Use of defensive campaigns
Sanford provides an example of how candidates defend against their opponent's negative campaign tactics. Kerr Scott, he argues, exemplified the utility of an aggressively counter-defensive strategy. Interestingly, Sanford reveals that the toughest political battles are not against another political party, but against themselves.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with Terry Sanford, May 14, 1976. Interview A-0328-1. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
- TERRY SANFORD:
-
But certainly what I learned, and one of the most exciting little
political activities was the leaflet in the Kerr Scott campaign. You
might go back and read the News and Observer for that
three or four-day period, because even today with everything else
that's happened in politics, it remains one of the
most interesting little episodes. We had been geared for the race issue
in the Kerr Scott camapign somehow. Now, you had the Sweat decision and
the Brown decision. The Sweat decision came first, and that came in the
beginning of the second primary in the Graham election, and the Brown
decision came right toward the end. We were geared for that kind of
thing. Well, we weren't going to stop that, but we were geared for dirty
politics.
Ben Roney had traveled all over the east for campaigning, but he also had
alerted a great many of our friends—"The first
leaflet you see, don't assume we know it's out. Call us." So
about Wednesday, we got a call. Now, it could have been Tuesday, it
could have been Thursday. But it was before Saturday's election. We got
a call that there's a package of leaflets left at Cahoon's service
station down here for so and so, and it was left by the state purchasing
director. And it is an endorsement of Kerr Scott, printed out of the
Winston-Salem paper with a picture of a black that he'd appointed to the
state school board, thanking him for being the great friend of the
blacks. Well, that was a phony thing from start to finish. But what we
did to offset it had to save the election. We only won by 25,000 votes.
That thing could have just swept enough of eastern
North Carolina to have turned it around. So what do you do with that?
First of all, we cut loose everybody we could to find out how it
happened in Winston, who put the ad in in the first place, pinned it
neatly and directly on Mayor Kurfoos, who was stupid enough to go in
there with the money and put the ad in.
- BRENT GLASS:
-
Himself?
- TERRY SANFORD:
-
Oh yes, himself personally. Of course the paper didn't want to admit it,
but we forced them to admit it. We threatened suit even. But they
weren't long in realizing that they had played hell in taking a phony
ad. Here it was supposed to be by the Citizens Black Committee of
Winston-Salem or something like that, and there Kurfoos could personally
do anything. Well, that of course helped our case.
- BRENT GLASS:
-
How long did it take you to track that down? I mean, you have three days
to work.
- TERRY SANFORD:
-
About three hours. Then that same night, we sent a man from Durham who
was in the labor union and who had some financial problems and needed
some help on a note or something—I didn't know about those
details—but I asked my man in Durham, "Who have you
got that we can send to the Lennon headquarters to get some
leaflets?" So we sent this boy over there. And this is so
interesting because some people might consider it was a little bit
shifty, but I didn't. I thought it was fair game, and I thought it was
brilliantly executed, if I do say so. We sent this fellow over to Abie
Upchurch, who was the campaign director—I don't think he was
the manager but he was running it, I think, maybe as publicity director,
but whatever it was, he was running it. And so he
gave our boy his card with the name of the printer on the back of it and
sent him down to get a package of the leaflets, and told him,
"Don't put them out anywhere except on the porches of textile
mill villages and in rural mailboxes. And that's the only place to put
them." This fellow got his package and the card with Abie's
scribbling on it, and the next morning we had pictures of that in the
News and Observer. We held the presses. That's
how, by that time, the contact we had with the News and
Observer, Jonathan held a press at least an hour until we could
put that together. This was Thursday night. This had to go into Friday .
. .
- BRENT GLASS:
-
When did you find that out, that this fellow had been, this fellow from
Durham had been . . .
- TERRY SANFORD:
-
Oh no. I just called my friend and I said, "Get somebody to go
to Abie and ask him for some of "them leaflets."
- BRENT GLASS:
-
Oh, ok.
- TERRY SANFORD:
-
So see, now what we did, we were so afraid then, we didn't want that part
of the story told quite then. We didn't want to divert attention. So we
put him up in a hotel suite with Duke Parris, who was from Alamance
County and one of Kerr Scott's drivers and workers, later clerk of the
court over there. We put Duke in there to entertain him; I always said
Duke was his jailer, but we didn't want the press to talk to him. We'd
gotten this material, we'd given the statement, and we really had to
center in now in two days on exactly what we wanted to do. So we kept
this old boy up there and . . .
- BRENT GLASS:
-
Who was this fellow?
- TERRY SANFORD:
-
I can't remember his name.
- BRENT GLASS:
-
This fellow from the labor union in Durham.
- TERRY SANFORD:
-
Well, we later did him some favors in a decent kind of a way and helped
him get . . . he was out of a job, among other things. All he did was go
get the package.
- BRENT GLASS:
-
Right.
- TERRY SANFORD:
-
You know, the package with the Abie Upchurch cards spoke for itself. Then
we . . .
- BRENT GLASS:
-
Any instructions?
- TERRY SANFORD:
-
Oh yes. It was just so clear that there wasn't any denying it. Then we
wired every Lennon county manager, that we would prosecute them if they
distributed it. We took an airplane in every area where they had been
distributed, and leafletted it with the charge that these people were
going to jail. We had the Lennon campaign people calling me:
"I'm not going to distribute them. I tell you I've got them,
but you can be sure that I'm going to burn them." And they damn
well did in most places. Then we wired the FBI and of course released
all this to the press, insisted on prosecution. We wired the postal
authorities, and why was this a violation of the postal . . . ? Oh, in
the mail boxes, and insisted on an investigation. The FBI made the
mistake of wiring me back that they were investigating it. So Saturday
morning, the day of the election, the headline in eastern North
Carolina, and I don't know about the other papers: "FBI
Investigating Lennon Headquarters," is the headline on election
day. Now on Friday afternoon, Phil Ellis, noted radio commentator who
later died, went on the air with a paid political broadcast in the form
of a news story. Of course, it had the disclaimers
before and after but it was very realistic. It told the whole story in
thirty minutes how Abie had done this and how they had violated the law,
playing on the racial things, and how the FBI was investigating them,
and the postal authorities were investigating them, and all the campaign
managers in the county that distributed them were going to be
prosecuted. We put that prairie fire out. We might have gotten our hands
a little burned doing it, but we damn well put it out in two days time.
But everything broke just right. We got a confession from Kurfoos, and
the following Sunday morning when they were still counting votes and it
was just like that, he went to his Sunday school class and publicly
apologized
(laughter)
.