supremacy," "negro domination," was heard in the land.
All this was part of the deep-laid plots and plans of plutocracy to ruin this free government, in order that the farmers and laborers, both white and colored, might be brought into industrial slavery.
It reminds me of Aesop's fable of the eagle, the cat, and the swine. Like the cat, the shylocks and money-sharks, set the white voters and colored voters to watching each other, so that their eyes might be blinded to the real robbers, who were impoverishing the masses and enriching themselves. How well they have succeeded you are all able to bear witness.
After a time the Alliance was formed, and the framers found that unjust legislation was bringing them into poverty; that demonetization of silver, contraction of the currency, and that various other discriminations had reduced the price of produce and placed them at the mercy of others; that they were unable to pay their debts and taxes; that their homes were slipping away from them, and that penury and ruin stared them in the face.
So they set about to reform these matters. Some thought, with Col. Polk, that a new political party was necessary, while others thought not.
Then the war began in the Alliance. And this same horrible old scarecrow, "Negro Domination" was used until all the more easily frightened left the Alliance, declaring that the Alliance had gone into politics, and gone into the "Third Party," and now we should certainly have "negro supremacy."
Now, is there any truth in this unearthly shriek? Do the politicians who do the howling themselves believe there is any danger?
I will just refer you to one instance as proof that they do not. I recollect at one time some of the office-seekers came around during the campaign and bawled and screamed themselves hoarse with this terrible yell of "Negro Domination," "white man's government," etc., until I really began to think that possibly there might be a little peril in the far off coming years. At least, I believed that they, themselves, were honestly alarmed.
They were elected. Before the Legislature met some Northern syndicates commenced carrying off the negroes to colonize them on lands in the West, which had been purchased by these syndicates. The Legislature met and passed a bill taxing any agent who should carry
one negro out of the State of North Carolina FIVE THOUSAND DOLLARS!
Oh, consistency, consistency, most assuredly thou art a jewel!
Another thing that strikes me as peculiar is that there is no danger of negro supremacy except when political campaigns are being waged. After the election is over this frightful old
And still another strange coincidence is, the women never seem to be nervous or fearful, even a little bit, at this ugly, thread-bare and inefficient
It is to be presumed, however, that this is due to ignorance and negligence on their part! But I suppose one reason is, they do not hear these blatant, wild-eyed orators, making the air hideous with their false screechings, until the crows leave the farmers' fields and hide themselves in dense thickets and impenetrable swamps, there to remain until the awfully turbulent tirade ceases on the eventful election day.
Well, brethren, I will tell you in good earnest, you may begin to draw on your seven-league boots and prepare to do some swift running, for this grey-headed, ghostly, old "bugbear" is again drawn forth from his hiding place, and will soon be in his full glory. A few days ago I heard a gentleman ask, apparently in perfect seriousness: "What are we to do with this race problem?" At the same time, admitting that there are not enough negroes in the State to rule it, and a still smaller proportion in the Nation. For answer, I held up the five thousand dollar tax law and inquired why it was enacted and why it had never been repealed.
Again, brethren and sisters: If the colored race in the Southern States is such a menace to good government, what will the United States do with Hawaii, Cuba, Porto Rica, the Ladrones and the Phillippines?
Now, brethren, you know that a white farmer and his colored tenants have the
same interests; both want low taxes, good laws and good prices for farm products. Therefore, they ought to vote together. But these two horrific hobgoblins--"going back into slavery" and "negro supremacy" have kept them separated for a third of a century, and I fear will keep them disunited until the final scheme of the money-power shall have been fully consummated, namely, until the homes of the many shall have been transformed into the domains of the few; and then there can never be any redress whatever, for it is indisputably certain that those who possess the land own all there is on it.
Look at Biltmore, for instance. How few the years, in which Mr. Vanderbilt has been acquiring so enormous an estate. Not that I attach any blame to him however. Far from it. But I do censure the voters of this country for permitting such things to be possible.
A great deal more might be said on this somewhat curious, but quite comprehensive theme. The subject is very prolific, and not readily exhausted. But as you all can speak on it much better than I can, I desist, wishing that the farmers may quit allowing themselves to be hoodwinked, terrorized by something which is doing them no harm, never has done, and never will do them any. In fact, a mere name, wantonly applied to something which does not exist, except in the imaginations of the misguided sons of men; and hoping that the reformers of all parties, classes and distinctions may get together and make one grand and noble endeavor for the overthrow of corruption and oppression in this fair land of ours, and for the establishment of a government of the people, by the people and for the people. And may the Lord so order it that their efforts shall be crowned with success, and that the victory shall be theirs absolutely, undeniably and overwhelmingly.
Awake, ye freeborn voters!
Awake, defend the right;
Let no false cry of Democrats
Hide scoundrels from your sight.
Arise, ye freeborn voters!
Arise, keep down the wrong;
Keep out the looters, thieves and liars,
By FIFTY THOUSAND STRONG.