The road to the directorship of COPE
Hobby offers a rough outline for the events leading up to his election as director of the Committee on Public Education (COPE) in 1960. In particular, Hobby explains divisions within the labor movement—primarily focusing on Voters for Better Government—during his initial involvement in the late 1940s and 1950s. Paying particular attention to his friendship with Sparky Williamson and his demise within the movement, Hobby explains how his decision to work briefly with the textile union in Florida and Georgia in 1958 (after he was fired from the American Tobacco Company and was waiting for arbitration of his grievance) was in part fueled by his hope to better prepare himself for the position with COPE should Williamson be fired.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with Wilbur Hobby, March 13, 1975. Interview E-0006. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
So, I went on and worked for textiles and went to Florida and
worked for Claude Pepper …
- BILL FINGER:
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You were working with their political …
- WILBUR HOBBY:
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I was their political director in the South.
- BILL FINGER:
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Oh, you were?
- WILBUR HOBBY:
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Yeah. In 1958. I met a lot of people. So, I went over there and
meanwhile, my local union voted to arbitrate my case, my grievance. Six
or seven months later, we won the arbitration. Well, I wasn't
making but ?85 a week for textiles and I had been working two jobs and
everything and I didn't see any future in it. I had really
gone on with this because Williamson had begun to drink real badly and
he had gotten into trouble in Durham. He had been down to this black
cathouse and had gotten rolled and instead of letting it be, he had
reported it to the police, that he had lost his wallet and watch. There
was a big newspaper spread about it. There had always been some
inter-union rivalry between Williamson and the 176 group at Ligget-Myers
who were very active politically and who were kind of he aded up by a
fellow by the name of Sam Blane, a very shrewd old man. He died here
about six months ago. He was either the first or second vice-president
of the tobacco workers international union and he had dabbled in
politics in Durham there for years and he had gotten a group of right
good workers, guys like Millard Barbee and Al Atwater, who went on the
city council for a very brief period and Sam Latta, P.R.
Latta's brother. They had been in a very bitter fight since
1948, it started before I got into it. I don't
know all the details of it. It sort of centered
… Williamson was the full time editor of the weekly labor
paper and we set up this political group. So, in 1948, the labor
movement supported Mayne Albright for governor. We had at that time what
was known as the United Labor Political Committee, which was AFL and the
CIO together. And at that time, of course, the Teamsters were in the
AFL, but Mayne Albright lost out in the first primary. So, during the
second primary, a man came to the labor journal, I'm told,
and had 15 one hundred dollar bills and he wanted to know who he was
supposed to pay for the labor vote in Durham County. This man was
representing Kerr Scott. When Sparky was confronted with this, he called
Henry Sawyer, who was the business agent for the IBW local and E.M.
Taylor who was known as the grandfather of the labor movement in Durham
and who was president of the plumbers union and had built the labor
temple there. They got together and told the guy that you
don't buy the labor movement's vote. "We
have been talking and probably, we are going to support Kerr Scott, but
your money doesn't buy the labor movement's
vote." They say that the money was supposed to go to Sam Blane
and his organization and the guy had just gotten
in the wrong place, gotten mixed up and brought it to the people who
were doing the work. So, anyway, this was the year before I really got
active so that all I know is what I heard. But after that, there was
always bad blood between those two groups. So, of course, when Sparky
got into this problem down at the cathouse and it got into the paper,
they sent it to Washington and Sparky was in trouble. So, when I went
out for textile, I went to a meeting right after I went on the textile
staff, when they had a conference, a COPE conference in Atlanta. I knew
Jim Bevins, we were good friends and he knew how hard I had worked
locally, so Jim told me, "Since you and Sparky are good
friends, I'll tell you, this trouble that Sparky has gotten
in, we've gotten a lot of complaints." I know that
they sent letter after letter up there trying to get Sparky fired. That
was one reason that I took this job with textiles, so I could
… I thought that I might have the chance to be the COPE
director and so if Sparky was going to lose it, I wasn't
going to do anything to make him lose it, but I was going to qualify
myself. So, I went out. Somebody heard Sparky was about to get fired and
they called around to a couple of people saying this. They asked them if
they would support me for the job and I didn't even know
anything about it. So, Sparky got the idea that I
was after his job because one of the guys called him and told him that
he had had this call and so, Sparky straightened up and did a good job.
Meanwhile, I won my arbitration case and I had to go back to the
American Tobacco Company or give up my job. So, I decided that since
Sparky had straightened up and was going to do right, I might as well go
on back down there and … meanwhile, I had been at Duke for
three years and I figured that I should try to finish college. So, I got
back down there in the plant and Sparky lost his job and nobody said
anything to me about it for around a week and then Leo Hicks let it
slip. Sparky hadn't told me. Sparky and I were real close
until the day he died. So, he had really been misled into thinking that
I was after his job before. Some textile people had started this stuff
because they knew what kind of bad shape he was in. I didn't
really know it was that bad. So, I applied for the job and I put on a
real campaign for it after I found out that Sparky was being fired. Of
course, it was hard to get it, at that time, they had six states,
it's hard to get a job in the same city. Al Barkin was a good
friend of mine, I had worked with textile, which had been his
international union, he had been pushing for me.
Esther Murray, the woman's activity director, knew that I had
the best political program in the South and she was pushing for me. Jim
knew that I had been working hard for twelve years and he knew what kind
of job I had done for textile, so I mounted a campaign. I called these
business agents and asked if they would send a telegram. They said yes,
but you know that people will say that and forget it sometimes, like I
do. I said, "I will write the telegram and send it and charge
it to your phone." I had over a hundred telegrams and I had
letters going and I had worked in Florida and Georgia and
…
- BILL FINGER:
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So, you had letters from there?
- WILBUR HOBBY:
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And the textile people got letters for me from all these people. I
finally got the job and two years later, I walked into the Social
Securities department to see Nelson Cruikshank and some girl said,
"Can I tell him who is calling?" I said,
"Yeah, Wilbur Hobby." This girl said, "Are
you Wilbur Hobby." I said, "Yeah." She said,
"Well, I was working for COPE just before you got that job and
I have never seen anybody with so many friends in my life as you
had." I really got the mail in there. Hell, I bet that I had
four hundred letters and two hundred telegrams in there.