No, not in those original, early days. That made us, so far as the
benefits were concerned—there were many minority physicians treating
that part of the population that was under Medicare. [They] were able to
get some compensation for people [for whom] we'd previously not been
able to. Now that was important to us. But as far as making the fine
lines and rules and regulations that they went by in applying the law,
we still were at a loss. On the presidential level, President Bush
appointed Dr. Sullivan from Morehouse in Atlanta in his cabinet as the
Health and Human Services secretary. The present president, Clinton, has
done what I conceive to be a very fair and equitable job in appointing
people to positions, especially in the area of human services. It's
unfortunate that Dr. Jocelyn Elders got asked to resign because of a
statement that she made, which to me was very unfortunate and ill-timed.
When President Clinton nominated Dr. Henry Foster, who was a good friend
of mine at Meharry, and I've known him for years and years, Dr. Foster
got caught up in that political meatgrinder, where the publicans were
against the sinners. He didn't get confirmed, not because of the man's
stature or abilities, but because he got caught in that political
meatgrinder. Which was unfortunate for the whole country, as far as his
being able to do something is concerned. The National Medical
Association has been in the forefront of medical progress and a system
of health care delivery where the uninsured and underinsured patient is
taken care of, too. We've been right on the cutting edge of that
philosophical stance. Whereas the American Medical Association has been
laid back, and against it. When I was active in the North Carolina
Medical Society—I'm still a member, but I'm an emeritus life member, so
I don't get involved in some of the day to day things like I did when I
was active—they've always raised the specter of "we don't want
socialized medicine." Well, when you ask somebody, "Give me the details
of what socialized medicine is, and what it means, and how it's going to
work," they're not able to tell you what it is. Here again, when the
North Carolina Medical Society was one of the groups that was arrayed
against the establishment of a medical school here in Greenville, only
two professional groups in medicine supported that concept, and that was
the Old North State, and the North Carolina Academy of Physicians.
Chapel Hill, the North Carolina Medical Society, Duke, Bowman-Gray were
all against it to the point that when the Board of Governors, and I was
there as a member of the sub-committee on Medical Education—I was thick
in the fight of all of this stuff. After the sub-committee got split
down the middle, and the chairman didn't want, I'm sure, to break the
tie, they engineered a [solution]. They said, "Let's employ a group of
distinguished medical educators, and let them help decide." So we
created that group at [UNC system President] Friday's insistence, and
brought five medical educators in, who went about the state for
Page 20four or five months. They made a report back to the
Board of Governors, and the essence of that report was that North
Carolina did not need another degree-granting medical school at this
time and this place. I made my little contribution by speaking against
the approval of this report, because [I said], "It is not going to
silence the cry from Pigfoot Junction and Calico and Chitlin Switch and
Beargrass, those people out there who have been deprived of medical
care. They're not going to be quieted by the fact that we don't do
something about it. It would be foolhardy for us to think that adoption
of this recommendation would forever put the question to rest. It was
some two thousand years ago that Christ died. He hung on the cross, he
was buried, but he rose again. In like manner, this question's going to
keep rising and rising until something is done about it. If we adopt
this report, the only thing that we will do is to take the ball from the
academic arena, where it should be in my judgment, and toss it over to
the political arena, where it doesn't necessarily belong. But within our
time, let me turn prophet a moment, there will be another
degree-granting medical school in the state of North Carolina. The
politicians are going to do what we are reluctant to do." And I sat
down. It turned out that I was a prophet. What happened, based on the
fact that there were 32 members of the Board, 18 voted to approve this
recommendation of the five distinguished medical educators. There were
14 of us against. Here again, the minority presence was felt, because
there were seven minority members on that 32-member board, and all seven
of the minority members stood firm against the adoption of this report
saying that there was no need. Seven majority members joined us seven
minority members, and that made the final count 18 to adopt, 14 were
opposed. The closeness of that vote gave some impetus to getting some
legislation introduced to the General Assembly. Carl Stewart from the
House and Senator Scott introduced the bill to create the medical
school. So the Stewart-Scott Bill was debated. It was referred to the
reference committee of five people, and it was up to the reference
committee to report it out so it could be considered. If that committee
doesn't report that legislation out of committee, it's dead. The
reference committee split down the middle, two and two. You know who
broke that tie? The then-Representative Henry E. Frye from Greensboro.
Representative Frye is now Justice Henry Frye, he's the only minority
member of the state Supreme Court. He broke the tie, and let this
legislation come out of committee. Both sides were really lobbying
Henry, who raised the question of "what are we going to do about
minority education?" The pros said, "OK, Henry. If there's something you
want in the legislation, go ahead, and we'll accept whatever you say."
So Henry scribbled on there that he wanted a mandate for the recruitment
and retention of minorities. So far as I know, it is the only medical
school in the country with that particular mandate for the recruitment
and retention of minorities. Here again, I'm trying to paint a picture
to show you where the minority attitude of looking out for the
unlooked-out-for is prevailing. All through this is a very clear pattern
where, in many other instances, the majority attitude is, "If you can
survive, OK, but if you're not in the
Page 21survival
group, the heck with you." Our attitude has always been supportive of
the underdog, and that's an important thing to me.